About the Authors

关于作者

Nick J Fox is honorary Professor of Sociology at the University of Sheffield, UK, in the School of Health and Related Research. He is the author of books and papers applying new materialist and posthuman approaches to a range of sociological topics including health, sexualities, emotions, creativity and research methodology.

尼克-福克斯（Nick J Fox）是英国谢菲尔德大学健康与相关研究学院的名誉社会学教授。他著书立说，将新唯物主义和后人类方法应用于一系列社会学课题，包括健康、性、情感、创造力和研究方法。

Pam Alldred is Reader in Sociology and Youth Studies in the Department of Clinical Sciences, Brunel University London, UK. She has researched sexualities and sex & relationship education, gendered and sexual violence, and the views of children and young people, lesbian mothers and young mothers on inequalities and education and social policy issues. She has published on research methods, particularly feminist and discursive approaches, and is lead editor of the Handbook of Youth Work Practice (Sage, 2017).

Pam Alldred 是英国伦敦布鲁内尔大学临床科学系社会学和青年研究专业的讲师。她曾研究性问题和性与关系教育、性别暴力和性暴力，以及儿童和青少年、女同性恋母亲和年轻母亲对不平等、教育和社会政策问题的看法。她发表过关于研究方法，特别是女权主义和话语方法的文章，并且是《青年工作实践手册》（Sage，2017 年）的主编。

Part 1 New Materialism and the Sociological Imagination

第 1 部分 新唯物主义与社会学想象力

1 Introduction

1 引言

This is a book designed for social scientists, and more specifically for sociologists. It is about sociology and for sociology: its core aim is to suggest what the new materialism can offer to a sociological imagination, and for the exploration of the social problems and topics that concern those working, studying, teaching and researching in sociology. It is the book on new materialisms that we would want to read ourselves, as we are accustomed to focusing on practical and policy issues in areas such as gender and sexuality, education, health, technology, social inequalities and so forth. Our primary concern with new materialism is as a tool to help us do social research that is both appropriate and useful; to gain fresh insights into the myriad of aspects of society and social processes that assail us on all sides; to make sense of the social world in ways that can offer solutions to social problems; and to try to frame and support activism towards environmental and social justice.

这是一本为社会科学家，更具体地说是为社会学家设计的书。它是关于社会学的，也是为社会学而写的：它的核心目标是提出新唯物主义能为社会学的想象力提供什么，以及为探索那些与社会学的工作、学习、教学和研究相关的社会问题和课题提供什么。我们习惯于关注性别与性、教育、健康、技术、社会不平等等领域的实际问题和政策问题，而这本书正是我们自己希望阅读的新唯物主义著作。我们对新唯物主义的主要关注点是将其作为一种工具，帮助我们开展既适当又有用的社会研究；对社会和社会进程的方方面面有新的认识，这些社会和社会进程从各个方面向我们袭来；以能够为社会问题提供解决方案的方式来认识社会世界；以及努力为实现环境和社会正义的活动提供框架和支持。

For these reasons, we do not intend to devote the next 200 pages to an exposition of the differing theories that make up the new materialisms, or engage in closely-argued point-scoring over other social science perspectives such as poststructuralism or critical realism. There are other texts that set out to do these things, and we will provide suggested reading for those readers who wish to explore them. Instead, we are going to spend our time and yours exploring the practical applications of new materialism to the practice of doing sociology - offering critical insights into the social world, developing theory that can explain human societies and cultures, and undertaking empirical research to answer specific sociological questions.

因此，我们不打算在接下来的 200 页中阐述构成新唯物主义的各种不同理论，也不打算就后结构主义或批判现实主义等其他社会科学观点进行激烈的观点争论。还有其他一些文章也在做这些事情，我们将为那些希望探究这些文章的读者提供阅读建议。相反，我们将把时间和精力用于探讨新唯物主义在社会学实践中的实际应用--提供对社会世界的批判性见解，发展能够解释人类社会和文化的理论，以及开展实证研究以回答具体的社会学问题。

In the humanities and social sciences, ‘new materialism’ has become a collective term used to denote a range of perspectives that have in common what has been described as a ‘turn to matter’. Possibly the best known of these in contemporary sociology is actor-network theory (Law, 1992) - an approach that recognizes non-human agency that has been applied most widely in science and technology studies. However, the variety of approaches now described as ‘new materialisms’ are mind-numbingly diverse, drawing on perspectives from biophilosophy to quantum physics to queer and feminist theories (Coole and Frost, 2010: 4). As the name implies, these perspectives emphasize the materiality of the world and everything - social and natural - within it. What these various approaches have in common is a concern with the material workings of power, and a focus firmly upon social production rather than upon social construction (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 4; Taylor and Ivinson, 2013: 666).

在人文和社会科学领域，"新唯物主义 "已成为一个统称，用来指代一系列观点，这些观点的共同点是 "转向物质"。在当代社会学中，最著名的观点可能是行动者网络理论（Law，1992 年）--一种承认非人类能动性的方法，在科技研究中得到了最广泛的应用。然而，现在被称为 "新唯物主义 "的方法多种多样，从生物哲学到量子物理学，再到同性恋和女权主义理论（Coole and Frost, 2010: 4），令人眼花缭乱。顾名思义，这些观点强调世界的物质性以及世界中的一切--社会的和自然的--。这些不同方法的共同点是关注权力的物质运作，坚定地关注社会生产而非社会建构（Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 4; Taylor and Ivinson, 2013: 666）。

Materialism is nothing new within sociology, of course, and later in this introduction we will recall the rise and demise of ‘old’ materialist sociology during the 20th century. The new materialist sociology that is now emerging is in no way a return to this earlier emphasis, however. Instead it has taken on board insights from the ‘linguistic turn’ of post-structuralism and constructivism that have rejected the earlier materialism’s deterministic explanations of social organization and social action, and recognized intricate links between power and resistance, language and knowledge, bodies and subjectivity (Fox, 2016; Game, 1991; Nash, 2001; Parker, 1992; Rose, 1999). Among the radical claims of new materialist theorists are the propositions that:

当然，唯物主义在社会学中并不新鲜，在本导言的后面，我们将回顾 20 世纪 "旧 "唯物主义社会学的兴起和消亡。然而，正在兴起的新唯物主义社会学决不是对这一早期重点的回归。相反，它采纳了后结构主义和建构主义 "语言转向 "的见解，摒弃了早期唯物主义对社会组织和社会行动的决定论解释，承认了权力与反抗、语言与知识、身体与主观性之间错综复杂的联系（Fox, 2016; Game, 1991; Nash, 2001; Parker, 1992; Rose, 1999）。新唯物主义理论家的激进主张包括以下命题：

- the material world and its contents are not fixed, stable entities, but relational, uneven, and in constant flux (Barad, 1996; Coole and Frost, 2010: 29; Lemke, 2015);

物质世界及其内容并非固定、稳定的实体，而是相互关联、不均衡且不断变化的（Barad, 1996; Coole and Frost, 2010: 29; Lemke, 2015）；

- ‘nature’ and ‘culture’ should not to be treated as distinct realms, but as parts of a continuum of materiality. The physical and the social both have material effects in an ever-changing world (Braidotti, 2013: 3; Haraway, 1997: 209); and

自然 "和 "文化 "不应被视为不同的领域，而应被视为物质性连续体的一部分。在不断变化的世界中，物质和社会都具有物质效应（Braidotti, 2013: 3; Haraway, 1997: 209）；以及

- a capacity for 'agency' - the actions that produce the social world - extends beyond human actors to the non-human and inanimate (Braidotti, 2013; DeLanda, 2006; Latour, 2005).

代理 "能力--产生社会世界的行动--超越了人类行为者，延伸到非人类和无生命的事物（Braidotti, 2013; DeLanda, 2006; Latour, 2005）。

Many of these claims run directly counter to the mainstream sociological ontology (Karakayali, 2015), and in the early chapters of this book we will look fully at the basis for these assertions by new materialist scholars. But as we begin this exploration of a new materialist sociology, it is worth noting that - both theoretically and when applied to empirical research - these statements both challenge some foundational propositions of contemporary sociology, and radically extend materialist analysis beyond traditional concerns with structural and ‘macro’ level social phenomena (van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010: 159). First, they shift sociological focus from individuals and human subjects to how relational networks or assemblages of animate and inanimate affect and are affected (DeLanda, 2006: 4; Mulcahy, 2012: 10; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011: 145). Second, they recognize that the production of the social world is due to a wide variety of forces, including desires, feelings and meanings (Braidotti, 2000: 159; DeLanda, 2006; 5). Finally, they supply a posthuman (Braidotti; 2006a: 37; 2013: 169) focus for the social sciences and social inquiry that does not privilege humans in relation to the rest of the natural and social environment.

其中许多主张直接与主流社会学本体论背道而驰（Karakayali，2015），在本书的前几章，我们将全面探讨新唯物主义学者提出这些主张的依据。但是，在我们开始探索新唯物主义社会学时，值得注意的是--无论是从理论上还是应用于实证研究时--这些论断既挑战了当代社会学的一些基础命题，又从根本上扩展了唯物主义分析，使其超越了对结构和 "宏观 "层面社会现象的传统关注（van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010: 159）。首先，它们将社会学的重点从个人和人类主体转移到有生命和无生命的关系网络或组合如何影响和被影响（DeLanda，2006: 4；Mulcahy，2012: 10；Youdell 和 Armstrong，2011: 145）。其次，他们认识到社会世界的产生是由各种力量造成的，包括欲望、情感和意义（Braidotti, 2000: 159; DeLanda, 2006; 5）。最后，它们为社会科学和社会探究提供了一个后人类（Braidotti, 2006a: 37; 2013: 169）的焦点，而不是将人类与自然和社会环境的其他部分相提并论。

Materialism re-booted

唯物主义重启

To begin our odyssey toward a new materialist social science, and to understand more what the turn to matter means for sociology, it is worth looking back briefly to previous sociological materialisms. Materialism was a significant feature of early sociology, most notably within the work of Karl Marx, though also for Durkheim, in whose perspective both material factors and human consciousness contributed to the production of society (Durkheim, 1984: 223), and for Weber, whose analysis of capitalism and ideology acknowledged material factors (Weber, 1930: 183).

为了开始我们迈向新唯物主义社会科学的征程，并进一步了解物质转向对社会学的意义，我们不妨简要回顾一下以往的社会学唯物主义。唯物主义是早期社会学的一个重要特征，其中最著名的是卡尔-马克思的著作，但杜克海姆和韦伯也是如此，杜克海姆认为物质因素和人的意识都有助于社会的产生（Durkheim, 1984: 223），韦伯对资本主义和意识形态的分析也承认物质因素（Weber, 1930: 183）。

At its most emblematic, Marx’s ‘historical materialist’ formulation provided sociology with a means to describe and explain contemporary social processes. Its sociological analysis focused on the historical development of social institutions and practices, within a broad economic and political context of material production and consumption (Edwards, 2010: 282). This emphasis inflected materialist analysis with a concern with ‘structural’ or ‘macro-level’ forces deriving from the social relations of production; typically - in contemporary sociology - of capitalist production. All of social life, from patterns of work and material consumption to family formations and gendered divisions of labour, was explained in terms of these relations of production. Power was conceptualized as a top-down phenomenon, exerted by a dominant social class over an oppressed class of working people (Giddens, 1981: 58; Nigam, 1996: 9; van Krieken, 1991).

最具代表性的是，马克思的 "历史唯物主义 "表述为社会学提供了一种描述和解释当代社会进程的方法。其社会学分析侧重于在物质生产和消费的广泛经济和政治背景下，社会制度和实践的历史发展（Edwards，2010：282）。这一重点体现了唯物主义分析对 "结构 "或 "宏观 "力量的关注，这些力量来自于社会生产关系；在当代社会学中，典型的是资本主义生产关系。所有的社会生活，从工作和物质消费模式到家庭结构和性别分工，都是根据这些生产关系来解释的。权力被概念化为一种自上而下的现象，由占统治地位的社会阶层施加于受压迫的劳动人民阶层（Giddens, 1981: 58; Nigam, 1996: 9; van Krieken, 1991）。

This materialist strand within sociology was progressively diluted during the last century. A rival ‘idealist’ thread (which emphasized the part human ideas, beliefs and values shape society) began with Simmel, Weber and Mead, and led through Schutz, interpretivism and phenomenology variously to interactionism, some forms of social constructionism, and humanistic sociology (Berger and Luckmann, 1971: 208; Nash, 2001: 78; Shalin, 1990). Meanwhile, the emergence of micro-sociologies focused increasingly on interaction, experiences, knowledge and eventually ‘discourse’ (Berger and Kellner, 1964; Mulkay, 1985; Scheff, 1994).

上个世纪，社会学中的这一唯物主义分支逐渐被淡化。与之对立的 "理想主义"（强调人的思想、信念和价值观对社会的塑造作用）从西美尔、韦伯和米德开始，经过舒茨、解释学和现象学，发展到互动论、某些形式的社会建构主义和人文社会学（伯杰和勒克曼，1971: 208；纳什，2001: 78；沙林，1990）。与此同时，微观社会学的出现越来越多地关注互动、经验、知识以及最终的 "话语"（Berger and Kellner, 1964; Mulkay, 1985; Scheff, 1994）。

The feminist and post-colonial sociologies that grew in parallel with this idealist thread criticized Marxian materialism for a narrow or reductionist focus upon social class, at the expense of recognition of the power relations between genders, between races and between other social divisions, and of the interactions between these disparate and independent processes of oppression (Barrett and McIntosh, 1982; Crenshaw, 1989; Hall, 1996; Henriques et al., 1998; MacKinnon, 1982). The demise of the Soviet bloc in the 1980s may also have undermined the authority of a sociology founded in historical or dialectical materialism (Pakulski, 1993: 287; Rojek and Turner, 2000: 635).

与这一理想主义主线同时发展起来的女权主义和后殖民社会学批评马克思唯物主义狭隘地或还原地关注社会阶级，而忽视了对性别之间、种族之间和其他社会分化之间的权力关系的认识，以及对这些不同的、独立的压迫过程之间的相互作用的认识（Barrett 和 McIntosh，1982 年；Crenshaw，1989 年；Hall，1996 年；Henriques 等人，1998 年；MacKinnon，1982 年）。苏联集团在 20 世纪 80 年代的解体也可能削弱了建立在历史唯物主义或辩证唯物主义基础上的社会学的权威性（Pakulski, 1993: 287; Rojek and Turner, 2000: 635）。

For all these reasons, when the post-structuralist or ‘linguistic’ turn in the social sciences - informed by feminist, post-colonialist and queer theory (Braidotti, 2006: 27) - sought to understand the material workings of power in social fields and to theorize resistance, it found the economic determinism of historical materialism insufficient to critique satisfactorily patriarchy, misogyny and homophobia, and rationalism, science and modernism, or to supply a critical and radical stance to underpin struggles for social justice and plurality (Bonnell and Hunt, 1999: 8; Braidotti, 2006: 24-25； Game, 1991： 12). Instead, theorists working in this perspective re-imagined class, gender, social organizations and bodies in terms of human culture and textuality (Friedland and Mohr, 2004: 2), providing new perspectives on power, resistance and social identity (Butler, 1990; Foucault, 1980; Henriques et al., 1998).

由于上述原因，当社会科学中的后结构主义或 "语言学 "转向--以女权主义、后殖民主义 和同性恋理论为基础（Braidotti, 2006：27）--试图理解权力在社会领域的物质运作并将抵抗理论化时，发现历史唯物主义的经济决定论不足以令人满意地批判父权制、厌恶女性和仇视同性恋，以及理性主义、科学和现代主义，也不足以提供一种批判性的激进立场来支持争取社会正义和多元化的斗争（Bonnell and Hunt, 1999: 8; Braidotti, 2006: 24-25；Game, 1991: 12）。相反，从这一角度出发的理论家从人类文化和文本性的角度重新认识了阶级、性别、社会组织和身体（Friedland and Mohr, 2004: 2），为权力、反抗和社会认同提供了新的视角（Butler, 1990; Foucault, 1980; Henriques et al.）

This post-structuralist trend has been criticized by some for privileging textu- ality and cultural interpretation within the sociological imagination, at the expense of matter and materiality (Bonnell and Hunt, 1999: 9; Rojek and Turner, 2000: 639-640). The ‘new’ materialisms that have subsequently emerged within the social sciences and humanities are thus in part a reaction against this textu- alization of the social world. However, some new materialist approaches have retained insights from post-structuralism concerning power, culture and social action, while resisting longings for sociology’s earlier reductionist materialism. However, the new materialism radically extends the scope of materialist analysis beyond both traditional concerns with structural and ‘macro’ level social phenomena (van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010: 159) and post-structuralism’s concern with construction (Coole and Frost, 2010: 7; Taylor and Ivinson, 2013: 666). It addresses issues such as identity, interpersonal relations or sexuality, often regarded as the remit of micro-sociology because of their concern with how thoughts, desires, feelings and abstract concepts contribute to the social world (Braidotti, 2000: 159; DeLanda, 2006: 5).

这种后结构主义趋势受到一些人的批评，认为它在社会学的想象力中赋予了文本性和文化阐释以特权，而牺牲了物质和物质性（Bonnell and Hunt, 1999: 9; Rojek and Turner, 2000: 639-640）。因此，随后在社会科学和人文学科中出现的 "新 "唯物主义在某种程度上是对这种社会世界文本化的反动。然而，一些新唯物主义方法保留了后结构主义关于权力、文化和社会行动的见解，同时抵制了对社会学早期还原唯物主义的渴望。然而，新唯物主义从根本上扩展了唯物主义分析的范围，超越了传统的对结构和 "宏观 "层面社会现象的关注（van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010: 159），也超越了后结构主义对建构的关注（Coole and Frost, 2010: 7; Taylor and Ivinson, 2013: 666）。它涉及身份、人际关系或性行为等问题，这些问题通常被视为微观社会学的研究范围，因为它们关注的是思想、欲望、情感和抽象概念如何对社会世界做出贡献（Braidotti, 2000: 159; DeLanda, 2006: 5）。

Why a new materialist sociology?

为什么要建立新唯物主义社会学？

In our view, there are a number of key reasons why the new materialisms offer opportunities for sociology, and we want to set these out now, though we will revisit this question throughout the book.

我们认为，新唯物主义为社会学提供了机遇，这其中有几个关键原因，我们现在就来阐述一下，不过我们会在全书中再次讨论这个问题。

First is the emphasis that new materialists place upon ontology (concern with the kinds of things that exist) rather than epistemology (which addresses how these things can be known by an observer). Historically, sociology stepped away from ontological concerns, to focus upon how knowledge of the social world may be gained (De Castro, 2004： 283-4). The debates over whether it is possible to know a social world beyond human constructs (or even if there is such a world independent of human thought) has divided the sociological community, but has also contributed to barriers between quantitative and qualitative research approaches that appear to deal with different aspects of the social. New materialist scholars regard their own efforts to re-focus on ontology as a means to cut across an irresolvable argument between two self-contained belief systems (realism and idealism), but also as necessary to address assumptions about what matter is and what it does (Barad, 1996： 163, see also Karakayali, 2015).

首先，新唯物主义者强调本体论（关注存在的事物的种类），而不是认识论（解决观察者如何认识这些事物的问题）。从历史上看，社会学摆脱了对本体论的关注，转而关注如何获得社会世界的知识（De Castro, 2004： 283-4）。关于是否有可能了解人类建构之外的社会世界（或者甚至是否存在这样一个独立于人类思想之外的世界）的争论使社会学界产生了分歧，同时也造成了定量研究方法与定性研究方法之间的障碍，而定量研究方法似乎涉及社会的不同方面。新唯物主义学者将自己重新关注本体论的努力视为跨越两个自足的信仰体系（现实主义和唯心主义）之间无法解决的争论的一种手段，同时也是解决关于物质是什么以及物质做什么的假设所必需的（Barad, 1996： 163，另见 Karakayali, 2015）。

Second, while there is some divergence across the new materialist terrain, the distinctive ontology advocated by new materialist scholars has been described as ‘flat’ or ‘monist’ (as opposed to ‘dualist’), rejecting differences between ‘natural’ and ‘cultural’ realms, human and non-human, ‘base’ and ‘superstructure’, micro and macro, and perhaps most significantly for sociology, mind and matter (van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010). By challenging any distinction between the materiality of the physical world and the social constructs of human thoughts and desires, it opens up the possibility to explore how each affects the other, and how things other than humans (for instance, a tool, a technology or a building) can be social ‘agents’, making things happen. So sociology from a new materialist perspective would become ‘post- anthropocentric’ (Braidotti, 2011： 327), shifting humans from the central focus of sociological attention, and facilitating this ‘post-human’ sociology to engage productively with the world beyond the human： with other living things, and with the wider environment of matter and things.

其次，尽管新唯物主义领域存在一些分歧，但新唯物主义学者所倡导的独特本体论被称为 "扁平 "或 "一元论"（而非 "二元论"），它摒弃了 "自然 "与 "文化 "领域、人类与非人类、"基础 "与 "上层建筑"、微观与宏观之间的差异，或许对社会学而言，最重要的是摒弃了思想与物质之间的差异（van der Tuin 和 Dolphijn，2010 年）。新唯物主义社会学挑战了物质世界的物质性与人类思想和欲望的社会建构之间的任何区别，为探索两者如何相互影响，以及人类以外的事物（如工具、技术或建筑）如何成为社会 "媒介"，使事情发生提供了可能。因此，从新唯物主义视角出发的社会学将成为 "后人类中心主义"（Braidotti，2011：327），将人类从社会学关注的中心转移开来，并促进这种 "后人类 "社会学与人类以外的世界：与其他生物、更广泛的物质和事物环境进行富有成效的互动。

New materialism’s flat ontology also marks the rejection of any sense of social structures (for instance, ‘patriarchy’, ‘neo-liberalism’ or ‘masculinity’) as ‘explanations’ of how societies and cultures work (Latour, 2005： 130). There are no structures, no systems and no mechanisms at work in new materialist ontology; instead there are ‘events’; an endless cascade of events comprising the material effects of both nature and culture that together produce the world and human history. Exploring the relational character of these events and their physical, biological and expressive composition becomes the means for sociology to explain the continuities, fluxes and ‘becomings’ that produce the world around us. We explore these issues in detail in Chapter 4.

新唯物主义的平面本体论也标志着摒弃了任何将社会结构（例如 "父权制"、"新自由主义 "或 "男性气质"）作为社会和文化如何运作的 "解释 "的意识（拉图尔，2005：130）。在新唯物主义本体论中，没有结构、没有系统、也没有机制在起作用；取而代之的是 "事件"；一连串无穷无尽的事件，包括自然和文化的物质效应，共同造就了世界和人类历史。探索这些事件的关系特征及其物理、生物和表达构成，成为社会学解释产生我们周围世界的连续性、流动性和 "成为 "的手段。我们将在第 4 章详细探讨这些问题。

Third, many of the leading new materialist scholars - notably feminists, postcolonial scholars and queer theorists - have developed or adopted their perspectives on the world because they are socially and politically engaged, and have sought a framework that is materially embedded and embodied (Braidotti, 2011： 128) - a perspective that is capable of use both to research the social world and to seek to change it for the better. While post-structuralism and social constructionism provided a means to break through top-down, determinist theories of power and social structure, the focus upon textuality, discourses and systems of thought in these approaches tended to create distance between theory and practice, and gave the sense that radical, interventionist critiques of inequities and oppressions were merely further constructions of the social world. The turn to matter offers a re-immersion in the materiality of life and struggle, and a recognition that in a monist world - because there is no 'other level' that makes things do what they do - everything is necessarily relational and contextual rather than essential and absolute.

第三，许多著名的新唯物主义学者--尤其是女权主义者、后殖民主义学者和同性恋理论家--之所以发展或采用他们的世界观，是因为他们参与了社会和政治，并寻求一种物质嵌入和体现的框架（Braidotti，2011：128）--一种既能用于研究社会世界，又能寻求更好地改变社会世界的视角。虽然后结构主义和社会建构主义提供了一种突破自上而下、决定论式的权力和社会结构理论的方法，但这些方法对文本性、话语和思想体系的关注往往会在理论与实践之间制造距离，让人感觉到对不平等和压迫的激进干预式批判只是对社会世界的进一步建构。对物质的转向使人们重新沉浸于生活和斗争的物质性，并认识到在一个一元论的世界中--因为没有 "另一个层面 "使事物做它们所做的事情--一切都必然是相关的和与环境相关的，而不是本质的和绝对的。

These three reasons, in our view, supply the logic for why sociologists might choose to apply new materialism to both empirical research problems and to social theory. We find in the new materialisms - and in the scholarly work of new materialist social theorists, philosophers, feminists and posthumanists 一 a perspective on the social and the natural world, on social processes and on social identities that addresses key sociological questions. It offers a means to move beyond artificial divides in sociology between agency and social structure, culture and nature, mind and matter, human and non-human, power and resistance, continuity and change, reason and emotion that have constrained both social understanding and the sociological imagination.

在我们看来，这三个原因为社会学家选择将新唯物主义应用于实证研究问题和社会理论提供了逻辑依据。我们在新唯物主义中，以及在新唯物主义社会理论家、哲学家、女权主义者和后人文主义者的学术著作中，发现了一种关于社会和自然世界、社会进程和社会身份的视角，它能解决关键的社会学问题。它为超越社会学中机构与社会结构、文化与自然、心智与物质、人类与非人类、权力与反抗、连续性与变化、理性与情感之间的人为划分提供了一种方法，这些人为划分限制了对社会的理解和社会学的想象力。

Exploring the consequences of a monistic, materialist ontology will be the central theme throughout the book, from our questioning of an opposition between humans and their environment in Chapter 3; our rehabilitation of emotions as productive of social life (Chapter 7); and our re-making in Chapter 9 of issues of epistemology in social research. Our intention is to provide a critical overview of the application of the new materialisms within social science research and scholarship (see Fox and Alldred, 2014 for a review of pathfinder new materialist social science), in order to assess what these social theory developments mean when translated from social philosophy into sociological usage and into empirical social inquiry.

探索一元唯物主义本体论的后果将是贯穿全书的中心主题，包括我们在第3章中对人类与其环境之间对立的质疑；我们对作为社会生活生产力的情感的复原（第7章）；以及我们在第9章中对社会研究中认识论问题的再创造。我们的目的是对新唯物主义在社会科学研究和学术研究中的应用进行批判性的概述（参见福克斯和阿尔尔德雷德，2014 年对探路者新唯物主义社会科学的评论），以评估这些社会理论的发展在从社会哲学转化为社会学用法和实证社会探究时意味着什么。

New materialism offers a means to move beyond the anthropocentrism that takes the human as the measure of all things, and allows us to take a fresh look at the ways in which the non-human has important and pervasive effects 一 on a daily basis - upon the social world and on all our lives. It supplies new insights into topics from gender and sexuality to climate change, and provides a materialist perspective on the processes of doing research and engaging in social activism. It also suggests a means to shift sociology from being a form of what Deleuze and Guattari (1988: 372) called 'Royal' science - one that treats its objects as stable entities that are reproducible so long as their contexts are controlled, and become instead a 'minor' (or we might suggest 'transgressive') science, that sees its purpose as seeking out singularities and variability, flows and singular events in the social world, and recognizing the possibility for change and transformation.

新唯物主义为我们提供了一种超越以人为万物尺度的人类中心主义的方法，使我们能够重新审视非人类如何每天对社会世界和我们的生活产生重要而普遍的影响。该书为性别、性和气候变化等话题提供了新的见解，并为开展研究和参与社会活动的过程提供了唯物主义视角。它还提出了将社会学从德勒兹和瓜塔里（Deleuze and Guattari，1988: 372）所谓的 "皇家 "科学--一种将其研究对象视为稳定实体的科学--这种科学只要控制好其背景就可以复制，转变为一门 "次要"（或者我们可以认为是 "越轨"）科学，将其目的视为在社会世界中寻找奇异性和可变性、流动和奇异事件，并认识到变革和转型的可能性。

Challenges for a new materialist sociology

新唯物主义社会学面临的挑战

Given this logic for a sociological new materialism, the consequent challenge is to establish a workable sociology that may be used productively to theorize human societies and cultures, to inform research into issues of sociological concern, and also to provide a foundation for social action to change and enhance the social world. While a new materialist sociology will need to engage with the main topics that sociologists explore - social stratifications, social divisions and inequalities, work, religion, families and relationships, media, sexuality and so forth, it also must be able to supply a useable account of some more fundamental sociological issues. Among these are:

鉴于新唯物主义社会学的这一逻辑，随之而来的挑战是建立一种可行的社会学，这种社会学可以有效地用于人类社会和文化的理论研究，为社会学关注问题的研究提供信息，并为改变和改善社会世界的社会行动提供基础。新的唯物主义社会学需要涉及社会学家所探讨的主要课题--社会分层、社会分裂和不平等、工作、宗教、家庭和人际关系、媒体、性等，同时它还必须能够对一些更基本的社会学问题做出有用的解释。其中包括

Continuity. How is it that societies and cultures sustain a substantial degree of stability of social formations (for instance, nation-states, democracy, capitalism, local and regional accents and identities, gender roles) over time, seemingly independent of the turn-over of the human individuals of whom they comprise? What are the material processes needed to explain this (for instance, enduring mechanisms and/or structures)?

连续性。为什么社会和文化的社会形态（例如民族国家、民主、资本主义、地方和区域口音和特征、性别角色）能够随着时间的推移而保持相当程度的稳定性，似乎与这些社会形态所包含的人类个体的更替无关？解释这一点所需的物质过程是什么（例如，持久机制和/或结构）？

Change. Despite these continuities in social formations, societies and cultures do change, sometimes quite radically. What material processes enable social change, and how may these be reconciled with the processes that sustain social continuities?

变化。尽管社会形态具有这些连续性，但社会和文化确实在发生变化，有时甚至是翻天覆地的变化。是哪些物质过程促成了社会变革，这些过程又是如何与维持社会连续性的过程相协调的呢？

Social divisions and inequality. The social world around us seems inexorably split apart by social divisions (for instance, between genders, or races, or social classes), and marked by inequalities that follow these dividing lines. How are these divisions and inequalities sustained?

社会分化与不平等。我们周围的社会世界似乎不可避免地被社会分化（例如，性别、种族或社会阶层之间的分化）所割裂，并以这些分界线上的不平等为标志。这些分化和不平等是如何维持的呢？

Power and resistance. Following on from the last point, how do certain individuals (such as a monarch or dictator), particular elements in a society (a social class or a gender) or social groupings (such as a trade union or a management team) wield power over others? And conversely, how do others resist this exercise of power?

权力与反抗。承接上一点，某些个人（如君主或独裁者）、社会中的特定群体（社会阶层或性别）或社会团体（如工会或管理团队）是如何对他人行使权力的？反之，其他人又是如何抵制这种权力的行使呢？

Subjectivity. What is the relationship between a society and the thoughts, feelings and actions of the individual humans within it, and how does each affect the other? In some ways (and in some sociologies) many of the previous sociological issues revolve around this interaction; but how to understand it from a sociological perspective?

主观性。社会与社会中人类个体的思想、情感和行为之间是什么关系，两者又是如何相互影响的？在某种程度上（在某些社会学中），以前的许多社会学问题都是围绕着这种互动关系展开的；但如何从社会学的角度来理解这种互动关系呢？

‘The social’. This final concept is the very subject-matter of sociology. Different sociologies have understood this social stuff in a variety of ways, but for all, ‘the social’ is something that sociologists have argued cannot be reduced either to the cognitions and emotions of individual humans, or to the realm of biology, chemistry and physics. But what exactly is the social, of what does it comprise, and how does it work?

社会"。这最后一个概念正是社会学的主题。不同的社会学对 "社会 "有不同的理解，但所有社会学家都认为，"社会 "既不能归结为人类个体的认知和情感，也不能归结为生物学、化学和物理学的范畴。但社会究竟是什么，它由什么组成，又是如何运作的呢？

The history of sociology may be seen as efforts to address these foundational questions, with the success or failure of a particular perspective judged in part upon the extent to which it satisfactorily addressed some or all of them. Particular sociological theorists have placed different emphases on some rather than other of these questions, and indeed on what these concepts mean. Thus for example, power may be understood entirely differently by a Marxist sociologist (as a top-down coercion) and a post-structuralist (as a bottom-up discipline of the body or self). Each new reading has brought new opportunities to think about aspects of these fundamentals; arguably the success and relevance of a new materialist sociology rests upon the extent to which it opens up novel questions for sociologists to ask, and consequently new avenues for theory and research.

社会学的历史可被视为解决这些基础问题的努力，而某一观点的成败部分取决于它在多大程度上令人满意地解决了部分或全部问题。不同的社会学理论家对这些问题中的某些问题以及这些概念的含义有着不同的侧重。例如，马克思主义社会学家（将权力理解为一种自上而下的强制）和后结构主义者（将权力理解为一种自下而上的对身体或自我的约束）对权力的理解可能完全不同。每一种新的解读都为思考这些基本要素的各个方面带来了新的机会；可以说，新唯物主义社会学的成功和意义在于它在多大程度上为社会学家提出了新的问题，从而为理论和研究开辟了新的途径。

The aim that we have set ourselves in this book is to take new materialist concepts and develop a sociological imagination that addresses issues in a way that is intellectually coherent and useable, that asks novel questions, and offers sociologically interesting answers. Our first task will be to translate what are often abstract new materialist theoretical perspectives and concepts (often developed outside the social sciences), into ideas and tools that will address the particular needs of sociologists, and that will be our starting point in the next chapter. What might the new materialisms mean for our subject? How do new materialist perspectives recast some core sociological assumptions or concepts? We will consider the ways in which new materialism transforms the object of sociological study (human societies and cultures), and thus our sociological imaginations, and the consequences for sociological research practices and for social transformation.

我们在本书中为自己设定的目标是，采用新唯物主义概念，发展社会学想象力，以知识上连贯、可用的方式解决问题，提出新颖的问题，并提供社会学上有趣的答案。我们的首要任务是将通常是抽象的新唯物主义理论观点和概念（通常是在社会科学之外提出的）转化为满足社会学家特殊需求的观点和工具，这将是我们下一章的出发点。新唯物主义对我们的研究对象意味着什么？新唯物主义观点如何重塑一些核心的社会学假设或概念？我们将探讨新唯物主义如何改变社会学的研究对象（人类社会和文化），进而改变我们的社会学想象，以及对社会学研究实践和社会变革的影响。

Structure of the book

本书的结构

We have divided the book into three sections. Part 1 of the book establishes the framework for the development of new materialist sociology, and sets out to demonstrate the radical impact of new materialism on some core sociological concepts, and its capacity to cut across dualisms including culture/nature, struc- ture/agency, human/non-human, and mind/matter. Chapter 2 introduces the scholarly perspectives of new materialist authors, and shows how these transform some of the foundational concepts in sociology, most specifically agency and structure; nature and culture; subjectivity and objectivity. Chapter 3 considers the interaction between humans and their natural and social contexts. It challenges the dualism of nature/culture through a post-anthropocentric and posthuman concept of ‘environment’ that sees humans as fully integral to the physical and social world. Chapter 4 develops a new materialist perspective on some core issues in sociology. It begins by re-thinking the topics of social organization, social institutions and social ‘structure’ in terms of new materialism’s ‘flat’ ontology. It then develops a materialist approach to social stratifications such as ‘class’, ‘gender’, and ‘race’. We show how these stratifications are based not upon social divergence, but upon aggregations of disparate bodies into social categories. This provides a new point of departure for re-thinking social mobility.

我们将本书分为三个部分。本书第一部分建立了新唯物主义社会学的发展框架，并着手展示新唯物主义对一些核心社会学概念的激进影响，以及其跨越二元对立的能力，包括文化/自然、结构/机构、人类/非人类和心灵/物质。第 2 章介绍了新唯物主义作者的学术观点，并展示了这些观点如何转变社会学中的一些基础概念，尤其是机构与结构、自然与文化、主观与客观。第 3 章探讨了人类与其自然和社会环境之间的互动关系。它通过后人类中心主义和后人类的 "环境 "概念，将人类视为物理和社会世界的完全组成部分，从而挑战了自然/文化的二元论。第 4 章就社会学的一些核心问题提出了新唯物主义观点。它首先从新唯物主义的 "平面 "本体论出发，重新思考社会组织、社会制度和社会 "结构 "等问题。然后，它对 "阶级"、"性别 "和 "种族 "等社会分层提出了一种唯物主义方法。我们展示了这些分层如何不是基于社会差异，而是基于将不同的身体聚合成社会类别。这为重新思考社会流动性提供了一个新的出发点。

If these early chapters seem tough theoretically, readers may wish to flip ahead to Part 2, in which we apply the approach to more specific sociological issues, returning later to the theory chapters. In this second part of the book, we address an aspect of sociological study that has became a major focus during the ‘cultural turn’: the relationship between the social world and human subjectivities and identities. New materialist ontology has a rather different take on these latter conceptions, and we explore this through a series of materialist analyses of social production of social formations and subjectivities. Chapter 5 explores creativity, and we use this analysis as a way to interrogate the production of human culture, from science and technology to the arts and to social forms and institutions. In Chapter 6, we develop a materialist sociology of sexuality that regards it not as an attribute of a body or individual, but as the product of an affective flow between bodies, things, ideas and social institutions that produces sexual (and other) capacities in bodies. We reflect on what this means in relation to ‘sexualization’ and the development of sexual identities. Chapter 7 explores emotions. We argue that emotions are a part, but only a part, of a more generalized affective flow that links human bodies to their physical and social environment, and as such contribute to the production of many aspects of the social world and human history, including social change and social stability, and to subjectivity. Finally, in Chapter 8 we offer a materialist view of ‘health’ as the capacity of a body or a collectivity of bodies to affect (to act, feel or desire) or be affected by biological, physical and social elements. We make connections back to creativity and emotions, to develop a new approach to health and care that elides biological and social views of embodiment and identity.

如果前面几章在理论上显得很艰深，读者不妨翻到第二部分，在这一部分中，我们将这一方法应用于更具体的社会学问题，稍后再回到理论章节。在本书的第二部分，我们将讨论社会学研究的一个方面，这也是 "文化转向 "期间的一个主要焦点：社会世界与人类主体性和身份之间的关系。新唯物主义本体论对后者的概念有相当不同的看法，我们通过一系列对社会形态和主体性的社会生产的唯物主义分析来探讨这一点。第 5 章探讨了创造性，我们将这一分析作为审视人类文化生产的一种方式，从科学技术到艺术，再到社会形态和制度。在第 6 章中，我们提出了一种唯物主义性社会学，认为性不是身体或个人的属性，而是身体、事物、思想和社会机构之间情感流动的产物，这种情感流动产生了身体的性（和其他）能力。我们将思考这对 "性化 "和性身份发展的意义。第 7 章探讨情感。我们认为，情感是将人类身体与其物理和社会环境联系起来的更广泛的情感流的一部分，但也仅仅是一部分，因此，情感有助于社会世界和人类历史的许多方面，包括社会变革和社会稳定，以及主体性的产生。最后，在第 8 章中，我们提出了 "健康 "的唯物主义观点，即身体或身体集体受生物、物理和社会因素影响（行动、感觉或欲望）或被影响的能力。 我们将创造力和情感联系起来，开发出一种新的健康和护理方法，将生物和社会对体现和身份的看法区分开来。

The final part of the book turns to the practicalities of doing social research and the challenge of developing a public and engaged sociology. Chapter 9 develops the concept of a 'research-assemblage' that comprises researcher, respondents, data, methods and contexts, and we develop this way of thinking about research to assess, critique and potentially engineer research methods and methodologies that shift the relationship between researcher, researched and audience. In Chapter 10, we explore a new materialist approach to social engagement, politics and activism, based on a non-reductive perspective on power, subjectivity and resistance, drawing sociology towards social action and struggles against injustice and inequalities.

本书的最后一部分转向社会研究的实际操作，以及发展公共和参与型社会学所面临的挑战。第 9 章提出了 "研究组合"（research-assemblage）的概念，它由研究者、受访者、数据、方法和背景组成，我们通过这种研究思维方式来评估、批判和设计研究方法，从而改变研究者、受访者和受众之间的关系。在第10章中，我们探讨了一种新的唯物主义社会参与、政治和行动主义方法，这种方法基于对权力、主体性和反抗的非还原视角，将社会学引向社会行动以及反对不公正和不平等的斗争。

Writing what we believe is the first textbook on new materialist sociology, we are keen to make it as accessible as possible. Some readers will read from cover to cover, but others will use it more like a tool-box, picking and choosing the parts that can be used to address specific problems. We would suggest that if you are in the latter camp you read the next three chapters, as these provide the main foundational perspectives of a new materialist sociology, and Chapters 9 and 10, which explore how new materialism provides a new ontology to underpin social research and an approach to social change. The middle section of the book provides insights into how new materialist sociology addresses more specific aspects of the social world, and can be dipped into, using the index to find specific tools for specific questions.

在撰写我们认为是第一本关于新唯物主义社会学的教科书时，我们力求使其尽可能通俗易懂。有些读者会从头读到尾，但有些读者则会像使用工具箱一样，挑选可以用来解决具体问题的部分。我们建议，如果您属于后者，请阅读接下来的三章，因为这三章提供了新唯物主义社会学的主要基础观点，而第九章和第十章则探讨了新唯物主义如何为社会研究和社会变革方法提供新的本体论基础。本书的中间部分深入探讨了新唯物主义社会学如何解决社会世界中更具体的问题，读者可以通过索引找到解决具体问题的具体工具。

There is always a risk that a textbook may ‘dumb down’ or over-simplify the subject matter presented. With new materialist thought in all its diversity and vibrancy, that is a danger that we recognize all too clearly. For readers seeking stronger fare, we attempt to accommodate you through signposts, citations and suggestions for further reading, to enable you to forage among the burgeoning materialist literature in journal papers and edited collections that we reference along the way.

教科书总是有可能 "弱化 "或过度简化所介绍的主题。新唯物主义思想丰富多彩、生机勃勃，我们清楚地认识到这种危险。对于寻求更强内容的读者，我们试图通过路标、引文和进一步阅读的建议来满足您的需求，使您能够在我们一路参考的期刊论文和编辑文集中阅览蓬勃发展的唯物主义文献。

As we draw this introduction to a close, a note on our use of the term ‘new materialism’ in what follows. We have already recalled the ‘old materialism’ of sociology, and set out the clear divergences between that and the perspectives we are writing about here. Consequently, we feel it is unnecessarily clumsy to repeatedly use the term ‘new materialist’ in the coming pages. For that reason, towards the end of Chapter 2 - once we have the reviewed some key new materialist theories, we shall thereafter refer to our position simply as ‘materialism’. This will both offer conciseness and assert our view that the perspectives we are developing are the rightful heirs to that name. Where there is any possible confusion with historical materialism, we will be careful to make this distinction clear.

在本导言即将结束之际，请注意我们在下文中对 "新唯物主义 "一词的使用。我们已经回顾了社会学中的 "旧唯物主义"，并阐明了它与我们在此撰写的观点之间的明显差异。因此，我们认为在接下来的篇幅中反复使用 "新唯物主义 "一词是不必要的笨拙。因此，在第二章末尾，当我们回顾了一些重要的新唯物主义理论之后，我们将把我们的立场简称为 "唯物主义"。这样做既简洁明了，又表明了我们的观点，即我们正在发展的观点是这一名称的合法继承者。在可能与历史唯物主义混淆的地方，我们将注意明确区分。

Further reading

更多阅读

Barad, K. (2003) Posthumanist performativity: toward an understanding of how matter comes to matter. Signs, 28(3): 801-83 1.

Barad, K. (2003) Posthumanist performativity: toward an understanding of how matter comes to matter.Signs, 28(3)：801-83 1.

Coole, D.H. and Frost, S. (2010) Introducing the new materialisms. In: Coole, D.H. and Frost, S. (eds.) New Materialisms: Ontology, Agency, and Politics. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, pp. 1-43.

Coole, D.H. and Frost, S. (2010) Introducing the new materialisms.In：Coole, D.H. and Frost, S. (eds.) New Materialisms：Ontology, Agency, and Politics.Durham, NC：Durham, NC: Duke University Press, pp.

2 Foundations: New Materialism and theSociological Imagination

2 基础：新唯物主义与社会学想象力

In the introduction we identified some of the key claims of the new materialisms, and how and why these offer possibilities for a sociological imagination.

在导言中，我们指出了新唯物主义的一些主要主张，以及这些主张如何以及为何为社会学的想象力提供了可能性。

These new materialist propositions and perspectives have emerged from a wide variety of philosophical, feminist and social theoretical positions, and in this chapter we will unpack the roots of these claims. We will survey the work of some key new materialist thinkers from Bruno Latour and ‘actor-network theory’ to Rosi Braidotti and ‘the posthuman’. We will use these to establish more formally the core features of new materialism, and use these to set out the foundations, the concepts and the tools for new materialist sociology, and consider what they may bring to the sociological imagination.

这些新唯物主义主张和观点产生于各种哲学、女权主义和社会理论立场，在本章中，我们将解读这些主张的根源。我们将考察从布鲁诺-拉图尔（Bruno Latour）和 "行为者网络理论 "到罗西-布赖多蒂（Rosi Braidotti）和 "后人类 "等一些重要的新唯物主义思想家的工作。我们将利用这些研究成果更正式地确立新唯物主义的核心特征，并利用这些特征为新唯物主义社会学奠定基础、提出概念和工具，同时考虑它们可能为社会学的想象力带来什么。

As was noted in the introduction, new materialist ontology1 cuts across ‘the mind-matter and culture-nature divides of transcendental humanist thought’ (van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010: 155), thereby putting into question other social theory dualisms including structure/agency, surface/depth; reason/emotion, human/non-human, and animate/inanimate (Braidotti, 2013： 4-5； Coole and Frost, 2010： 26-27; van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010： 157). Take, for instance, the sociological models that explain social organization in terms of some kind of surface/depth dualism. This dualism underpinned Marx’s historical materialist model of society of, on one hand, a ‘base’ - comprising the economic rules that govern material production and consumption within a specific social system (such as capitalism or communism), and on the other a ‘superstructure’ made up of all the cultural norms, roles and rituals, laws and politics of a society that grow up within the constraints of the economic base.

正如导言中所指出的，新唯物主义本体论1 划分了 "超验人文主义思想中的心灵-物质和文化-自然界限"（van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010：155），从而质疑其他社会理论的二元论，包括结构/机构、表面/深度；理性/情感、人类/非人类、有生命/无生命（Braidotti，2013：4-5；Coole and Frost，2010：26-27；van der Tuin and Dolphijn，2010：157）。例如，社会学模式以某种表层/深层二元论来解释社会组织。这种二元论支撑着马克思的历史唯物主义社会模式，即一方面是 "基础"--包括在特定社会制度（如资本主义或共产主义）内支配物质生产和消费的经济规则，另一方面是 "上层建筑"--由社会的所有文化规范、角色和礼仪、法律和政治组成，这些都是在经济基础的约束下成长起来的。

Few contemporary sociologists now adhere to this crude base/superstructure model, which implies that the entirety of human endeavour - public and private - is determined by the economics of a society. However, this surface/depth dualism has been a feature of other social science theories, from evolutionary models that regard human culture as surface phenomena overlaying a biological drive to sexually propagate the human species (Tooby and Cosmides, 1989) to critical realism (Danermark et al., 2002), in which the daily lives of people and their interactions obscure a ‘deep’ system of rules or social mechanisms, which it is the ultimate aim of sociological analysis to uncover (Karakayali, 2015: 733). New materialist scholars such as Connolly (2010: 179) and DeLanda (2006) have rejected these surface/depth models, and by contrast have argued that everything that goes on in the social and natural world should be judged on its own terms, without recourse to notions of a deeper mechanism or structure (or a ‘higher’ governing power such as God or Gaia).

现在很少有当代社会学家坚持这种粗糙的基础/上层建筑模式，这意味着人类的全部努力--公共和私人--都是由社会经济决定的。然而，这种表层/深层二元论一直是其他社会科学理论的一个特点，从将人类文化视为人类物种性繁殖的生物动力之上的表层现象的进化论模型（Tooby and Cosmides, 1989）到批判现实主义（Danermark et al.，2002），在批判现实主义中，人们的日常生活及其互动掩盖了 "深层 "的规则体系或社会机制，而社会学分析的最终目的就是要揭示这些规则体系或社会机制（Karakayali, 2015: 733）。康诺利（2010：179）和德兰达（2006）等新唯物主义学者摒弃了这些表面/深层模式，相反，他们认为社会和自然世界中发生的一切都应根据其自身的条件来判断，而不应诉诸更深层的机制或结构（或 "更高的 "支配力量，如上帝或盖亚）的概念。

Cutting across this surface/depth dualism reflects the broader ‘monistic’ or singular theme running through the new materialism (Braidotti, 2013: 95; Gatens, 2000). New materialism, it is argued, rejects, or is ‘transversal’ to, many of the dualisms that have been devised to manage knowledge (and hence exercise authority) in the past, including those within social science knowledge and theory (see, for example, Alldred and Fox (2015a) on the history of the hetero/ homosexual dualism in psychology). Perhaps most significantly, this monism removes a distinction between a ‘physical’ world of things and bodies and a realm of thoughts, social structures and cultural products (matter vs. mind); between a ‘reality’ independent of human thought and the social constructs that humans produce to apprehend that reality, or even between animate and inanimate. At the same time, this monism opens up the possibility of multiplicity and diversity that exceeds and overwhelms the dualities it replaces.

这种表面/深层二元论反映了贯穿新唯物主义的更广泛的 "一元论 "或单一主题（Braidotti, 2013: 95; Gatens, 2000）。有人认为，新唯物主义摒弃或 "横跨 "了过去为管理知识（进而行使权力）而设计的许多二元论，包括社会科学知识和理论中的二元论（例如，参见 Alldred 和 Fox（2015a）关于心理学中异性恋/同性恋二元论的历史）。也许最重要的是，这种一元论消除了由事物和身体组成的 "物理 "世界与由思想、社会结构和文化产品组成的领域（物质与思想）之间的区别；消除了独立于人类思想的 "现实 "与人类为理解这一现实而产生的社会建构之间的区别，甚至消除了有生命与无生命之间的区别。同时，这种一元论开辟了多元性和多样性的可能性，超越并压倒了它所取代的二元性。

So the new materialisms have not developed in any linear way from earlier sociologies, and we must start our project of developing a ‘new’ materialist sociology without the benefit of a simple recourse to either an earlier sociological materialism or to post-structuralism, or merely because ‘new’ is ‘better’. The influences and propositions of the new materialisms derive from bizarrely (almost embarrassingly) disparate perspectives, including - in alphabetical order - actor-network theory, artificial intelligence, biophilosophy, evolutionary theory, feminism, Foucauldian genealogy, neuroscience, non-representational theory, posthumanism, queer theory, quantum physics and Spinozist monism (Anderson and Harrison, 2010; Ansell Pearson, 1999; Barad, 1996; Best, 1995; Braidotti, 2006b, 2013; Clough, 2008; Connolly, 2011; Coole and Frost, 2010; Deleuze, 1988; Grosz, 1994; Haraway, 1991; Latour, 2005; Massumi, 1996; Spinks, 2001; Thacker, 2005). This litany of influences together inspires a project that extends from concerns with issues of identity and human need to the forces of international economics and ecology (Coole and Frost, 2010: 28).

因此，新唯物主义并不是以任何线性方式从早期社会学发展而来的，我们必须开始我们发展 "新 "唯物主义社会学的项目，而不能简单地求助于早期社会学唯物主义或后结构主义，或者仅仅因为 "新 "就是 "更好"。新唯物主义的影响和主张来源于各种奇异（几乎令人尴尬）的不同视角，按字母顺序排列，包括行为网络理论、人工智能、生物哲学、进化论、女权主义、福柯谱系学、神经科学、非再现理论、后人类主义、同性恋理论、量子物理学和斯宾诺莎一元论（Anderson and Harrison, 2010；Ansell Pearson, 1999; Barad, 1996; Best, 1995; Braidotti, 2006b, 2013; Clough, 2008; Connolly, 2011; Coole and Frost, 2010; Deleuze, 1988; Grosz, 1994; Haraway, 1991; Latour, 2005; Massumi, 1996; Spinks, 2001; Thacker, 2005）。这一系列影响共同激发了一个项目，从对身份和人类需求问题的关注延伸到对国际经济和生态力量的关注（Coole and Frost, 2010: 28）。

To help us find our way through this web of theory and concepts to see more clearly what a (new) materialist sociology will look like, we begin by examining critically some of the propositions in the work of influential new materialist scholars. From these disparate yet interwoven threads, we will draw out what we suggest are the key features of the turn to materiality, in terms of how new materialism addresses the social theory dualisms of nature/culture, agency/ structure, mind/matter and human/non-human. This will in turn lead us to assert some core propositions for a sociologically-coherent and critical new materialist sociology, which we will apply in subsequent chapters in terms of its implications for sociological research, ontology and epistemology, and applications to policy and practice.

为了帮助我们在这一理论和概念之网中找到方向，从而更清楚地看到（新）唯物主义社会学的面貌，我们首先对有影响力的新唯物主义学者的一些主张进行了批判性的研究。我们将从这些不同但又相互交织的线索中，从新唯物主义如何处理自然/文化、机构/结构、心智/物质和人类/非人类等社会理论二元论的角度，总结出我们认为的转向唯物主义的主要特征。这反过来又会引导我们为社会学上一致的、批判性的新唯物主义社会学提出一些核心命题，我们将在随后的章节中应用这些命题，探讨其对社会学研究、本体论和认识论的影响，以及在政策和实践中的应用。

New materialism: four voices

新唯物主义：四种声音

Both because of their significance to new materialist theory, and to supply a breadth of perspectives, we have chosen to summarize briefly some key ideas from first Bruno Latour’s actor-network inflected assemblage theory, then the Spinozist ontology of affects and assemblages in the individual and collaborative work of philosopher Deleuze and psychoanalyst and activist Guattari, next the feminist physicist turned social theorist Karen Barad, and finally the feminist, posthumanist philosophy of Rosi Braidotti. We will identify the main elements of their analyses, and use these to draw out core issues relevant to the development of a sociological application of the new materialisms. Though we have done our best to draw out the key points, some readers may find what follows in this section difficult and abstract. If the going gets too tough, readers may prefer to skip forward to subsequent chapters, and return to these theorists later.

首先是布鲁诺-拉图尔（Bruno Latour）的 "行动者-网络"（actor-network-inflected assemblage theory）理论，然后是哲学家德勒兹（Deleuze）和精神分析学家兼活动家瓜塔里（Guattari）个人及合作作品中的斯宾诺莎主义情感本体论和组合论，接着是女性主义物理学家转为社会理论家的卡伦-巴拉德（Karen Barad），最后是罗西-布雷多蒂（Rosi Braidotti）的女性主义后人道主义哲学。我们将找出他们分析的主要内容，并以此为基础，引出与新唯物主义社会学应用发展相关的核心问题。虽然我们已尽力引出要点，但有些读者可能会觉得本节接下来的内容艰涩抽象。如果过于艰深，读者可能更愿意跳到后续章节，稍后再回到这些理论家。

Bruno Latour: (re-)assembling the social

布鲁诺-拉图尔：（重新）组合社会

Actor-network theory (ANT) will be familiar to some sociological readers, particularly those working in the arena of science and technology studies, where its recognition of non-human agency has been used successfully to explore interactions between humans, technologies and the contemporary social world (Law, 2009). ANT gains its most powerfully new materialist and generalized presentation in Latour’s (2005) Re-assembling the Social, which sets out to develop a full-blown materialist theory of the social, and an agenda for a new ‘sociology of association’ (ibid: 9). Latour builds on core principles of ANT, most notably by ascribing agency to transient relational networks (Law, 1999: 4) or assemblages (Latour, 2005: 7) comprising both human and non-human ‘actants’ (2005: 54). These networks are consequently heterogeneous, and extend beyond what is traditionally considered ‘social’, to include ‘texts, devices, architectures’ (Law, 1992: 379). From this perspective, social life is heterogeneous engineering, ‘in which bits and pieces from the social, the technical, the conceptual and the textual are fitted together’ (ibid: 381).

一些社会学读者，尤其是科技研究领域的读者，对行为者网络理论（ANT）不会陌生，该理论对非人类机构的认可已被成功用于探索人类、技术和当代社会世界之间的互动关系（Law，2009 年）。在拉图尔（2005 年）的《重新组合社会》一书中，ANT 获得了最有力的新唯物主义和概括性表述，该书致力于发展一种全面的社会唯物主义理论，以及一种新的 "关联社会学 "议程（同上：9）。拉图尔以 ANT 的核心原则为基础，其中最显著的是将代理权赋予由人类和非人类 "行动者"（2005: 54）组成的瞬时关系网络（Law, 1999: 4）或集合体（拉图尔，2005: 7）。因此，这些网络是异质的，超越了传统意义上的 "社会"，包括 "文本、设备、建筑"（Law, 1992: 379）。从这个角度看，社会生活是一种异质工程，"在其中，来自社会、技术、概念和文本的点点滴滴被融合在一起"（同上：381）。

While ANT’s main sociological focus has traditionally been on studies of science and technology (Callon, 1986; Latour, 1999), Latour’s broader concern has been to criticize sociology’s view of ‘the social’ as a distinct domain of reality that provides the context within which events of all kinds occur, and that can be revealed through the specialized methods of social scientists (Latour, 2005: 4). His contrary view is that ‘the social’ is not distinct from other materialities; consequently the appropriate task for a sociologist is not to describe and explain ‘social forces’, but to explore how a range of heterogeneous elements from the physical, biological, economic, semiotic and other ‘realms’ may be assembled to produce this or that social aggregation (ibid： 5-6). Such aggregations (which might be a nation, a corporation, a social institution, a social category or an aspect of human culture) are thus the outcome, not the cause of interactions. Sociology should not restrict itself to studying social ties, but instead become a ‘sociology of associations’ that can ‘travel wherever new heterogeneous associations are made’ (ibid: 8), in order to understand how the social is continually assembled from non-social associations.

虽然 ANT 在社会学方面的主要关注点历来是对科学和技术的研究（Callon, 1986; Latour, 1999），但拉图尔更广泛的关注点是批评社会学将 "社会 "视为一个独特的现实领域，它提供了各类事件发生的背景，并可通过社会科学家的专门方法加以揭示（Latour, 2005: 4）。他的相反观点认为，"社会 "与其他物质性并不截然不同；因此，社会学家的适当任务不是描述和解释 "社会力量"，而是探索如何将物理、生物、经济、符号学和其他 "领域 "的一系列异质元素组合在一起，从而产生这样或那样的社会集合体（同上： 5-6）。因此，这种集合体（可能是一个国家、一个企业、一个社会机构、一个社会类别或人类文化的一个方面）是相互作用的结果，而不是原因。社会学不应局限于研究社会纽带，而应成为 "关联社会学"，"只要有新的异质关联产生，社会学就能走到哪里"（同上：8），从而了解社会是如何从非社会关联中不断组合而成的。

This sociology of associations does not restrict itself to studying the traditional conception of social actors - human beings - but considers also the interplay between humans and non-human entities. One particular casualty of this re-formulation of the sociological project is what Latour (2005: 9) terms ‘critical sociology’, which we take to mean approaches including both critical realism and Marxism, that seek to ‘explain’ the social in terms of ‘deep’ or underlying structures or mechanisms. For Latour, these perspectives epitomized the kind of sociology he rejects, as offering as ‘explanations’ precisely those social formations (for example, capitalist social relations, patriarchy or the neoliberal market) which - in his view - are the very things that need themselves to be explained (ibid: 130-131). Unfairly, but perhaps unsurprisingly, as a consequence Latour and other ANT theorists have been criticized for failing to address the political exercise of power (Alcadipani and Hassard, 2010: 420) or structural determinants of action (McLean and Hassard, 2004: 507-510).

这种关联社会学并不局限于研究传统概念中的社会行动者--人类--还考虑人类与非人类实体之间的相互作用。拉图尔（2005: 9）称之为 "批判社会学"，我们将其理解为包括批判现实主义和马克思主义在内的试图从 "深层 "或潜在结构或机制的角度 "解释 "社会的方法。在拉图尔看来，这些观点是他所反对的社会学的缩影，因为这些观点所提供的 "解释 "恰恰是那些社会形态（例如资本主义社会关系、父权制或新自由主义市场），而在他看来，这些社会形态本身正是需要被解释的（同上：130-131）。因此，拉图尔和其他 ANT 理论家被批评未能解决权力的政治行使（Alcadipani and Hassard, 2010: 420）或行动的结构性决定因素（McLean and Hassard, 2004: 507-510），这是不公平的，但也许并不令人意外。

In our view, the principal contribution of Latour’s ANT to the new materialist project is in its extension of the sociological imagination beyond its limited concern with ‘social forces’ (and thus also the limited range of acceptable sociological questions or controversies that may be posed), to address a wide range of materialities. It fundamentally challenges sociology to shift its ontology to study heterogeneous associations, many of which draw in elements that lie outside the traditional limits of sociological inquiry.

在我们看来，拉图尔的 ANT 对新唯物主义项目的主要贡献在于，它扩展了社会学的想象力，超越了其对 "社会力量 "的有限关注（因此也超越了可接受的社会学问题或可提出的争议的有限范围），以解决广泛的物质性问题。它从根本上对社会学提出了挑战，要求社会学改变其本体论，以研究各种不同的关联，其中许多关联的要素超出了社会学研究的传统范围。

Deleuze and Guattari: the microphysics of social production

德勒兹和瓜塔里：社会生产的微观物理学

Together and separately, the philosopher Gilles Deleuze and psychoanalyst and social activist Felix Guattari have arguably emerged as the most influential new materialist scholars within the arts, humanities and among social sciences such as education and geography, though currently less so within sociology. Their sheer volume of work and the range of novel concepts in their materialist ontology has contributed to their significance for a number of feminist and queer theory scholars (Braidotti, 2000; Gatens, 2000; Grosz, 1994), as the foundation of DeLanda’s (2006) assemblage theory of interaction, organization and society, and in the so-called ‘affective turn’ in the social sciences (Clough, 2008; Leys, 2011; Thrift, 2004) that has re-focused scholarly attention upon matter and its dynamic and productive capacities. Deleuze and Guattari’s work also has spawned a large secondary literature, including a series of edited collections on sociologically-relevant topics including race (Saldanha and Adams, 2013), sexuality (Beckman, 2011), the body (Guillaume and Hughes, 2011) and research methodology (Coleman and Ringrose, 2013).

哲学家吉尔-德勒兹（Gilles Deleuze）和精神分析学家、社会活动家费利克斯-瓜塔里（Felix Guattari）可以说是艺术、人文学科和社会科学（如教育学和地理学）领域最具影响力的新唯物主义学者，但目前在社会学领域的影响力较小。他们的著作数量之多，其唯物主义本体论中的新概念范围之广，使他们对许多女权主义和同性恋理论学者（Braidotti, 2000; Gatens, 2000; Grosz, 1994）产生了重要影响，成为 DeLanda（2006）关于互动、组织和社会的集合理论的基础，并推动了社会科学中所谓的 "情感转向"（Clough, 2008; Leys, 2011; Thrift, 2004），使学者们重新关注物质及其动态和生产能力。德勒兹和瓜塔里的著作还催生了大量的二手文献，包括一系列与社会学相关主题的编辑文集，其中包括种族（Saldanha 和 Adams，2013 年）、性（Beckman，2011 年）、身体（Guillaume 和 Hughes，2011 年）和研究方法论（Coleman 和 Ringrose，2013 年）。

In many ways, Deleuze and Guattari’s materialism is cognate with that of Latour and other ANT theorists, particularly in their ontological emphasis upon relationality and in their model of power as potential capacity to affect (Massumi, 1988: xvii). However, they offer a more fully worked through ontology: one that supplies a detailed microphysics of social production that is amenable to tasks in both social and cultural analysis and radical politics. Drawing on their exegesis of Spinoza's 'monist' philosophy - that rejects any notion of the transcendent, or of base/superstructure or surface/depth dualism (Deleuze, 1988) - DeleuzoGuattarian materialism regards human bodies and all other material, social and abstract entities as relational, having no ontological status or integrity other than that produced through their relationship to other similarly contingent and ephemeral bodies, things and ideas (Deleuze, 1988: 123; Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 261).

在许多方面，德勒兹和瓜塔里的唯物主义与拉图尔和其他 ANT 理论家的唯物主义是相同的，特别是他们在本体论上对关系性的强调，以及他们将权力作为潜在影响能力的模型（Massumi, 1988: xvii）。然而，他们提供了一种更全面的本体论：一种提供了社会生产的详细微观物理学的本体论，适合于社会和文化分析以及激进政治的任务。根据他们对斯宾诺莎 "一元论 "哲学的诠释--斯宾诺莎拒绝任何超验的概念，或基础/上层建筑或表面/深层二元论的概念（德勒兹，1988 年）--德勒兹-瓜田主义唯物主义认为人类身体和所有其他物质、社会和抽象实体都是关系性的，除了通过与其他类似的偶然和短暂的身体、事物和观念的关系而产生的本体论地位或完整性之外，它们不具有任何本体论地位或完整性（德勒兹，1988 年，第 123 页；德勒兹和瓜田主义唯物主义认为人类身体和所有其他物质、社会和抽象实体都是关系性的：123; Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 261）。

These contingent and ephemeral materialities gain substance and shape as they are drawn into agencement (a French term roughly equivalent to ‘arrangement', but now more commonly translated as assemblage). Assemblages develop in unpredictable ways around actions and events (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 88), ‘in a kind of chaotic network of habitual and non-habitual connections, always in flux, always reassembling in different ways' (Potts, 2004: 19). For example, a sexuality-assemblage (Fox and Alldred, 2013) accrues around an event such as an erotic kiss, which comprises not just two pairs of lips but also physiological processes, personal and cultural contexts, aspects of the setting, memories and experiences, sexual codes and norms of conduct, and potentially many other relations particular to that event (see Chapter 6).

这些偶然的、短暂的物质在被卷入 agencement（一个法语术语，大致相当于 "安排"，但现在更常被翻译为 "组合"）时，获得了实质和形状。围绕行动和事件，集合体以不可预知的方式发展（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988: 88），"在一种习惯性和非习惯性连接的混乱网络中，总是在不断变化，总是以不同的方式重新组合"（Potts, 2004: 19）。例如，性爱组合（福克斯和阿尔尔德雷德，2013 年）是围绕情欲之吻等事件而产生的，它不仅包括两对嘴唇，还包括生理过程、个人和文化背景、环境的各个方面、记忆和经验、性规范和行为准则，以及可能与该事件有关的许多其他关系（见第 6 章）。

What holds assemblages together, Deleuze and Guattari suggested, are the capacities of assembled relations to affect or be affected. This capacity, which - following Spinoza - Deleuze (1988: 101) called simply an affect, is a ‘becoming’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 256), or in other words, a force that achieves some change of state or capabilities in a relation (Clough, 2004: 15; Massumi, 1988: xvi). Such change may be physical, biological, psychological, social, political or emotional. The flow of affect within assemblages is consequently the means by which lives, societies and history unfold, by ‘adding capacities through interaction, in a world which is constantly becoming’ (Thrift, 2004: 61).

德勒兹和瓜塔里认为，维系组合的是组合关系影响或被影响的能力。继斯宾诺莎之后，德勒兹（1988: 101）将这种能力简单地称为 "影响"，它是一种 "成为"（Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 256），或者换句话说，是一种在关系中实现某种状态或能力变化的力量（Clough, 2004: 15; Massumi, 1988: xvi）。这种变化可能是物理的、生物的、心理的、社会的、政治的或情感的。因此，"在一个不断变化的世界中，通过互动增加能力"（Thrift, 2004: 61），集合体中的情感流动是生命、社会和历史发展的手段。

Affect replaces the more familiar sociological conception of ‘agency’ in DeleuzoGuattarian ontology. Critically - because all relations (human and nonhuman, animate and inanimate) have affects - this means that non-humans as well as humans can be agentic (as in Latour’s ANT). This elides any distinction between physical/biological materiality and the expressive realms of concepts, thoughts and feelings. To the extent that a relation in an assemblage can affect or be affected, it may be understood as material, thus opening to materialist analysis a range of materialities that spans the physical (geological formations or genetics) to the expressive affects of human thoughts, beliefs, desires and feelings.

在德勒祖-瓜塔尔本体论中，"影响 "取代了人们更为熟悉的社会学 "代理 "概念。重要的是，由于所有关系（人类和非人类、有生命的和无生命的）都具有情感，这意味着非人类和人类都可以成为代理（如拉图尔的 ANT）。这就消除了物理/生物物质性与概念、思想和情感表达领域之间的任何区别。只要集合体中的关系能够影响或被影响，它就可以被理解为物质，从而为物质主义分析打开了物质性的范围，从物理（地质构造或遗传学）到人类思想、信仰、欲望和情感的表达性影响。

The DeleuzoGuattarian project was concerned principally with what assemblages do, what they produce, and in particular with their micropolitical consequences for bodies and for social formations. Like ANT, their ontology rejected any notion of transcendent or multiple levels: without determining structures, systems or mechanisms, social production is entirely due to the forces or affects within assemblages. Deleuze and Guattari (1988: 88-89) described assemblage micropolitics in terms of a dynamic ‘territorialization’ (a process of ‘specification’) and ‘de-territorialization’ (‘de-specification’ or ‘generalization’) of the capacities of bodies and the other relations within assemblages, continually in flux. So for instance, a stone may be territorialized into a ‘tool’ by the hand that uses it to hammer or grind; it is de-territorialized back into a stone once it is cast aside. Similarly, during childhood a mix of physical and cultural forces may territorialize humans into male or female genders, an attribution that for many (but not all) remains in place life-long.

德勒佐-瓜田主义项目主要关注的是集合体的作用、集合体的生产，尤其是集合体对身体和社会形态的微观政治后果。与 ANT 一样，他们的本体论摒弃了任何超验或多层次的概念：在没有确定结构、系统或机制的情况下，社会生产完全归因于集合体内部的力量或影响。德勒兹和瓜塔里（1988: 88-89）用动态的 "领土化"（"具体化 "过程）和 "去领土化"（"去具体化 "或 "普遍化"）来描述集合体微观政治学，身体的能力和集合体中的其他关系不断变化。例如，用石头敲打或研磨的手可能会将石头领土化为 "工具"；一旦将其丢弃，它又会去领土化，变回石头。同样，在童年时期，身体和文化力量的混合作用可能会将人类地域化为男性或女性，对许多人（但不是所有人）来说，这种归属终生不变。

Deleuze and Guattari saw themselves very much on the side of de-territorialization and resistance. In relation to mental health, they advocated a de-territorializing ‘schizoanalysis’ (Deleuze and Guattari 1984: 273); more generally - as a strategy for living - they promoted ‘nomadology’ (Deleuze and Guattari 1988: 23). A commitment to deterritorialization and the nomad is intrinsically political, always on the side of freedom, experimentation and becoming, always opposed to power, territory and the fixing of identity (ibid: 24). This focus has led to adoption of DeleuzoGuattarian philosophy by some feminist and queer scholars such as Elizabeth Grosz, Patricia Clough and Rosi Braidotti (of whom more below).

德勒兹和瓜塔里认为自己在很大程度上站在去领土化和抵抗的一边。在心理健康方面，他们提倡去地域化的 "精神分裂症分析"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984：273）；更广泛地说，作为一种生活策略，他们提倡 "游牧学"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：23）。对去领土化和游牧民族的承诺本质上是政治性的，始终站在自由、实验和成为的一边，始终反对权力、领土和身份的固定化（同上：24）。一些女权主义和同性恋学者，如伊丽莎白-格罗斯（Elizabeth Grosz）、帕特里夏-克拉夫（Patricia Clough）和罗西-布赖多蒂（Rosi Braidotti）（下文将详细介绍），都采用了德勒祖-瓜塔尔哲学。

Karen Barad: materialist onto-epistemology

卡伦-巴拉德：唯物主义认识论

Barad’s background as a theoretical physicist, along with her feminism, has provided her with a very different starting point for her new materialism: quantum mechanics. More particularly, she focused on the work of the physicist Niels Bohr and his 'Copenhagen Interpretation' of how - at a quantum level - the act of observation inevitably affects the phenomena it seeks to study.2 Barad (1996, 2007) extended Bohr’s conclusions beyond the quantum level to include the world of the everyday, arguing for a view of the world that is always physically and socioculturally contextual, and which therefore must take account of the part observers or researchers play in its production.

巴拉德的理论物理学家背景和她的女权主义为她的新唯物主义提供了一个截然不同的出发点：量子力学。2 巴拉德（1996 年，2007 年）将玻尔的结论从量子层面扩展到日常世界，主张从物理和社会文化背景的角度来看待世界，因此必须考虑到观察者或研究者在世界产生过程中所扮演的角色。

Barad has based her thesis upon the insights of Bohr concerning the influence of the measuring process at the sub-atomic or quantum level (Barad, 2007: 198), where materials do not conform to the Newtonian/Cartesian expectation of observer-independence. Unlike an apple falling from a tree, at a quantummechanical level, the very act of observation seems to determine the outcome of sub-atomic interactions; consequently it is impossible to separate out the effects of the observation from the object, indeed, it becomes meaningless to talk of a pre-existing or independent object (Barad, 1996: 169-170). Bohr referred instead to ‘phenomena’, meaning specific instances of interactions between particles, but also of interaction with observers/measurement devices/theories. Phenomena are thereby entirely contextual, rather than absolutes, and there is no way to reveal the pure ‘essence’ of reality (ibid: 170). For Bohr, Barad has argued, an observation ‘cannot be meaningfully attributed to either an abstract object or an abstract measuring instrument’, but instead to the always already contextual phenomenon (1996: 172).

巴拉德的论文基于玻尔关于测量过程在亚原子或量子层面的影响的见解（巴拉德，2007 年：198），在亚原子或量子层面，材料并不符合牛顿/笛卡尔关于观察者无关性的预期。与苹果从树上掉下来不同，在量子力学层面，观察行为本身似乎就决定了亚原子相互作用的结果；因此，不可能将观察的影响与物体分开，事实上，谈论一个预先存在或独立的物体变得毫无意义（Barad, 1996: 169-170）。玻尔所说的 "现象 "不仅指粒子之间相互作用的具体事例，也指与观察者/测量设备/理论之间的相互作用。因此，现象完全是情境性的，而不是绝对的，也就无法揭示现实的纯粹 "本质"（同上：170）。巴拉德认为，对玻尔而言，观察 "既不能有意义地归因于抽象的物体，也不能有意义地归因于抽象的测量仪器"，而应归因于始终存在的情境现象（1996: 172）。

Bohr’s Copenhagen Interpretation thus provided Barad with a generalized basis for a more contextual and ‘local’ research perspective on how objects behave, in both the natural and social worlds; a view to which Bohr himself assented, according to Barad (1996: 167). If there is a reality, Barad has argued, it is one constructed by ‘things in phenomena’ (1996: 176), in other words, in the interactions (or as Barad (1996: 179) has it, ‘intra-actions’) that constitute a phenomenon, event or action. These intra-actions within a phenomenon, Barad contends, constitute an ‘agential reality’ that necessarily include both object and observer, as well as both sides of nature/culture and word/world dualisms (ibid: 177). In this way, matter and meaning are inextricably fused (Barad, 2007: 3).

因此，玻尔的 "哥本哈根解释 "为巴拉德提供了一个概括性的基础，使他可以从更多的背景和 "本地 "研究角度来看待自然界和社会世界中物体的行为方式；巴拉德认为，玻尔本人也同意这一观点（1996: 167）。巴拉德认为，如果存在现实，那么现实是由 "现象中的事物"（1996: 176）构建的，换句话说，是由构成现象、事件或行动的相互作用（或如巴拉德所言（1996: 179），即 "内部作用"）构建的。巴拉德认为，现象中的这些内部互动构成了一种 "行动现实"，其中必然包括对象和观察者，以及自然/文化和文字/世界二元对立的双方（同上：177）。这样，物质和意义就不可分割地融合在一起了（Barad, 2007: 3）。

This quantum mechanical understanding of the intra-action of phenomena provides a new perspective, Barad has argued, on both natural and social science inquiry. Using what she called a ‘diffractive’ understanding (Barad, 2007: 71) of Bohr’s work (by reading it alongside social theorists including Donna Haraway, Judith Butler and Michel Foucault), she has suggested that all knowledge should be seen as situated. Scientific inquiry is not neutral: every research design, method or theory is an ‘agential cut’ that reflects a particular power-laden effort to create ‘knowledge’ (2007: 185). However, this recognition of social and local forces is not a recipe for pessimism about the outcomes of research. That scientific knowledge is constructed, she suggests, does not mean that science doesn’t work, while ‘the fact that science “works” does not mean that we have discovered human-independent facts about nature’ (2007: 40). Rather, it is precisely because science is socially constructed that provides reliable knowledge about reproducible phenomena (Barad, 1996: 186).

巴拉德认为，这种对现象内部作用的量子力学理解为自然科学和社会科学研究提供了一个新的视角。利用她对玻尔著作的所谓 "衍射 "理解（Barad, 2007: 71）（与唐娜-哈拉维、朱迪思-巴特勒和米歇尔-福柯等社会理论家一起解读），她提出，所有知识都应被视为有情景的。科学探索并不是中立的：每一种研究设计、方法或理论都是一种 "行动切割"，反映了为创造 "知识 "而做出的带有特定权力色彩的努力（2007: 185）。然而，承认社会和地方力量并不是对研究成果持悲观态度。她认为，科学知识是建构出来的，这并不意味着科学不起作用，而 "科学'起作用'的事实并不意味着我们发现了与人类无关的自然事实"（2007: 40）。相反，正是因为科学是社会建构的，它才提供了关于可再现现象的可靠知识（Barad, 1996: 186）。

For the broader sociological new materialist project that we aim to develop - and in particular for the task of undertaking empirical research on the social, Barad’s Bohrian ‘onto-epistemology’ (2007: 185) offers two important contributions. First, by drawing the researcher into the research, to become part of what we will call a ‘research-assemblage’ (Fox and Alldred, 2014) when we consider social inquiry in Chapter 9, it provides the means to transcend conventional epistemological arguments in the social sciences that have favoured either ‘realism’ (a commitment to disclosing a reality independent of the human mind) or constructionism (which sees human constructs as an inevitable limit to what can be known of the world), thus marking a decisive shift of focus from epistemology to ontology.

对于我们旨在发展的更广泛的社会学新唯物主义项目，尤其是对于开展社会实证研究的任务，巴拉德的玻里安 "进入认识论"（2007: 185）提供了两个重要贡献。首先，通过将研究者引入研究，使其成为我们在第九章讨论社会调查时所说的 "研究组合"（Fox and Alldred, 2014）的一部分，它提供了超越社会科学中传统认识论论点的方法，这些论点要么倾向于 "现实主义"（致力于揭示独立于人类思维的现实），要么倾向于建构主义（将人类建构视为对世界认知的不可避免的限制），从而标志着焦点从认识论向本体论的决定性转移。

Second, Barad’s onto-epistemology makes the point (also made by Deleuze and Guattari but from a different starting place) that ontologically, culture and nature cannot be differentially privileged and that ‘constructedness does not deny materiality’ (Barad, 1996: 181). It offers a foundation for scientific practice that is ‘material-cultural’, based not upon a distinction between independent observer and independent object of inquiry, but in ‘the movements between meanings and matter, word and world, interrogating and re-defining boundaries ... in “the between” where knowledge and being meet’ (ibid: 185). Barad’s work thereby supplies an agenda for a critical new materialist social science that can both reveal the specific ‘agential cuts’ that disguise the simultaneous materiality and discursivity of scientific inquiry (1996: 188), and show how applying a certain theoretical framework or a particular study methodology to a research problem produces specific phenomena (1996: 179-183). We shall return to this aspect of Barad's analysis when we consider research methodology later in the book.

其次，巴拉德的onto-epistemology提出了一个观点（德勒兹和瓜塔里也提出了这一观点，但出发点不同），即从本体论上讲，文化和自然不能被区别对待，"建构性并不否认物质性"（Barad, 1996: 181）。它为 "物质-文化 "科学实践提供了基础，这种基础不是基于独立观察者与独立研究对象之间的区别，而是基于 "意义与物质、文字与世界之间的运动，在知识与存在交汇的'两者之间'质疑并重新定义边界......"（同上：185）。因此，巴拉德的著作为批判性的新唯物主义社会科学提供了一个议程，既揭示了掩盖科学探究的物质性和话语性的特定 "行动切割"（1996: 188），又展示了如何将特定理论框架或特定研究方法应用于研究问题，从而产生特定现象（1996: 179-183）。在本书稍后讨论研究方法时，我们将再次讨论巴拉德的这方面分析。

Rosi Braidotti and the posthuman

罗西-布雷多蒂与后人类

Of the new materialists reviewed here, Rosi Braidotti offers the most thoroughly developed and penetrating critique of ‘anthropocentrism’: the pervasive postEnlightenment humanistic outlook that has regarded the human (and more typically, the male human) as the centre of concern, and the ‘measure of all things’. Anthropocentrism is, of course, foundational to the social and human sciences that have emerged over the past 200 years, which dissect the human body and soul in ever-increasing detail and offer solutions to how humans should conduct themselves.

在本文评述的新唯物主义者中，罗西-布赖多蒂对 "人类中心主义 "进行了最彻底、最深刻的批判：启蒙运动后普遍存在的人文主义观点将人（更典型的是男性）视为关注的中心和 "万物的尺度"。当然，人类中心主义是过去 200 年中出现的社会科学和人文科学的基础，这些科学对人类的身体和灵魂进行了越来越详细的剖析，并为人类如何自处提供了解决方案。

Braidotti’s work has drawn upon a range of embodied feminisms and materialisms, from de Beauvoir and Haraway to Foucault and Deleuze (Braidotti, 2011: 128), but has adopted 'nomadology' - a concept and philosophical position devised by Deleuze and Guattari to be emblematic of de-territorialization (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 382) — as the basis for a philosophical trajectory developing a notion of ‘nomadic thought’. This latter she has described as ‘a non- unitary vision of the subject ... that is densely material [and that] invites us to rethink the structures and boundaries of the self’ (Braidotti, 2011: 3), but that is quite distinct from an anthropocentric and individualist view of the self. Instead of exploring the body as the product of discourses of law, medicine, science and so forth, as in the ‘linguistic turn’ of post-structuralism, Braidotti’s interest has been in the materiality of the lived and living body (2011: 130), and in developing an embodied and embedded, feminist and materialist, nomadic and ‘posthuman’ theory of the body and subjectivity (2013: 51).

Braidotti 的作品借鉴了从波伏娃（de Beauvoir）和哈拉维（Haraway）到福柯（Foucault）和德勒兹（Deleuze）的一系列具身女性主义和唯物主义（Braidotti, 2011: 128），但采用了 "游牧学"--德勒兹和瓜塔里（Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 382）设计的概念和哲学立场，作为发展 "游牧思想 "概念的哲学轨迹的基础。她将后者描述为 "主体的非单一视角......这种视角具有浓厚的物质性，[并]邀请我们重新思考自我的结构和边界"（Braidotti，2011: 3），但与人类中心主义和个人主义的自我观截然不同。布赖多蒂并不像后结构主义的 "语言转向 "那样，将身体作为法律、医学、科学等话语的产物来探讨，而是关注生活和生命身体的物质性（2011: 130），并对身体和主体性发展出一种体现和嵌入、女性主义和物质主义、游牧和 "后人类 "理论（2013: 51）。

In this posthumanist project, the racial, sexual and natural ‘others’ of modernity and humanism become ‘positive and pro-active alternatives’ that express both the crisis of the majority and the becomings of minorities (2013： 37-8). Braidotti’s writing is consequently replete with discussions of ‘becoming-animal’, ‘becoming-woman’ and ‘becoming-minoritarian’. Thus, the ‘nomadic becomingwoman’ moves beyond an essentialist understanding of female specificity, tracing a ‘zig-zag path’ that encompasses issues from global social justice to creativity (2011: 41). Philosophical nomadism contests ‘the arrogance of anthropocen- trism'，allying instead with the productive and transformational forces of zoe or ‘life in its inhuman aspects’ (2011: 139). This monistic philosophy of becoming challenges essentialist dualisms such as man/woman, human/animal, minority/ majority, and:

在这个后人文主义项目中，现代性和人文主义的种族、性和自然 "他者 "成为 "积极主动的替代品"，既表达了多数人的危机，也表达了少数人的成为（2013：37-8）。因此，Braidotti 的著作中充满了对 "成为动物"、"成为女人 "和 "成为少数派 "的讨论。因此，"游牧成为女性 "超越了对女性特异性的本质主义理解，追溯了一条 "之字形道路"，涵盖了从全球社会正义到创造力等问题（2011: 41）。游牧哲学反对 "人类主义的傲慢"，转而支持 "Zoe "或 "非人类生活 "的生产和变革力量（2011: 139）。这种关于 "成为 "的一元论哲学挑战了本质主义的二元论，如男人/女人、人类/动物、少数人/多数人等：

rests on the idea that matter, including the specific slice of matter that is human embodiment, is intelligent and self-organizing. This means that matter is not dialectically opposed to culture, nor to technological mediation, but continuous with them. (2013: 35)

这一观点的基础是，物质，包括作为人类化身的特定物质，是有智慧的、自我组织的。这意味着物质与文化或技术中介不是辩证对立的，而是相辅相成的。(2013: 35)

This analysis is congruent with the other materialisms already reviewed, which have sought to reinstate vital, self-organizing capacities to what is traditionally conceived as inert matter, and to break through the social theory dualisms of nature/culture (2013: 2) and mind/body (2011: 99). The resulting ‘radical neomaterialist' and ‘posthumanist feminist' perspective cuts across natural and social science boundaries, drawing neurology and phenomenology, artificial intelligence and cultural theory into juxtaposition (2011: 132). Braidotti has used her conception of the posthuman as the philosophical foundation for what she has called the ‘post-humanities’, the successor to the anthropocentric humanities. The subject of the post-humanities is not ‘Man’ (2013: 169) but rather the processes of change and becoming of the natural and social world, and an ecology of the human and the non-human in which neither is distinguished from, or privileged over the other. (We will re-visit this posthuman perspective when we explore new materialist understanding of ‘the environment’ in Chapter 3.)

这一分析与已述及的其他唯物主义是一致的，这些唯物主义试图恢复传统上被视为惰性物质的生命力和自我组织能力，并突破自然/文化（2013: 2）和心灵/身体（2011: 99）的社会理论二元论。由此产生的 "激进新物质主义 "和 "后人类主义女权主义 "视角跨越了自然科学和社会科学的界限，将神经学和现象学、人工智能和文化理论并置在一起（2011: 132）。Braidotti 将她的后人类概念作为她所称的 "后人文学科 "的哲学基础，即人类中心主义人文学科的继承者。后人文学科的研究对象不是 "人"（2013: 169），而是自然和社会世界的变化和形成过程，以及人类和非人类的生态学，在这种生态学中，任何一方都不能与另一方区分开来，也不能凌驾于另一方之上。(我们将在第 3 章探讨新唯物主义对 "环境 "的理解时，重新审视这一后人类视角）。

In practice, this means shifting focus away from essentialist and organic notions of ‘life’ towards a concern with practices and flows of becoming, and of complex assemblages that cut across natural and cultural domains, thereby eliding also the traditional division between the ‘sciences’ (exclusively ascribed concern with nature and technology) and the ‘humanities’ (concerned with all things human, social and cultural) (2013: 172). This supplies a model for a new posthuman synergy between the physical sciences, social sciences and humanities. Braidotti has argued for a new science that is ‘ethically transformative, and not bound to the economic imperatives of advanced capitalism’, a ‘minor science’ that recognizes its material subject as complex, assembled from disparate materialities, and relational (2013: 171). While she may have had the natural sciences in mind, this argument for a posthuman science seems equally relevant to the social sciences and sociology.

在实践中，这意味着将重点从 "生命 "的本质主义和有机概念转移到对 "成为 "的实践和流动以及跨越自然和文化领域的复杂组合的关注上，从而也消除了 "科学"（专门关注自然和技术）与 "人文学科"（关注人类、社会和文化的一切事物）之间的传统划分（2013: 172）。这为物理科学、社会科学和人文学科之间新的后人类协同作用提供了一种模式。Braidotti 主张建立一门 "在伦理上具有变革性、不受先进资本主义经济要求束缚 "的新科学，一门 "小科学"，承认其物质主体是复杂的，由不同的物质性组合而成，并具有关联性（2013: 171）。虽然她考虑的可能是自然科学，但这一关于后人类科学的论点似乎同样适用于社会科学和社会学。

Propositions for a new materialist sociology

新唯物主义社会学的主张

Though these four summaries of new materialist scholars do not exhaust the breadth of the new materialisms (we might, for instance, have also considered Bennett’s (2010) explorations of vibrant matter and ‘thing-power’, DeLanda’s (2006) realist re-thinking of Deleuzian assemblage theory, Haraway’s (1991, 1997) posthumanist science studies or Massumi’s (1996) exploration of affect), they do reveal a tapestry of concepts that make new materialism distinct from both historical materialism and the ontology of autonomous entities that underpins mainstream sociology (DeLanda, 2013: xiii). Latour’s project re-assembles nature and cultures, and challenges a division between ‘micro’ and ‘macro’ sociologies, turning the ‘social forces’ such as patriarchy or neoliberalism that have been often used to explain social phenomena into the things that themselves need to be explicated. Deleuze and Guattari supply ontological concepts that can help to flesh out this change of focus, with their emphasis on assemblages rather than entities, and on affects in place of agency, while also offering a sociologically and sociologically-viable micropolitics of assemblages as ‘becomings’, always in flux. Barad challenges social science to shift its focus of debate over social inquiry from epistemology to ontology, firmly situating the sociological observer as part of the events being researched, and ‘meaning’ as part of materiality. Finally, Braidotti offers an intellectual, ethical and political agenda for the new materialisms in which embodiment, subjectivity and ecology are parts of a posthuman project that transcends the humanities, social and natural sciences.

尽管这四位新唯物主义学者的总结并没有穷尽新唯物主义的广度（例如，我们还可以考虑贝内特（2010 年）对有活力的物质和 "物力 "的探索，迪兰达（2006 年）对德勒兹集合理论的现实主义再思考，哈拉维（1991 年、1997 年）的后人文主义科学研究或马苏米（1996 年）对情感的探索），但它们确实揭示了使新唯物主义有别于历史唯物主义的各种概念、哈拉维（1991，1997）的后人文主义科学研究或马苏米（1996）对情感的探索），它们确实揭示了新唯物主义有别于历史唯物主义和支撑主流社会学的自主实体本体论的各种概念（DeLanda, 2013：xiii）。拉图尔的项目重新组合了自然和文化，挑战了 "微观 "和 "宏观 "社会学之间的划分，将父权制或新自由主义等经常被用来解释社会现象的 "社会力量 "转化为需要被解释的事物本身。德勒兹和瓜塔里提供的本体论概念有助于充实这一焦点的变化，他们强调组合而非实体，强调影响而非代理，同时还提供了一种社会学上和社会学上可行的微观政治学，即组合作为 "成为"，始终处于变化之中。巴拉德挑战社会科学将社会调查的辩论焦点从认识论转向本体论，将社会学观察者牢固地定位为所研究事件的一部分，将 "意义 "定位为物质性的一部分。最后，Braidotti 为新唯物主义提供了一个知识、伦理和政治议程，其中体现、主体性和生态学是超越人文科学、社会科学和自然科学的后人类项目的组成部分。

With the benefit of these theoretical insights, what then might the imagination of a new materialist sociology (or sociologically-inflected new materialism) encompass? To structure our answer to that question, we might begin with the ontological claims that we set out in the opening pages of this book concerning what matter does, the relationship between nature and culture, and social production. We will re-work and develop these in the light of the new materialist theorists we have reviewed, and the tendency of all four to cut across dualisms such as nature/culture or mind/matter, favouring instead monistic explanations that at the same time open social processes, and hence sociology, to flux and multiplicity (van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010). These propositions will seek to refine understanding of what a ‘materiality’ signifies, with the aim of establishing a framework for materialist sociology, and to consider how this challenges some of the foundational sociological conceptions of both the social world and how social inquiry is to be undertaken. At this point, we will simply sketch out the broad features of a new materialist sociology; we will add more detail to our model throughout the book, as we explore different areas of sociology.

有了这些理论洞见，新唯物主义社会学（或社会学意义上的新唯物主义）的想象力可能包括哪些内容呢？为了回答这个问题，我们可以从本书开篇提出的本体论主张开始，这些主张涉及物质的作用、自然与文化的关系以及社会生产。我们将根据我们所评述的新唯物主义理论家的观点，以及这四位理论家都倾向于跨越自然/文化或心灵/物质等二元论，转而倾向于一元论的解释，同时将社会过程，进而将社会学，向流动性和多重性开放（van der Tuin 和 Dolphijn，2010 年），对这些观点进行再加工和发展。这些命题将试图完善对 "物质性 "含义的理解，目的是为物质主义社会学建立一个框架，并考虑这将如何挑战社会学对社会世界的一些基本概念，以及如何进行社会探究。在这一点上，我们将简单勾勒出新唯物主义社会学的大致特征；在本书中，随着我们对社会学不同领域的探索，我们将为我们的模型添加更多细节。

1. A focus upon matter

1.关注物质

The starting point for a new materialist sociology is its ontological orientation, which asserts a strict focus upon ‘matter’ (though as will be seen in a moment, matter comes in disparate forms). This orientation marks a clear shift away from the concerns of post-structuralist and other idealist sociological theories. These latter perspectives emphasize the constructed character of the social world; consequently constructs, language, systems of thought and discourses have been the focus of concern, both theoretically and as objects of social inquiry, displacing the sociological observer from the materiality of the social and natural world (Coole and Frost, 2010: 3).

新唯物主义社会学的出发点是其本体论取向，它主张严格关注 "物质"（尽管稍后会看到，物质的形式多种多样）。这一取向标志着与后结构主义和其他唯心主义社会学理论关注点的明显不同。后一种观点强调社会世界的建构特征；因此，建构、语言、思想体系和话语，无论是在理论上还是作为社会探究的对象，都成为关注的焦点，使社会学观察者脱离了社会和自然世界的物质性（Coole and Frost, 2010: 3）。

New materialist sociology’s concern is with social production rather than social construction, and consequently extends to examine matter’s capacities: how it interacts, affects and is affected by other materialities, and how material forces produce both the world and human history from moment to moment. New materialism emphasizes matter’s capacity for self-organization (or ‘autopoiesis’), or even its ‘vitality’ (Bennett, 2010). We see this not as imputing ‘life’ to matter, but recognizing that new materialism’s monism means that matter is ontologically free (Braidotti, 2013: 56): it is not ‘opposed’ to anything else

新唯物主义社会学关注的是社会生产而非社会建构，并因此扩展到研究物质的能力：物质如何与其他物质互动、影响其他物质并受其他物质影响，以及物质力量如何一刻不停地创造世界和人类历史。新唯物主义强调物质的自我组织能力（或 "自组织"），甚至是其 "生命力"（Bennett，2010 年）。我们认为这并不是将 "生命 "归因于物质，而是认识到新唯物主义的一元论意味着物质在本体论上是自由的（Braidotti, 2013: 56）：它并不与其他任何事物 "对立"。

(for example, ‘mind’ or ‘spirit’), nor is there anything inside or outside matter that makes it do what it does.

(例如，"思想 "或 "精神"），物质内部或外部也没有任何东西使它做出这样的行为。

2. Explore what matter does, not what it is

2.探索物质的作用，而不是物质的本质

If new materialisms shift away from constructionist concerns with how human constructs and meanings produce the social world, the perspectives we have surveyed do not simply adopt a realist notion of a multitude of individual material entities each located within its own bit of space and time (Coole and Frost, 2010： 7). For all the new materialist scholars surveyed earlier, materialities - bodies, objects, organs, species and so forth - should be regarded not as ontologically-prior essences, each occupying distinct and delimited spaces, but as relational, gaining ontological status and integrity only through their relationship to other similarly contingent and ephemeral bodies, things and ideas (Deleuze 1988： 123; Haraway, 1991： 201).

如果新唯物主义不再关注人类建构和意义如何产生社会世界的建构主义问题，那么我们所调查的观点就不会简单地采用现实主义的概念，即由众多单个物质实体组成，每个实体都位于各自的空间和时间中（Coole and Frost, 2010： 7）。对于前面所调查的所有新唯物主义学者而言，物质性--身体、物体、器官、物种等--不应被视为本体论上先行的本质，各自占据着独特而有限的空间，而应被视为关系性的，只有通过与其他类似的偶然和短暂的身体、事物和观念的关系，才能获得本体论的地位和完整性（德勒兹，1988：123；哈拉维，1991：201）。

This relational ontology has led new materialist scholars to assert that matter is to be studied not in terms of what it is, but in terms of what it does： what associations it makes, what capacities it has to affect its relations or to be affected by them, what consequences derive from these interactions. This rela- tionality, and the concepts to describe it, are perhaps most fully developed in Deleuze’s (1988) ontology. This adopts Spinoza’s notion of an affect (Deleuze, 1988： 101), meaning simply the capacity to affect or be affected, in place of a conventional conception of ‘agency’. An affect represents a change of state or capacities of an entity (Massumi, 1988: xvi) - a change that might be physical, psychological, emotional or social; as such it is a ‘becoming’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 256). Affects are what links matter to other matter relationally, within assemblages (Blackman, 2012; Deleuze and Guattari 1988: 88) that work rather like machines, inasmuch as they do something, they produce something, according to what Clough (2004: 15) calls an ‘affect economy’ of forces. Of course as matter within assemblages is affected it may acquire new capacities to itself affect; this goes on repeatedly within assemblages, in a ‘rhizomic’, branching, reversing, coalescing and rupturing flow (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 7). Materiality is consequently plural and complex, uneven and contingent, relational and emergent (Coole and Frost, 2010: 29). We will apply this ontology of assemblages and affect economies throughout the rest of this book, as we look at different topics in sociology.

这种关系本体论促使新唯物主义学者断言，研究物质不是要看它是什么，而是要看它做什么：它产生了什么联系，它有什么能力影响它的关系或被它们影响，这些相互作用产生了什么后果。德勒兹（1988 年）的本体论也许最充分地阐释了这种关联性以及描述这种关联性的概念。德勒兹采用了斯宾诺莎的 "影响 "概念（Deleuze, 1988： 101），即影响或被影响的能力，以取代传统的 "机构 "概念。影响代表着一个实体的状态或能力的变化（Massumi, 1988: xvi）--可能是生理、心理、情感或社会的变化；因此，它是一种 "成为"（Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 256）。情感是将物质与其他物质联系起来的纽带，在组合体中（布莱克曼，2012；德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：88），这些组合体的运作方式颇似机器，它们根据克劳夫（2004：15）所说的 "情感经济 "的力量，做一些事情，生产一些东西。当然，当组合体中的物质受到影响时，它可能会获得新的影响自身的能力；这种情况在组合体中以 "根瘤"、分支、逆转、凝聚和断裂流的方式反复发生（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988: 7）。因此，物质性是多元的、复杂的、不均衡的、偶然的、关联的和突发的（Coole and Frost, 2010: 29）。在本书的其余部分，当我们探讨社会学的不同主题时，我们将应用这种关于集合和影响经济的本体论。

3. Human agency is not privileged

3.人的能动性不享有特权

This understanding of matter’s inherent capacity to affect has an important consequence. Rather than being merely inert stuff that may or may not be moulded by human agency, consciousness and imagination (Barad, 1996: 181; Coole and Frost, 2010: 2), the conventional hierarchy of matter (from the ‘raw materials’ of rocks and gases, through to simple life forms and onwards and upwards until we reach human agents) is flattened. Matter is not to be evaluated by its essence, but by its capacities to affect (Bennett, 2010: 3).

这种对物质内在影响能力的理解产生了一个重要的结果。物质不再仅仅是一种惰性物质，它可能会也可能不会被人类的能动性、意识和想象力所塑造（Barad, 1996: 181; Coole and Frost, 2010: 2），物质的传统层次结构（从岩石和气体的 "原材料"，到简单的生命形式，一直到人类的能动性）被扁平化了。评价物质的标准不是其本质，而是其影响能力（Bennett，2010：3）。

This undermines the emphasis on humans as exclusively productive of the social world, with profound implications for the concerns of social researchers (typically with human lives, experiences and identities), the kinds of data that are to be collected, and the sorts of research questions that should be posed. However, it also reflects a broader shift. Since their inception, the social sciences have been marked by their anthropocentrism, which privileged the human being and her social, psychological, economic, political and spatial interactions with her environment as their focus (Berger and Luckman, 1971; Giddens, 1982: 11; Mills, 2000 [1959]: 3). A materialist turn in sociology redresses this anthropocentric focus, recognizing humans as one materiality among many (Braidotti, 2006b: 41). This has the consequence of cutting across animate/inanimate and human/animal dualisms that underpin the natural and social science understandings and systems of privilege. In this way, all matter is emancipated from anthropocentric hierarchies.

这削弱了对人类作为社会世界唯一生产力的强调，对社会研究人员的关注点（通常是人类的生活、经历和身份）、应收集的数据种类以及应提出的研究问题种类产生了深远影响。不过，这也反映了一个更广泛的转变。自诞生以来，社会科学一直以人类中心主义为标志，将人类及其与环境之间的社会、心理、经济、政治和空间互动作为研究重点（Berger and Luckman, 1971; Giddens, 1982: 11; Mills, 2000 [1959]: 3）。社会学的唯物主义转向纠正了这种以人类为中心的观点，承认人类是众多物质中的一种（Braidotti, 2006b: 41）。这样做的结果是打破了自然科学和社会科学对特权的理解和体系中的有生命/无生命、人/动物二元论。这样，所有物质都从人类中心主义的等级制度中解放出来。

Recognition of the multiplicity of matter’s capacity for affectivity cuts across one of sociology’s favourite dualisms: agency/structure (DeLanda, 2006: 10). Of even greater significance, however, is the challenge this poses to the conventional distinction drawn between natural and social worlds. If matter, or more specifically how materialities affect or are affected, becomes the focus for social scientific exploration, then the distinction between ‘natural world' materialities - ‘things' such as physical objects, bodies or nervous impulses - and 'social' materialities from cultural practices to rules of social conduct, becomes irrelevant. It no longer makes sense to compare and contrast natural and social worlds; instead we should acknowledge a singular, yet multiple and rhizomic materiality. We explore this fully in the next chapter when we consider environment, and again in Chapter 8, when we look at health and sociology. However, this new monism of materialism has some other surprising consequences, as revealed in the next proposition.

对物质情感能力多重性的认识跨越了社会学最喜欢的二元论之一：机构/结构（DeLanda, 2006: 10）。然而，更为重要的是，这对自然世界与社会世界之间的传统区分提出了挑战。如果物质，或者更具体地说物质如何影响或被影响，成为社会科学探索的重点，那么 "自然世界 "物质--"事物"，如实物、身体或神经冲动--与 "社会 "物质--从文化习俗到社会行为规则--之间的区别就变得无关紧要了。对自然世界和社会世界进行比较和对比已不再有意义；相反，我们应该承认一种单一的、多重的和根状的物质性。我们将在下一章讨论环境问题时全面探讨这一点，并在第 8 章讨论健康与社会学时再次进行探讨。然而，正如下一个命题所揭示的那样，这种新的唯物主义一元论还会带来一些令人惊讶的后果。

4. Thoughts, memories, desires and emotions have material effects

4.思想、记忆、欲望和情感具有物质效应

If a focus upon what materiality does enables new materialist ontology to transcend the dualism of the natural and the social, then it also provides the means to transcend the conventional dualism between mind and matter (Barad, 2007: 152； Coole and Frost, 2010： 26-7). Because thoughts, ideas, memories, feelings, desires, and collective abstractions and ‘constructions’ can all materially affect and be affected by other relations in an assemblage, they can be treated in exactly the same way as other (seemingly more ‘material’) relations (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 89; see also Barad, 1996: 181). Barad (1996: 188) describes the ‘intra-actions’ between matter and knowledge that produce phenomena, while Deleuze and Guattari (1988: 88), DeLanda (2006) and Latour (2005) consider how the physical and cultural assemble together to produce bodies, social formations and events.

如果说关注物质性的作用能使新唯物主义本体论超越自然与社会的二元论，那么它也为超越传统的心灵与物质的二元论提供了手段（Barad, 2007: 152; Coole and Frost, 2010: 26-7）。由于思想、观念、记忆、情感、欲望以及集体抽象和 "建构 "都可以在物质上影响集合体中的其他关系，并受其影响，因此它们可以与其他（看似更 "物质 "的）关系以完全相同的方式对待（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：89；另见巴拉德，1996：181）。Barad（1996: 188）描述了物质与知识之间产生现象的 "内部互动"，而 Deleuze 和 Guattari（1988: 88）、DeLanda（2006）和 Latour（2005）则考虑了物质与文化如何组合在一起产生身体、社会形态和事件。

This proposition marks a radical divergence from the exclusive focus in earlier materialist sociologies upon macro-structures, social institutions and economic relations noted earlier. It draws into the materialist domain aspects often regarded as the ‘subjective epiphenomena’ of events: knowledge, meanings, interpretations and social constructs, beliefs and values, as well as memories, reflections and aspirations. To the extent that all of these have the capacity to affect or be affected, they must be considered as productive relations within material phenomena or events (Barad, 2007: 152; Haraway, 1997: 129). With this focus upon the materiality of actions, interactions, subjectivities and thoughts, new materialism cuts across a conventional mind/matter dualism (van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010: 166), not by an anthropocentric privileging of human constructions of ‘reality’, but by recognizing the dynamic, generative and rhizomic production and actualization of the world, in which both matter and meaning play a part.

这一主张标志着与前述早期唯物主义社会学只关注宏观结构、社会机构和经济关系的截然 不同。它将通常被视为事件的 "主观表象 "的各个方面纳入了唯物主义范畴：知识、意义、解释和社会建构、信仰和价值观，以及记忆、反思和愿望。只要所有这些都有能力影响或被影响，它们就必须被视为物质现象或事件中的生产关系（Barad, 2007: 152; Haraway, 1997: 129）。新唯物主义关注行动、互动、主观性和思想的物质性，它跨越了传统的心智/物质二元论（van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010: 166），不是以人类为中心，偏重于人类对 "现实 "的建构，而是承认世界是动态的、生成的和根生的，物质和意义都在其中发挥作用。

The significance of this latter ontological move for the new materialist sociology that we develop in this book must not be under-estimated. By drawing the supposedly separate realms of the ‘objective’ and the ‘subjective’ into one plane, with no ‘other’ or ‘outside’ or ‘deeper level’, this new materialist perspective on how the world and human history are continually actualized and realized, cuts across the rival epistemologies of realism (that asserts a deep reality independent of human construction) and constructionism (that denies that such a reality might ever be known). Epistemological issues of how humans can ‘know’ the world appear as anthropocentric hubris, now sidelined by ontological concerns with what the world is (or rather, with what it does). As Barad (1996) has shown, human observers are ineluctably caught up in the actions they attempt to describe and explain, and rather than bemoaning a failure of objectivity, from a new materialist perspective, this reveals how thoughts, desires and interpretations are part of the on-going production of materiality.

对于我们在本书中提出的新唯物主义社会学而言，后一种本体论举措的意义不容低估。通过将 "客观 "和 "主观 "这两个本应分离的领域拉到一个平面上，而不存在 "其他"、"外部 "或 "更深层次"，这种关于世界和人类历史如何不断现实化和实现的新唯物主义视角，跨越了现实主义（主张独立于人类建构的深层现实）和建构主义（否认这种现实可能被认识）这两种对立的认识论。关于人类如何 "认识 "世界的认识论问题似乎是人类中心主义的傲慢，现在已被关于世界是什么（或更确切地说，世界做了什么）的本体论问题所取代。正如巴拉德（Barad，1996 年）所指出的，人类观察者不可避免地陷入了他们试图描述和解释的行为之中，从新唯物主义的角度来看，这与其说是在哀叹客观性的失败，不如说是揭示了思想、欲望和解释是如何成为物质性持续生产的一部分。

5. Material forces act locally

5.材料力局部作用

Together, the previous propositions supply a relational ontology, in which multiple relations assemble or associate as a consequence of their capacities to affect or be affected. The fifth proposition addresses the forces between these relations.

前面的命题共同提供了一种关系本体论，在这种本体论中，多种关系因其影响或被影响的能力而组合或联系在一起。第五个命题涉及这些关系之间的作用力。

The workings of power within modern societies have been a key concern throughout sociology’s history (Giddens, 1981: 49). In Marx’s historical materialism, power was relational but top-down: a process by which material social relations are exerted: by one class over another, or by the state upon a certain class (Jessop, 2012： 4； Nigam, 1996: 8-9; van Krieken, 1991). Post-structuralism has offered an alternative perspective, arguing that power in the contemporary world is not coercive and ‘top-down’, but instead disciplinary or governmental, concerned with controlling the minute details of human conduct in daily life (Foucault, 1990). It is a phenomenon revealed and deployed at the level of actions and events; as Foucault (1982: 789) put it, power ‘acts upon actions’.

现代社会中的权力运作一直是社会学历史上的一个主要关注点（吉登斯，1981：49）。在马克思的历史唯物主义中，权力是关系性的，但却是自上而下的：是一种物质社会关系的施加过程：由一个阶级施加于另一个阶级，或由国家施加于某个阶级（Jessop, 2012： 4；Nigam, 1996： 8-9；van Krieken, 1991）。后结构主义提供了另一种视角，认为当代世界的权力不是强制性和 "自上而下 "的，而是纪律性或政府性的，是对人类日常生活行为的微小细节的控制（Foucault, 1990）。正如福柯（1982：789）所说，权力 "作用于行动"。

The new materialisms similarly break with top-down conceptions of power, and focus on the forces (or affects) operating at the level of actions and events. The monism of new materialist ontology - of relational materialities assembled by their capacities to affect and be affected - requires that power is seen not as something outside or beyond the flow of affects in assemblages, but as this flow itself (Braidotti, 2013: 188-9). Power is a transient, fluctuating phenomenon - a momentary exercise by one relation over another; only if replicated in multiple events over time and space, does it acquire a more regular patterning, which in traditional sociology has then been seen as a thing in its own right (for instance, as ‘patriarchy’ or ‘neoliberalism’). However, this regularity is illusory: power has continuity only as long as it is replicated in the next event, and the one after that. Resistance to power, in the same way, is processual and transitory rather than something that stands outside of material affectivity. We explore power in greater detail in Chapter 4 when we unpick a new materialist perspective on social structure and organization, while in Chapter 10 we look at ‘resistance’, in relation to social change and sociological activism.

新唯物主义同样打破了自上而下的权力概念，将重点放在行动和事件层面的力量（或影响）上。新唯物主义本体论的一元论--通过影响和被影响的能力组合起来的关系物质--要求权力不是被视为组合中影响流动之外或之外的东西，而是被视为这种流动本身（Braidotti, 2013: 188-9）。权力是一种短暂的、波动的现象--一种关系对另一种关系的瞬间行使；只有在时间和空间的多重事件中被复制，权力才会获得一种更有规律的模式，这在传统社会学中被视为一种事物本身（例如，"父权制 "或 "新自由主义"）。然而，这种规律性是虚幻的：只有当权力在下一个事件中被复制时，它才具有连续性。同样，对权力的反抗也是过程性的、短暂的，而不是在物质情感之外的东西。我们将在第 4 章从新唯物主义视角解读社会结构和组织时更详细地探讨权力，而在第 10 章，我们将从社会变革和社会学行动主义的角度探讨 "抵抗"。

6. The materiality of sociology

6.社会学的物质性

Of course, these propositions about how materialities work also apply to sociology and to sociological research, and the final proposition asserts a need to understand sociology as a material and affective process. A new materialist sociology must be reflexive about how it contributes to the production of the world, social and natural, and what assemblages it is drawn into. This is pertinent when it comes to considering sociological research. Conventionally, social inquiry (like other scientific inquiry) has been anthropocentric, regarding the researcher as the prime mover in the research enterprise, whose reason, logic, theory and scientific method gradually imposes order upon ‘data’ to supply an understanding, however imperfect, of the world (and its social construction).

当然，这些关于物质性如何发挥作用的命题也适用于社会学和社会学研究，最后一个命题主张需要将社会学理解为一种物质和情感过程。新唯物主义社会学必须反思自己是如何促进社会和自然世界的生成的，以及自己被卷入了怎样的组合之中。在考虑社会学研究时，这一点非常重要。传统上，社会研究（与其他科学研究一样）是以人类为中心的，将研究者视为研究事业的主要推动者，研究者的理性、逻辑、理论和科学方法逐渐将秩序强加于 "数据"，以提供对世界（及其社会建构）的理解，无论这种理解多么不完美。

Applying the new materialist ontology of assemblages and affects developed in the preceding propositions to sociology itself, requires that we treat the researcher and the researched event, plus the many other relations involved in social inquiry such as the tools, technologies and theories of scientific research, as relations within a research-assemblage productive of a variety of material capabilities in its human and non-human constituents. This research-assemblage is shaped by affects and produces relations of power and resistance in just the same way as any other materiality, undermining any recourse to notions of the ‘objectivity’ of research (cf. Barad, 1996: 185). We take this up in detail in Chapter 9, while Chapter 10 will examine the associated issue of how sociology engages with social policy, social change, power and resistance. These latter chapters will consequently review the issue of precisely what a materialist sociology should do.

将前述命题中提出的关于集合与影响的新唯物主义本体论应用于社会学本身，要求我们将研究者与被研究事件，以及科学研究的工具、技术和理论等社会调查中涉及的许多其他关系视为研究集合体中的关系，而研究集合体在其人类和非人类成分中产生了各种物质能力。这种研究集合体与任何其他物质性一样，都是由情感塑造的，并产生权力和抵制关系，从而破坏了任何关于研究 "客观性 "的概念（参见 Barad, 1996: 185）。我们将在第 9 章详细讨论这个问题，而第 10 章将探讨社会学如何参与社会政策、社会变革、权力和抵抗的相关问题。因此，后几章将回顾唯物主义社会学应该做什么的问题。

Applying the new materialist imagination sociologically

从社会学角度应用新唯物主义想象力

With the benefit of a review of new materialist scholarship, and the subsequent development of six propositions for a new materialist sociology, we can now set out more explicitly a sociologically-useable formulation of an ontology to which we shall refer from here on simply as ‘materialist’ (losing the prefix ‘new’). By setting out these propositions at this point in the book we offer an agenda for what follows, as we turn to consider the practicalities of doing materialist sociology and undertaking materialist research. We will expand on the points we have made as we progress through the book, developing the understanding of the approach and making connections with materialist scholarship and with studies that have used such approaches. This will provide the means for students and scholars to apply a materialist sensibility to sociological topics, and to foster a materialist sociological imagination based upon a materialist understanding of the social.

通过对新唯物主义学术研究的回顾，以及随后对新唯物主义社会学六项命题的发展，我们现在可以更明确地提出一种社会学上可用的本体论表述，我们从现在起将其简称为 "唯物主义"（去掉前缀 "新"）。在本书的这个阶段提出这些命题，我们就为接下来的工作提供了一个议程，我们将转而考虑实践唯物主义社会学和开展唯物主义研究的实用性。随着本书的进展，我们将进一步阐述我们所提出的观点，加深对这一方法的理解，并将其与唯物主义学术研究以及使用过此类方法的研究联系起来。这将为学生和学者提供将唯物主义感性应用于社会学课题的方法，并在对社会的唯物主义理解的基础上培养唯物主义社会学想象力。

To illustrate how we intend to use materialist ontology to elucidate issues in sociology, we will apply the principles we have just set out to a topic that is central to contemporary social life, and a concern for sociologists of all methodological and theoretical hues - the challenges deriving from the ageing profile of Western industrialized countries. Our aim here is not to do a full-blown analysis of ageing: such an enterprise would be premature here, given we have not yet set out some other core aspects of materialist ontology (such as the elision of nature/culture to be considered in Chapter 3, or the materialist re-thinking of social stratification that we shall explore in Chapter 4). What we will do is to take some ‘data’ (descriptive statistics and an extract from an interview), and use these to establish a materialist approach, using some of the concepts we encountered earlier, specifically relation, assemblage, affect and micropolitics.

为了说明我们打算如何利用唯物主义本体论来阐释社会学中的问题，我们将把刚才阐述的原则应用于当代社会生活的一个核心话题，也是各种方法论和理论派别的社会学家所关注的问题--西方工业化国家老龄化所带来的挑战。我们在此的目的并不是要对老龄化问题进行全面分析：鉴于我们尚未阐述唯物主义本体论的其他一些核心内容（如第三章将讨论的自然/文化的分离问题，或第四章将探讨的唯物主义对社会分层的重新思考），这样做还为时过早。我们所要做的是获取一些 "数据"（描述性统计数据和访谈摘录），并利用这些数据来建立一种唯物主义方法，使用我们之前遇到的一些概念，特别是关系、组合、影响和微观政治学。

Ageing is a feature of contemporary industrialized countries, a consequence of declining birth rates and rising longevity due to improvements in health (United Nations, 2013). Official statistics suggest this trend will continue into the future, posing challenges for financial support and care of older adults by younger generations (via direct cash transfers within families, or through taxation and pensions) (Office for National Statistics, 2012; United Nations, 2013).

老龄化是当代工业化国家的一个特征，是出生率下降和健康状况改善导致寿命延长的结果（联合国，2013 年）。官方统计数据表明，这一趋势将持续到未来，这对年轻一代为老年人提供经济支持和照顾（通过家庭内部直接现金转移或税收和养老金）提出了挑战（国家统计局，2012 年；联合国，2013 年）。

Whereas such ‘macro-level’, aggregated data might be the starting point for a conventional sociology of ageing (while other sociologists might choose to focus upon the experiences of ageing through observation and interviews), our fifth materialist proposition above emphasized how power and resistance operate at a local level, ‘acting on actions’ in the myriad events that make up the social world and produce the flow of history. So our materialist starting point is necessarily concerned with what happens in the events that constitute ‘ageing’, rather than with some abstracted generalization. To focus at the level of an ‘ageing event’, consider this extract from an interview with Mr L, an older adult who Nick interviewed (Fox, 2005) as part of an ethnographic research study on older people and care in Australia and Thailand. Mr L lived with his wife at ‘Springwood’, a residential facility for older people (of a type known in Australia as ‘hostel accommodation’), comprising self-contained units plus some communal spaces and employing a range of medical and non-medical support personnel. Here he is talking about his daily life at Springwood.

这种 "宏观层面 "的综合数据可能是传统老龄化社会学的出发点（而其他社会学家可能会选择通过观察和访谈来关注老龄化的经验），而我们上述的第五个唯物主义命题则强调权力和阻力如何在地方层面运作，如何在构成社会世界和产生历史流动的无数事件中 "作用于行动"。因此，我们的唯物主义出发点必然是关注在构成 "老龄化 "的事件中发生了什么，而不是某种抽象的概括。在 "老龄化事件 "的层面上，我们来看看尼克对 L 先生的访谈摘录（福克斯，2005 年），L 先生是尼克在澳大利亚和泰国进行的一项关于老年人和护理的人种学研究的一部分。L 先生和他的妻子住在 "Springwood"，这是一家老年人居住设施（在澳大利亚被称为 "宿舍"），由独立单元和一些公共空间组成，雇用了一系列医疗和非医疗支持人员。他在这里讲述了他在斯普林伍德的日常生活。

The change in the government made a lot of difference here. Not the level of care but the availability of staff coming to you. We can press that button and it might be 10 minutes or even longer before a girl [care assistant] comes. In that time you could be lying on the floor. You could have had a heart attack. At night time, you can walk around here looking for the sister and you can’t find her. Nobody at the nurses’ station, so if there is somebody in a bad way, it’s a hell of a problem trying to find somebody sometimes Each person has got a care list but in a lot of cases the girls don’t even read it. They don’t know what they’re supposed to do. They say they haven’t got time to read it and we have had the Aged Rights Advocacy [representative] here and it’s in their statement that the girls should read everybody’s nursing care plan so that they know what they’ve got to do. But if you upset the girls, they can make it awkward for you I guess this goes on everywhere, in every home. There’s others a lot worse than this. We visited quite a lot of places before we came in here and some of them were like a jail, you know This one at least is nice and airy and open and bright - everything is on the same level. It’s got a lot going for it but it’s the shortage of staff that is the problem. They can’t do enough about that here ... it’s down to the government. I don’t think they care enough about older people.

政府的变革给这里带来了很大的变化。不是护理水平的高低，而是是否有工作人员上门服务。我们可以按下那个按钮，可能过 10 分钟甚至更长时间才会有一个女孩（护理助理）过来。在这段时间里，你可能会躺在地板上。你可能会心脏病发作。晚上，你可以在这里四处走动，寻找护士姐姐，但却找不到她。护士站没有人，所以如果有人情况不妙，找人就成了大问题。她们不知道自己该做什么。她们说没时间看，我们请来了老年权利倡导[代表]，他们在声明中说，女孩们应该阅读每个人的护理计划，这样她们才知道自己该做什么。但如果你惹女孩们不高兴，她们就会让你很尴尬。还有比这更糟糕的。在来这里之前，我们参观了很多地方，有些地方就像监狱一样，你知道吗？ 至少这间房子很好，通风、开放、明亮，所有东西都在同一水平线上。这里有很多优点，但问题是人手不足。他们在这方面做得不够......这要归咎于政府。我认为他们对老年人关心不够。

To address the first and second of our propositions, our analytical focus needs to be firmly upon materiality, and its relationality - what it does rather than what it is. So a materialist analysis begins by trawling these two sources of data, to make sense of how a wide range of materialities have been assembled (to use Latour’s and Deleuze and Guattari’s terminology). In these data, we can discover both ‘local’ relations (in the interview), and some of the contexts (suggested by the official statistics). The resulting ‘ageing-assemblage’ is a cloud of ‘intra-acting’ (Barad, 1996: 179) material relations, which might be represented thus (in no particular order):

为了解决我们的第一个和第二个命题，我们的分析重点必须紧紧围绕物质性及其关联性--它是什么而不是它是什么。因此，唯物主义分析首先要从这两个数据来源入手，了解各种物质性是如何组合起来的（用拉图尔以及德勒兹和瓜塔里的术语）。在这些数据中，我们既可以发现 "本地 "关系（访谈），也可以发现一些背景（官方统计数据）。由此产生的 "老龄化组合 "是一团 "内部作用"（Barad, 1996: 179）的物质关系，可以这样表示（顺序不分先后）：

Mr L - Mrs L - ‘Springwood, residence - concrete and glass - health - medical facilities - care assistants - care plan — management - other residents - memories - fear/anxiety - Aged Rights Advocacy 一 government - money - national care policy - ageing population - time

L 先生 - L 女士 - "春木 "住宅 - 水泥和玻璃 - 健康 - 医疗设施 - 护理助理 - 护理计划 - 管理 - 其他居民 - 回忆 - 恐惧/焦虑 - 老年权利倡导 一 政府 - 金钱 - 国家护理政策 - 人口老龄化 - 时间

No doubt there are many other relevant relations that cannot be picked up from the few data presented here, and in practice we would use multiple interviews or observational data to generate a more complete understanding of the ‘ageing assemblage’ (see, for instance, Alldred and Fox, 2015b). However, this will suffice to illustrate the approach.

毫无疑问，还有许多其他相关关系无法从本文介绍的少量数据中发现，在实践中，我们将使用多个访谈或观察数据来更全面地了解 "老龄化集合"（例如，见 Alldred 和 Fox，2015b）。不过，这足以说明我们的方法。

Our third proposition is about how assembled relations affect or are affected by each other, shifting attention away from the anthropocentric privilege supplied to human agency in conventional sociology, and ascribing this ‘affective’ capacity to all kinds of matter. The fourth proposition meanwhile has recognized that thoughts, memories, emotions and desires - through their ability to affect - are also material. To learn what an assemblage does, and the consequences for those relations assembled within it, the next step is to use the interview and observational data to reveal how the assembled relations affect, and are affected. So in this assemblage we might identify how staff affect residents physically and psychologically (and vice versa); the effects of the built environment on residents’ moods and behaviour; how money is used to provide care to older adults; the way governmental policy affects care and in turn how the quality of care produces anxiety or fear in residents; how memories affect residents’ daily preferences and decisions; the demands on staff time from multiple duties; how care plans affect what care is provided; dialogues between ageing advocates and management, and so forth.

我们的第三个命题是关于集合关系如何相互影响或被影响，将注意力从传统社会学中赋予人类能动性的人类中心主义特权转移开来，将这种 "影响 "能力赋予各种物质。与此同时，第四个命题认识到，思想、记忆、情感和欲望--通过其影响能力--也是物质。要了解一个集合体的作用，以及集合体中的关系所产生的后果，下一步就是利用访谈和观察数据来揭示集合体的关系是如何影响和被影响的。因此，在这一组合中，我们可能会发现工作人员如何在生理和心理上影响住户（反之亦然）；建筑环境对住户情绪和行为的影响；如何使用资金为老年人提供护理；政府政策如何影响护理，以及护理质量如何使住户产生焦虑或恐惧；记忆如何影响住户的日常偏好和决定；多重职责对工作人员时间的要求；护理计划如何影响所提供的护理；老龄化倡导者与管理层之间的对话，等等。

Patricia Clough (2004: 15) has suggested we think of the mix of affects in an ‘event’ (an interaction, action or other assemblage) as an ‘affect economy’ that shifts bodies and other relations ‘from one mode to another, in terms of attention, arousal, interest, receptivity, stimulation, attentiveness, action, reaction, and inaction’. This affect economy makes an assemblage do what it does and

Patricia Clough（2004: 15）建议我们将 "事件"（互动、行动或其他组合）中的情感组合视为一种 "情感经济"，它将身体和其他关系 "从一种模式转换到另一种模式，包括关注、唤醒、兴趣、接受、刺激、专注、行动、反应和不行动"。这种 "情感经济 "使一个集合体能够做它所做的事情，并且

produce the capacities of all the assembled relations, from human bodies to government policy. It both holds an assemblage together and may drive it apart, and comprises affects that range from the natural (such as the physical properties of concrete or glass), the biological (for example, physiological processes of ageing), through the psychological (emotions and memories), to the sociocultural (for instance, social interactions between staff and residents). The affect economy mediates the micropolitics of the assemblage, or to put it in sociological terms, the processes of power and resistance that shape social organization and subjectivities.

它产生从人体到政府政策等所有组合关系的能力。它既能使集合体结合在一起，也可能使其分离，并包含从自然（如混凝土或玻璃的物理性质）、生物（如老化的生理过程）、心理（情感和记忆）到社会文化（如工作人员和居民之间的社会互动）的各种影响。情感经济对集合体的微观政治起着中介作用，或者用社会学的术语来说，就是塑造社会组织和主体性的权力和抵抗过程。

This analysis draws into assemblage both natural/physical and cultural/ psychological relations, and also the ‘micro’ of embodiment and human experiences and the ‘macro’ of government policy and demography (Youdell and McGimpsey, 2015: 119). Recall again our fifth proposition about the local nature of power and resistance, and the absence of a ‘structural’ level in this materialist ontology. This means that if a materialist ontology is to work sociologically, it is these affects or forces - and these alone - that must produce everything, from a human’s social identity or a body’s capacities, through to the continuities and social regularities that we discern in social life (in this example, ‘macro-level’ things like a national care policy or an ageing population). They must also generate the kinds of social ‘entities’ that sociology has conventionally called structures, mechanisms, systems or discourses, of which ‘ageism’ is an example.

这种分析将自然/物理关系和文化/心理关系，以及体现和人类经验的 "微观 "和政府政策与人口统计的 "宏观"（Youdell and McGimpsey, 2015: 119）都纳入了组合之中。再次回顾我们关于权力和抵抗的地方性的第五个命题，以及这种唯物主义本体论中 "结构 "层面的缺失。这意味着，如果唯物主义本体论要在社会学上发挥作用，那么从人类的社会身份或身体能力，到我们在社会生活中发现的连续性和社会规律性（在这个例子中，"宏观层面 "的东西，如国家护理政策或人口老龄化），必须是这些影响或力量--而且仅仅是这些--产生了一切。它们还必须产生社会学传统上称之为结构、机制、系统或话语的各种社会 "实体"，"老龄歧视 "就是其中的一个例子。

How is this possible? In Chapter 4, we will address this when we consider a materialist sociology of organization, and how a materialist sociology moves beyond ‘structural’ models of the social. For now, we might simply note that a ‘local’ event (such as described by Mr L here) assembles the ‘micro’ of experience and subjectivity with the 'macro' of laws, policies, economies and so forth - as mediated by local affects. So, for instance, in this illustration, macro-level factors such as declining birth rates, increased longevity and government economic austerity are mediated locally by the reduced service that staff can provide as a consequence of tight budgets and demands on time. Meanwhile, an affect economy such as the one described by Mr L at ‘Springwood’, if temporally and spatially reproduced at other locations, may eventually manifest to outside observers as a broader social formation or ‘structure’. For instance, pressures on staff time and a consequent lack of attention afforded to residents, reproduced over time, and in many other parallel facilities, little by little produce an apparent pattern of inter-generational inequality which is then labelled by sociologists and by activists alike as ‘ageism’.

这怎么可能呢？在第 4 章中，我们将讨论这个问题，届时我们将考虑组织的唯物主义社会学，以及唯物主义社会学如何超越社会的 "结构 "模式。现在，我们可以简单地指出，"地方 "事件（如 L 先生在此所描述的）将经验和主观性的 "微观 "与法律、政策、经济等的 "宏观 "结合在一起--以地方影响为媒介。因此，举例来说，在这个例子中，出生率下降、寿命延长和政府经济紧缩等宏观层面的因素，在地方上通过工作人员因预算紧张和对时间的要求而减少所能提供的服务来调节。同时，像 L 先生在 "春木镇 "所描述的影响经济，如果在其他地点进行时空复制，最终可能会在外部观察者眼中表现为一种更广泛的社会形态或 "结构"。例如，工作人员的时间压力以及由此造成的对居民的关注不足，随着时间的推移，在许多其他并行设施中逐渐产生了一种明显的代际不平等模式，然后被社会学家和活动家称为 "年龄歧视"。

This example has demonstrated the kind of analysis that can be undertaken by applying the materialist propositions that we have developed in this chapter. It establishes a dynamic understanding of an event that draws micro and macro, natural and cultural, human and non-human into assemblage. However, it clarifies an important point about materialist analysis: sociologically, the focus of interest and concern rests entirely upon the micropolitics of what goes on within assemblages. Much of what will follow in this book will be devoted to micropolitical exploration of material affect economies in different fields of sociological concern. We will conclude this chapter by exploring two micropolitical processes that we will encounter throughout our materialist sociology.

这个例子展示了运用我们在本章中提出的唯物主义命题所能进行的分析。它建立了对事件的动态理解，将微观和宏观、自然和文化、人类和非人类融合在一起。不过，这也阐明了唯物主义分析的一个重要观点：从社会学角度看，兴趣和关注的焦点完全在于集合体内部发生的微观政治。本书接下来的大部分内容将致力于对社会学关注的不同领域中的物质影响经济进行微观政治探索。在本章的最后，我们将探讨我们在唯物主义社会学中会遇到的两个微观政治过程。

The micropolitics of social production

社会生产的微观政治学

To understand what goes on inside assemblages, we shall apply two concepts to aid us, derived from DeleuzoGuattarian materialism. The first, ‘territorialization’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 88-89), we noted earlier addresses how affect economies in assemblages produce specific capacities in bodies and other relations. We see this as an ‘ecological’ specification process not unrelated to the French agricultural notion of ‘terroir’, which acknowledges how features in the immediate physical environment establish a vine’s or a beehive’s capacities to produce certain qualities in wine or honey. Similarly, affects deriving from relations in assemblages specify or ‘localize’ the capacities of a body or other relation.

为了理解集合体内部发生了什么，我们将运用源自德勒兹-瓜塔里唯物主义的两个概念来帮助我们。第一个概念是 "地域化"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：88-89），我们在前面提到过，它涉及到集合体中的影响经济如何在身体和其他关系中产生特定的能力。我们认为这是一个 "生态 "规范过程，与法国农业的 "风土 "概念不无关系，后者承认直接物理环境的特征如何确立了葡萄树或蜂巢生产特定品质葡萄酒或蜂蜜的能力。同样，由集合体中的关系所产生的影响也会使身体或其他关系的能力具体化或 "本地化"。

Territorialization/specification is not absolute, because other affects may de-territorialize/generalize and then re-territorialize/re-specify a body, re-shaping the possibilities and limits of what a body can do, continuously and unendingly. The most obvious case in the illustration above was the territorialization or specification of Mr L and his wife by natural and sociocultural affects in terms of age. Meanwhile care assistants were territorialized by their employment, by time and by the requirements to follow care plans.

地域化/具体化并不是绝对的，因为其他影响可能会去地域化/泛化，然后重新地域化/重新具体化一个身体，持续不断地重塑一个身体所能做的事情的可能性和局限性。上述例子中最明显的例子是，L 先生和他的妻子在年龄方面受到自然和社会文化的影响而被地域化或特定化。同时，护理助理也因其工作、时间和遵循护理计划的要求而被地域化。

The second analytic concept we use to explore assemblage micropolitics is a distinction between ‘aggregative’ and ‘singular’ affects (Fox and Alldred, 2014).3 Aggregating affects act similarly on multiple bodies, organizing or categorizing them to create converging identities or capacities. In our example, Mr and Mrs L were aggregated by the Springwood assemblage into a category of dependent residents, establishing their status, capacities and others’ expectations; meanwhile the care assistants were aggregated as ‘the girls’ with other statuses and capacities. Aggregation is very widespread in human cultures, producing the social stratifications of gender, race and class that we shall look at in Chapter 4, as well as other social categories such as ‘delinquent’, ‘criminal’, ‘heterosexual’ and so on. Prejudices and biases may aggregate people according to specific physical or behavioural characteristics, while the discourses on human conduct documented by Foucault (1976, 1979, 1981, 1990) aggregate bodies through discipline or governmentality.

我们用来探索集合微观政治学的第二个分析概念是 "聚合 "情感和 "单一 "情感之间的区别（Fox 和 Alldred，2014 年）。在我们的例子中，L 先生和 L 太太被春木镇的集合体聚合为一类依赖性居民，确立了他们的地位、能力和他人的期望；同时，护理助理被聚合为具有其他地位和能力的 "女孩们"。聚合在人类文化中非常普遍，它产生了我们将在第 4 章讨论的性别、种族和阶级社会分层，以及其他社会类别，如 "犯罪者"、"罪犯"、"异性恋者 "等。偏见和成见可能会根据特定的身体或行为特征将人聚合在一起，而福柯（1976、1979、1981、1990）所记录的关于人类行为的论述则通过纪律或政府性将身体聚合在一起。

By contrast, other affects produce a singular outcome or capacity in just one body or other relation, with no significance beyond itself, and without aggregating consequences. Singular affects in Mr L’s account included his effort to summon a care assistant to provide help, or the effect the home’s architecture had on his mood. Events will usually comprise many singular affects, from a smell that triggers an emotion to a memory that produces an action or a decision. Such singular affects may act on occasions as micropolitical drivers of de-territorialization, enabling bodies to resist aggregating or constraining forces, and opening up new capacities to act, feel or desire - a dis-aggregation described by Deleuze and Guattari (1988: 277) as a ‘line of flight’. As such, they will be of interest to us as we explore resistance from a materialist standpoint.

与此相反，其他影响只在一个身体或其他关系中产生单一的结果或能力，没有超越其本身的意义，也没有累积的后果。在 L 先生的叙述中，单一影响包括他努力召唤护理助理提供帮助，或住宅建筑对他的情绪产生的影响。事件通常由许多单一影响组成，从引发情绪的气味到产生行动或决定的记忆。这些奇异的影响可能在某些情况下成为去地域化的微观政治驱动力，使身体能够抵制聚集或限制力量，并开启新的行动、感觉或欲望能力--德勒兹和瓜塔里（1988: 277）将这种去聚合描述为 "飞行线"。因此，当我们从唯物主义的角度探讨抵抗时，我们会对它们感兴趣。

These two dynamic processes of specification/generalization and aggregation/ dis-aggregation will be our ways into exploring the micropolitics of assemblages. In our illustration, they can provide us with an assessment of the dependency culture of Springwood, as mediated by micropolitical processes including cultural understandings of ageing, the institutionalization of aged care in both architecture and social interactions, as exacerbated by economic austerity and staff shortages. At the same time, there remain possibilities for singular affects and lines of flight (Fox, 2005) 一 resistance is always possible. A fullblown analysis of Springwood and its residents and staff would seek to reveal the granularity of materiality and how it produces both the daily lives of older adults and the broader material circumstances of ageing in a developed country. It would establish a basis for a critical perspective on the materiality of human ageing, recognizing how the natural and the cultural together contribute to this aspect of the social world. It would also provide a means to think differently about ageing, to take an ecological, post-anthropocentric and posthuman view of time and its effects on matter in all its human and non-human forms (Braidotti, 2013: 111ff.).

这两个动态过程，即具体化/概括化和聚合/分解，将是我们探索组合微观政治的途径。在我们的示例中，它们可以为我们提供对春木镇依赖文化的评估，这种依赖文化以微观政治过程为媒介，包括对老龄化的文化理解、建筑和社会交往中的养老机构化，以及因经济紧缩和人员短缺而加剧的养老机构化。与此同时，仍有可能出现奇异的影响和逃亡路线（福克斯，2005 年）--抵抗总是可能的。对斯普林伍德及其居民和工作人员进行全面分析，可以揭示物质性的细微差别，以及它是如何产生老年人的日常生活和发达国家老龄化的广泛物质环境的。它将为从批判的角度看待人类老龄化的物质性奠定基础，认识到自然和文化是如何共同促成社会世界的这一方面的。它还将提供一种以不同方式思考老龄化的方法，以生态学、后人类中心主义和后人类的观点看待时间及其对所有人类和非人类形式的物质的影响（Braidotti，2013：111ff.）。

It is appropriate therefore that we turn in the next chapter to consideration of ‘the environment’, in which we explore more broadly the significance of the micropolitical processes of specification and aggregation.

因此，我们在下一章转而讨论 "环境 "问题，更广泛地探讨规范和聚合的微观政治过程的意义是恰当的。

Summary

摘要

In this chapter, we have introduced the new materialisms, and by exploring the main features of just some of the leading scholars, have established the principles of a materialist sociology, which we shall apply in the rest of this book. These principles address how a materialist sociology understands materiality, the relationality of materialities, the ways that capacities are produced in materialities and the micropolitics of power and resistance in materialist sociology.

在本章中，我们介绍了新唯物主义，并通过探讨一些主要学者的主要特点，确立了唯物主义社会学的原则，我们将在本书的其余部分应用这些原则。这些原则涉及唯物主义社会学如何理解物质性、物质性的关系性、物质性中产生能力的方式以及唯物主义社会学中的权力与抵抗的微观政治学。

In the final section of this chapter, we set out a model for how we shall develop a materialist sociology in subsequent chapters. We introduced the key concepts of relations, assemblages, affects and micropolitics, and showed how these can be used to address an event sociologically. We will use this approach repeatedly as we look at different sociological topics, both in terms of materialist and posthuman theory and in terms of practical social research and policy. Our next chapter starts on that exploration, as we turn to the intra-actions between ‘nature, and 'culture’.

在本章最后一节，我们为如何在后续章节中发展唯物主义社会学建立了一个模型。我们介绍了关系、集合、影响和微观政治学等关键概念，并展示了如何利用这些概念从社会学角度来探讨一个事件。在我们探讨不同的社会学主题时，无论是从唯物主义和后人类理论的角度，还是从实际社会研究和政策的角度，我们都将反复使用这种方法。下一章我们将开始这一探索，探讨 "自然 "与 "文化 "之间的内在联系。

Notes

说明

1. Ontology concerns propositions about the fundamental nature of things and the kinds of things that exist, while epistemology addresses how these things can be known by an observer.

本体论涉及有关事物基本性质和存在事物种类的命题，而认识论则涉及观察者如何认识这些事物。

2. The Copenhagen Interpretation was Niels Bohr’s proposition that quantum particles exist in multiple states, and are only brought into a specific state when interacting with an outside agency such as an observer. Because for a single particle this state may vary from observation to observation, this makes the universe uncertain and unpredictable.

哥本哈根解释 "是尼尔斯-玻尔（Niels Bohr）提出的命题，即量子粒子以多种状态存在，只有在与外部机构（如观察者）相互作用时才会进入特定状态。由于对单个粒子而言，这种状态在不同的观察中可能会有所不同，这就使得宇宙变得不确定和不可预测。

3. Our terms aggregative and singular replace Deleuze and Guattari’s (1984: 286-8) terminology of 'molar’ and 'molecular’ affects, respectively.

我们的术语 "聚合"（aggregative）和 "单一"（singular）分别取代了德勒兹和瓜塔里（Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 286-8）的术语 "摩尔"（molar）和 "分子"（molecular）影响。

Further reading

更多阅读

Barad, K. (1996) Meeting the universe halfway: realism and social constructivism without contradiction. In: Nelson, L.H. and Nelson, J. (eds.) Feminism, Science and the Philosophy of Science. Dordrecht: Kluwer, pp. 161-194.

Barad, K. (1996) Meeting the universe halfway: realism and social constructivism without contradiction.In：Nelson, L.H. and Nelson, J. (eds.) Feminism, Science and the Philosophy of Science.Dordrecht：Dordrecht: Kluwer, pp.

Braidotti, R. (2013). The Posthuman. Cambridge: Polity.

Braidotti, R. (2013).The Posthuman.剑桥：Polity.

Latour, B. (2005) Re-assembling the Social. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Latour, B. (2005) Re-assembling the Social.牛津大学出版社：牛津大学出版社。

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3 Environment: Humans, Posthumans and Ecological Sociology

3 环境：人类、后人类与生态社会学

Introduction

简介

In the previous chapter, we considered the ways in which materialist scholars and researchers have conceptualized the world in terms of its materiality, and made some suggestions about how this perspective affects the ways in which a materialist sociological imagination might develop. We developed a set of propositions to guide the practice of a materialist sociology, and also identified an emphasis on exploring assemblage micropolitics. To develop this imagination further, we will focus in this chapter on a foundational issue in sociology: the relationship between humans and their environment.

在上一章中，我们探讨了唯物主义学者和研究人员如何从物质性的角度对世界进行概念化，并就这一视角如何影响唯物主义社会学想象力的发展方式提出了一些建议。我们提出了一系列指导唯物主义社会学实践的命题，并确定了探索集合微观政治学的重点。为了进一步发展这种想象力，我们将在本章中重点讨论社会学的一个基础问题：人类与其环境之间的关系。

Our intention here is to bring to bear a materialist perspective on the specific ways in which sociology has considered environment, and in the process, explore some foundational dualisms for sociology: culture/nature, human/ non-human and agency/structure. These dualisms, we would argue, contribute to an ‘anthropocentric’ focus for sociological discussions of environment, in which the human and the cultural are privileged over environment, nature and other species (Stevens, 2012). Our objective will be to explore the consequences for sociology of adopting an alternative materialist sociology of environment that cuts across such dualisms and applies the ‘flat’, monistic ontology of materialism outlined in Chapter 2.

在此，我们希望以唯物主义的视角来审视社会学对环境问题的具体思考方式，并在此过程中探讨社会学的一些基本二元论：文化/自然、人类/非人类以及机构/结构。我们认为，这些二元论造成了社会学对环境讨论的 "人类中心主义"，在这种讨论中，人类和文化相对于环境、自然和其他物种享有特权（Stevens，2012）。我们的目标是探讨采用另一种唯物主义环境社会学对社会学的影响，这种社会学跨越了二元对立，应用了第 2 章中概述的 "扁平"、一元化的唯物主义本体论。

Historically, culture/nature dualism has been a neat way to set limits on the concerns of the social and natural sciences, respectively (Barad, 1996: 181; Braidotti, 2013: 3; Fox and Alldred, 2015). At first sight, it seems fair to ascribe phenomena such as patterns of atmospheric pressure or the operation of living cells and organs to the ‘natural’ world and others such as industrialization or sexuality to an alternative realm: the ‘social’ world. But what happens when we start to explore embodiment, anthropogenic climate change, or the effects of the built environment on human well-being? It swiftly becomes clear that the natural and cultural are intertwined and that a culture/nature dualism imposes a false division to understanding these complex processes. More and more, social and natural scientists in fields as disparate as epigenetics, macroeconomics and environmental science are recognizing that we need to cut across these artificial distinctions, and work across disciplinary boundaries to formulate new questions and solutions (Landecker and Panofsky, 2013； Meloni, 2014； Niewohner, 2011： 281).

从历史上看，文化/自然二元论一直是分别限制社会科学和自然科学关注点的一种巧妙方式（Barad, 1996: 181; Braidotti, 2013: 3; Fox and Alldred, 2015）。乍一看，将大气压力模式或活细胞和器官的运作等现象归于 "自然 "世界，而将工业化或性行为等现象归于另一个领域："社会 "世界，似乎是公平的。但是，当我们开始探索体现、人为气候变化或建筑环境对人类福祉的影响时，会发生什么呢？我们很快就会发现，自然与文化是交织在一起的，文化/自然二元论为理解这些复杂的过程带来了错误的划分。表观遗传学、宏观经济学和环境科学等不同领域的社会科学家和自然科学家越来越认识到，我们需要跨越这些人为的区分，跨越学科界限，提出新的问题和解决方案（Landecker and Panofsky, 2013; Meloni, 2014; Niewohner, 2011： 281）。

So we begin this chapter with a look back at how sociology has conventionally addressed the physical environment. We shall argue the need to move beyond sociology’s anthropocentric privileging of the human over the nonhuman (Haraway, 1991： 11), to develop a perspective on the environment that, rather than differentiating the realms of human and non-human, draws culture and nature into one affective assemblage. Drawing on the work of Haraway, Braidotti and Guattari, we will promote a ‘posthuman’ and ecological sociological perspective that sees humans as fully integral to the ‘environment’, re-thought as the world of physical and social relations that is both productive of 一 and produced by - the on-going flow of events that comprise the history of the Earth and the universe.

因此，我们在本章开头回顾了社会学是如何处理物理环境的。我们将论证有必要超越社会学以人类为中心、将人类置于非人类之上的观点（哈拉维，1991：11），发展一种环境视角，这种视角不区分人类与非人类，而是将文化与自然融为一体。借鉴哈拉维、布莱多蒂和瓜塔里的研究成果，我们将提倡一种 "后人类 "和生态社会学视角，将人类视为 "环境 "的完全组成部分，并将其重新视为物理和社会关系的世界，它既是地球和宇宙历史中持续不断的事件流的产物，也是由这些事件流产生的。

Sociology, humans and the environment

社会学、人类与环境

The word ‘environment’ is applied in a variety of ways, both in everyday usage and in different scientific disciplines. Earth sciences such as geology and climatology use ‘environment’ to set the parameters and boundaries of their subject areas； biological scientists regard it as the ecological setting that has affected (and continues to affect) the differential evolution of the panoply of species and the behaviours of life-forms； physical and social geographers and architects consider environment as the back-cloth for their studies and practices concerning places and spaces； health scientists see it a repository of hazards afflicting humans and other animals. Finally, social sciences such as sociology, economics and political science treat ‘the environment’ as the broad social context for human action, and differentiate between the physical and biological environment on one hand and on the other, the social and cultural environment (Dunlap and Catton, 1979： 245). They also increasingly use the term to refer to the global physical milieu of the Earth, often implicitly or explicitly considering this as a fragile and limited resource that is under threat from human culture.

环境 "一词在日常使用和不同科学学科中的应用多种多样。地球科学，如地质学和气候学，使用 "环境 "来设定其学科领域的参数和界限；生物科学家将其视为影响（并继续影响）各种物种的不同进化和生命形式的行为的生态环境；自然地理学家和社会地理学家以及建筑师将环境视为其有关场所和空间的研究和实践的背景；健康科学家将其视为人类和其他动物所遭受的危害的储存库。最后，社会学、经济学和政治学等社会科学将 "环境 "视为人类活动的广泛社会背景，并区分物理和生物环境以及社会和文化环境（Dunlap 和 Catton，1979：245）。他们还越来越多地使用这一术语来指代地球的全球物理环境，并经常或明或暗地将其视为受到人类文化威胁的脆弱而有限的资源。

Social scientists have engaged variously with issues concerning environment and ecology. First, they applied a broad notion of environment as a context for social action, in which ‘the environment’ is basically everything that is not part of a human body, a product of human agency, or a human construction (Dunlap and Catton, 1979; Walker, 2005: 80), and analysed the interactions between society and the environment - usually focusing upon how to manipulate the natural environment for the benefit of human kind, for example, to manage water or food supplies (Pretty and Ward, 2001: 209), or to enhance human health (Hoehner et al., 2003, Swinburn et al., 1999). In its original formulation, this amounted to what Catton and Dunlap (1978) called a ‘human exemptionalist (or exceptionalist) paradigm’, which, as Stevens (2012: 580) has put it, asserted:

社会科学家对环境和生态问题的研究各不相同。首先，他们将环境作为社会行动的一个广泛概念，在这一概念中，"环境 "基本上是指不属于人体、人类机构的产物或人类建筑的一切事物（Dunlap 和 Catton，1979 年；Walker，2005 年：80），并分析了社会与环境之间的相互作用--通常侧重于如何操纵自然环境以造福人类，例如，管理水或食物供应（Pretty 和 Ward，2001 年：209），或增强人类健康（Hoehner 等人，2003 年；Swinburn 等人，1999 年）、2003, Swinburn 等人，1999）。在最初的表述中，这等同于卡顿和邓拉普（1978 年）所说的 "人类豁免主义（或例外主义）范式"，正如史蒂文斯（2012 年：580）所说的那样，这种范式声称：

a fundamental separation between humans and the rest of the animal world, culture being a uniquely human quality that is more variable and able to change more rapidly than purely biological traits; that humans have freedom of choice, subject only to social and cultural factors; that sociologists should focus on a social and cultural environment that is discrete from biophysical considerations; and that human ingenuity and problem-solving shows a cumulative progression that can continue to expand ad infinitum.

人类与其他动物世界之间存在着根本性的分离，文化是人类独有的特质，与纯粹的生物特征相比，其可变性更大，变化更快；人类有选择的自由，只受社会和文化因素的制约；社会学家应关注与生物物理因素相分离的社会和文化环境；人类的聪明才智和解决问题的能力是一种累积性的进步，可以无限地扩展下去。

Second, social scientists sought understanding of the part that the physical environment has played in shaping human existence: for instance, the particularities of climate and geology that determine cultural stability or environmental events such as frequent flooding; longer-term climatic changes that affect human endeavour (Urry, 2009); or the psychological and social effects of the built environment (Halpern, 2013) or countryside (Watkins and Jacoby, 2007). They contributed to debates about the effects of the environment on humans, pointing to the social, psychological and cultural mediation of links between health and ill-health and the material environment (Dunlap and Catton, 1979: 254; Nettleton, 2006: 89; Schulz and Northridge, 2004), and offered critical insights into public understanding and construction of environmental hazards (Dunlap, 1998).

其次，社会科学家试图了解物质环境在塑造人类生存方面所起的作用：例如，气候和地质的特殊性决定了文化的稳定性或环境事件（如频繁发生的洪水）；长期的气候变化影响了人类的努力（Urry，2009 年）；或建筑环境（Halpern，2013 年）或乡村（Watkins 和 Jacoby，2007 年）的心理和社会影响。这些研究为有关环境对人类影响的辩论做出了贡献，指出了健康和不健康与物质环境之间的社会、心理和文化中介联系（Dunlap 和 Catton，1979 年：254；Nettleton，2006 年：89；Schulz 和 Northridge，2004 年），并为公众理解和构建环境危害提供了重要见解（Dunlap，1998 年）。

Finally, since the 1990s sociologists addressed concerns that ‘the environment’ as a system is progressively being damaged by human social and economic activity. Furthermore, it must now be protected from the ravages of an ‘anthro- pocene’ era (Braidotti, 2013: 79; Steffen et al., 2007) in which the physical attributes of our planet are increasingly affected (possibly irrevocably) by human activity (Dunlap and Catton, 1994: 24). Social theorists offered a critical perspective on environmentalism and the construction of a ‘risk society’ (Fox, 1991; Matten, 2004; Mol and Spaargaren, 1993; Shrivastava, 1995); explored the problems and challenges scientists face when recommending cultural or behavioural changes to address threats from the environment (Wandersman and Hallman, 1993); and suggested methods to assess quantitatively people’s concern with environmental threats and ‘ecological consciousness’ (Dunlap et al., 2000). This scholarship reflects broadly what Dunlap and Catton (1979) have designated as a 'new ecological paradigm'，in which humans - though still distinct from the rest of nature - are part of the global ecosystem, and are governed by the same ‘ecological laws’ as other species, which they may not flout with impunity (Stevens, 2012: 580).

最后，自 20 世纪 90 年代以来，社会学家开始关注 "环境 "作为一个系统正逐渐受到人类社会和经济活动的破坏。此外，现在必须保护环境免受 "人类-新世 "时代的破坏（Braidotti，2013: 79；Steffen 等人，2007 年），在这个时代，地球的物理属性正日益受到人类活动的影响（可能是不可逆转的）（Dunlap 和 Catton，1994: 24）。社会理论家对环保主义和 "风险社会 "的构建提出了批判性观点（Fox，1991 年；Matten，2004 年；Mol 和 Spaargaren，1993 年；Shrivastava，1995 年）；探讨了科学家在建议改变文化或行为以应对环境威胁时所面临的问题和挑战（Wandersman 和 Hallman，1993 年）；并提出了量化评估人们对环境威胁和 "生态意识 "的方法（Dunlap 等人，2000 年）。这一学术研究广泛反映了 Dunlap 和 Catton（1979 年）所提出的 "新生态范式"，即人类虽然仍有别于自然界的其它部分，但人类是全球生态系统的一部分，与其它物种一样受相同的 "生态法则 "支配，不能肆无忌惮地蔑视这些法则（Stevens，2012: 580）。

As we will see later, these environmental sociological angles have all depended upon sustaining a distinction or an opposition between humans and environment, and a view of the environment as ‘conceptually subordinate to society’ (Walker, 2005: 80). Humans and their social products are to be defined as distinct from the great mass of ‘everything else’, be that the rocks and seas studied by geology and geography, the animals and plants of the ‘natural world’, or the built environment. Despite environmental sociology’s shift from the exception- alist to the ecological paradigm, it has remained fundamentally anthropocentric (Stevens, 2012: 8).

正如我们稍后将看到的，这些环境社会学观点都依赖于维持人类与环境之间的区别或对立，以及将环境视为 "概念上从属于社会 "的观点（Walker，2005：80）。人类及其社会产品被定义为有别于大量 "其他事物"，无论是地质学和地理学研究的岩石和海洋，还是 "自然世界 "的动物和植物，抑或是建筑环境。尽管环境社会学已从例外论转向生态学范式，但从根本上讲，它仍然是以人类为中心的（Stevens，2012：8）。

This anthropocentrism may indeed be ingrained within sociology. As Haraway (1992： 65): 157-8) has noted, 'nature' has long been culture's 'Other', used as a justification for colonialism, racism, sexism and class domination, and this dualism bled over into the foundational premises of the social sciences (Shalin, 1990: 8), reinforced by the 19th century differentiation between human social life and the forces of nature then being revealed in theories of genetics and natural selection. This opposition of nature and culture has subsequently manifested at points throughout sociology's history, from Durkheim's insistence on the social as a causal agency independent of biological processes, Weber's antinaturalism (Benton, 1991: 12), and Marx's view that humans are unique in their ability to produce the means of subsistence - for instance, by farming or industrialization (Seidman, 1992: 57). It is reflected in the differences claimed by social scientists between 'natural' and 'social' times (Newton, 2003); and in the view that the legitimate focus of sociology should be human social constructs, including 'environment' and 'climate change' (Fox, 1991; Murphy, 1995).

这种人类中心主义可能确实在社会学中根深蒂固。正如哈拉维（1992： 65）所指出的，"自然 "长期以来一直是文化的 "他者"：正如哈拉维（1992： 65）：157-8）所指出的，"自然 "长期以来一直是文化的 "他者"，被用作殖民主义、种族主义、性别歧视和阶级统治的理由，这种二元论渗入了社会科学的基本前提（沙林，1990：8），而 19 世纪遗传学和自然选择理论所揭示的人类社会生活与自然力量之间的差异则强化了这种二元论。随后，这种自然与文化的对立贯穿了整个社会学历史，从杜克海姆坚持社会是独立于生物过程的因果机构，到韦伯的反自然主义（Benton, 1991: 12），再到马克思认为人类在生产生活资料--例如通过农耕或工业化--的能力方面是独一无二的（Seidman, 1992: 57）。它反映在社会科学家对 "自然 "时代和 "社会 "时代的不同主张中（Newton, 2003）；也反映在认为社会学的合理重点应是人类社会建构的观点中，包括 "环境 "和 "气候变化"（Fox, 1991; Murphy, 1995）。

Evidencing anthropocentrism: health and the environment

证明人类中心主义：健康与环境

To illustrate this sociological oppositional stance between environment and human culture, which with few exceptions defines how sociology has engaged with the natural world, consider the ways that the social sciences have conceptualized the relationship between 'environment' and 'human health'. We can identify five discrete models for this interaction:

为了说明环境与人类文化之间的这种社会学对立立场（除少数例外情况外，这种立场决定了社会学如何与自然世界打交道），请考虑一下社会科学如何将 "环境 "与 "人类健康 "之间的关系概念化。我们可以为这种互动关系确定五种不同的模式：

First, human health has been seen as threatened by environmental factors such as floods, drought or climate change. This is a view widely held in public health and associated social science literature, in which the environment is a potentially dangerous place, full of hazards for unwitting humans (for example, see Douglas, 1992: 29). The usual consequence of this perspective is an effort to find scientific, technological or social means to overcome these environmental threats.

首先，人类健康被视为受到洪水、干旱或气候变化等环境因素的威胁。这是公共卫生和相关社会科学文献普遍持有的观点，认为环境是一个潜在的危险场所，对不知情的人类充满危害（例如，见 Douglas, 1992: 29）。这种观点的通常结果是努力寻找科学、技术或社会手段来克服这些环境威胁。

Second, improvements to the environment have been regarded as means to enhance human health. This is the obverse of the first perspective, and requires intervention by humanity against a risky environment, for example by developing more effective and efficient means of growing food crops, improving the built environment to provide sanitation, or by building defences against natural hazards such as floods (Halpern, 2013： 10-11； Mitchell and Popham, 2008).

第二，改善环境被视为增进人类健康的手段。这是第一种观点的反面，要求人类对有风险的环境进行干预，例如开发更有效、更高效的粮食作物种植方法，改善建筑环境以提供卫生设施，或建设防御洪水等自然灾害的设施（Halpern，2013：10-11；Mitchell 和 Popham，2008）。

Third, social scientists have identified more recently how improvements in health threaten the environment by degrading or exhausting its natural resources, for instance through exponential population growth, economic development or over-fishing or unsustainable farming practices (McMichael, 2013). Critical social science responses to this have been to argue for the need to build environmental resilience into social development, and to recognize the finite resources of planet Earth (Poland and Dooris, 2010; Westhoek et al., 2014).

第三，社会科学家最近发现，健康状况的改善是如何通过自然资源的退化或耗竭来威胁环境的，例如通过人口的指数增长、经济发展或过度捕捞或不可持续的耕作方式（McMichael，2013年）。批判性社会科学对此的回应是，认为有必要在社会发展中建立环境复原力，并认识到地球资源的有限性（Poland 和 Dooris，2010 年；Westhoek 等人，2014 年）。

The fourth perspective is a specific sub-case of the third, addressing the negative impacts of human healthcare on the environment： for example, run-off pollution from pharmaceutical manufacture, oestrogens from contraceptives and even waste water containing anti-bacterial mouthwash causing negative effects upon river life. The response here is to develop initiatives that seek to reduce this negative environmental impact by managing healthcare systems (Lange et al., 2002; Sarmah et al., 2006).

第四种观点是第三种观点的一个具体子案例，涉及人类医疗保健对环境的负面影响：例如，制药过程中的径流污染、避孕药中的雌激素，甚至含有抗菌漱口水的废水都会对河流生物造成负面影响。为此，需要制定相关措施，通过管理医疗保健系统来减少对环境的负面影响（Lange 等人，2002 年；Sarmah 等人，2006 年）。

Finally, some ‘Gaia’-inspired holistic conceptions have regarded humans as part of a self-regulating environmental system. Over an extended span of time, this will compensate for the excesses of human social and economic activity, possibly quite dramatically, and in ways that will have very negative consequences for human health, including radical population reduction or even extinction (Kirchner, 2002; Lovelock, 2007).

最后，一些受 "盖亚 "启发的整体概念将人类视为自我调节环境系统的一部分。在一个较长的时间跨度内，这将补偿人类过度的社会和经济活动，可能会非常显著，并对人类健康产生非常不利的后果，包括人口急剧减少甚至灭绝（Kirchner, 2002; Lovelock, 2007）。

All these five perspectives are grounded in an implicit human/environment opposition. In all but the last, humans and their well-being implicitly or explicitly inhabit the privileged pole of the opposition. The fifth is a dystopian vision of how the environment will eventually bite back against human depredations, restoring nature’s privilege over human culture, with the human era just a fleeting moment in the Earth’s history. Though the polarity of privilege may be reversed, the implicit dualism of human/environment remains (Braidotti, 2013： 85).

所有这五种观点都隐含着人类与环境的对立。除最后一种观点外，其他观点都隐含或明确地将人类及其福祉置于对立的特权地位。第五种观点是一种乌托邦式的设想，即环境最终将如何反击人类的掠夺，恢复大自然相对于人类文化的特权，而人类时代只是地球历史上短暂的一瞬。虽然特权的两极可能发生逆转，但隐含的人类/环境二元论依然存在（Braidotti，2013：85）。

Some sociologists have offered resolutions to the anthropocentrism and nature/culture dualism inherent in such social science engagements with environment. Ted Benton (1991) suggested that antagonism by sociology towards the natural sciences is a defensive response against movements such as sociobiology or evolutionary psychology that seek to reduce social processes to biology. What sociology needed, he argued, was a more sophisticated reaction that could enable social and natural sciences to co-exist and even integrate. A bias toward modernity and the West has rendered sociology inadequate to address global environmental challenges, Gavin Walker (2005) concluded, because of its failure to recognize the dual character of humans as both cultural and biological. In his view the solution lay in a synthesis between environmental sociology and cultural anthropology, applying the latter’s sophisticated Weberian conception of ‘culture’ to incorporate broader biological and environmental factors into an understanding of human life (2005： 99-100). In similar vein, Paul Stevens (2012) called for an ‘ecosociology’ that recognized environmental contexts as part of the human experience of embodiment, and extending ideas of ‘the social’ beyond the human, as a means to address issues of environmental sustainability, to ‘help humanity come to terms with its unique, but not pre-eminent role in the global system’ (2012： 579).

一些社会学家提出了解决人类中心主义和自然/文化二元论的办法，这些都是社会科学与环境打交道的固有问题。Ted Benton（1991 年）认为，社会学与自然科学的对立是对社会生物学或进化心理学等试图将社会过程归结为生物学的运动的一种防御性反应。他认为，社会学需要的是一种更复杂的反应，使社会科学和自然科学能够共存，甚至融合。加文-沃克（Gavin Walker，2005 年）认为，对现代性和西方的偏见使社会学不足以应对全球环境挑战，因为它没有认识到人类具有文化和生物的双重特性。他认为，解决办法在于环境社会学和文化人类学之间的综合，应用后者复杂的韦伯 "文化 "概念，将更广泛的生物和环境因素纳入对人类生活的理解之中（2005：99-100）。同样，保罗-史蒂文斯（2012）呼吁建立一种 "生态社会学"，承认环境背景是人类具身体验的一部分，并将 "社会 "的概念扩展到人类之外，以此解决环境可持续性问题，"帮助人类正视其在全球系统中独特但并非卓越的角色"（2012：579）。

All of these assessments - in one way or another - have recognized constraints inherent in mainstream sociology’s orientation that limit engagement with the ‘natural world’. None, however, has adopted a radical ontological solution that cuts across the very dualism that sets the social and the natural in opposition. This is the starting point for the materialist approach that we will develop here, adopting the alternative flat, monistic ontology that we set out in the previous chapter. To explore this, we will stick initially with the specific issue of the relationship between human health and the environment, before broadening this to offer an alternative to environmental anthropocentrism.

所有这些评估--以这样或那样的方式--都认识到主流社会学的取向所固有的制约因素，这些因素限制了与 "自然世界 "的接触。然而，它们都没有采用一种激进的本体论解决方案，来打破将社会与自然对立起来的二元论。这就是我们将在此发展的唯物主义方法的出发点，采用我们在前一章中提出的另一种平面一元本体论。为了探讨这个问题，我们将首先探讨人类健康与环境之间的关系这一具体问题，然后再扩大范围，提出环境人类中心主义的替代方案。

When exploring potential cause/effect interactions between ‘health’ and ‘environment’, materialist ontology starts from the view that there are not preexistent, fixed entities such as bodies, infectious agents, animals, plants, diseases, fossil fuels, atmospheric conditions, climates, coastlines, economic and political systems, consumers, motor vehicles, governments and all the other things that are implicated in a putative health/environment interaction. Rather, all these myriad materialities are relational, gaining form and continuity through their engagements with the other material relations with which they assemble, and through their ‘becomings’. To this list of materialities we must add the expressive relations deriving from human minds, cultures and societies, such as beliefs, desires and values, ideas and feelings, political movements and institutions, ideologies and discourses, and so forth, all of which can materially affect other constituents of an assemblage.

在探讨 "健康 "与 "环境 "之间潜在的因果互动关系时，唯物主义本体论的出发点是，并不存在预先存在的固定实体，如人体、传染源、动物、植物、疾病、化石燃料、大气条件、气候、海岸线、经济和政治体系、消费者、机动车辆、政府以及所有其他与假定的健康/环境互动关系相关的事物。相反，所有这些物质性都是相互关联的，它们通过与其他物质性关系的互动以及通过 "成为 "而获得形式和连续性。除了这些物质性之外，我们还必须加上源于人类思想、文化和社会的表达关系，如信仰、欲望和价值观、思想和情感、政治运动和制度、意识形态和话语等等，所有这些都会对集合体的其他组成部分产生物质影响。

These disparate relations accrete around specific events. Consider, for example, an initiative by public health staff in a city council to improve child health by reducing the number of vehicles using the roads during peak times, thus cutting pollution and road traffic accidents, and encouraging people to walk more or use bicycles. This policy is quite complex, and the relations involved may be represented (in no particular order) by the following assemblage:

这些不同的关系围绕着具体的事件不断累积。举例来说，某市议会的公共卫生工作人员提出了一项改善儿童健康的倡议，即减少高峰时段使用道路的车辆数量，从而减少污染和道路交通事故，并鼓励人们多走路或骑自行车。这项政策相当复杂，其中的关系可以用以下组合来表示（顺序不拘）：

cars - public transport - bicycles - roads - fossil fuels - renewable fuels - pollution - schools - work places - shops - services - housing - workers - transport infrastructure - local employers - environmental campaigners - council leaders - urban planners - obesity - climate change 一 etc.

汽车--公共交通--自行车--道路--化石燃料--可再生燃料--污染--学校--工作场所--商店--服务--住房--工人--交通基础设施--当地雇主--环保运动者--议会领导--城市规划者--肥胖--气候变化等等。

No doubt many other relations are also involved, but this is sufficient for the example. In the materialist ontology, this assemblage is the product of the affect economy between its component parts, and the capacities these affects establish in both human and non-human relations. It is these capacities that may enable the development of a viable public transport system. Of course, the assemblage is dynamic and always ‘becoming-other’, with relations and affects shifting continually, so there is no final guarantee of the outright success of such a scheme. If there are powerful forces in the assemblage (for example, cultural beliefs or entrenched local opposition) that disrupt the forces favouring success, then the development will falter and fail. By contrast, assuring that powerful affects (a flow of funding, political patronage, local support) are encouraged will improve the chances of success.

毫无疑问，这其中还涉及许多其他关系，但就本例而言，这就足够了。在唯物主义本体论中，这种组合是各组成部分之间情感经济的产物，也是这些情感在人类和非人类关系中建立起来的能力。正是这些能力使得可行的公共交通系统得以发展。当然，集合体是动态的，总是在 "成为他者"，其关系和影响在不断变化，因此并不能最终保证这样的计划完全成功。如果集合体中存在强大的力量（例如文化信仰或当地根深蒂固的反对派），破坏了有利于成功的力量，那么发展就会动摇和失败。与此相反，如果能确保强有力的影响因素（资金流、政治支持、地方支持）得到鼓励，就会增加成功的机会。

It is important to note that in this formulation, humans are not privileged actors over other relations: cars, roads and environmental beliefs are all affective in this assemblage, while the outcomes depend as much on the capacities of the nonhuman or inanimate components (for example, the pollution products of carbon fuels or the existence of cycle lanes) as upon those of school children or local campaigners. Because all these different relations are part of a shifting and unstable assemblage, and all are ‘affective’: affecting and being affected as they interact, it is ontologically unsustainable to retain an opposition - implicit or explicit - between human bodies and culture on one hand, and all the other physical and biological stuff that constitutes ‘the environment’ on the other. Indeed, human bodies, thought, ideas, memories, aspirations and so forth are drawn into a single assemblage alongside all that other ‘stuff’ that conventionally has been called ‘material’.

值得注意的是，在这一表述中，人类并不是优先于其他关系的行动者：在这一组合中，汽车、道路和环境信念都是有影响的，而结果既取决于非人类或无生命成分的能力（例如，碳燃料的污染产物或自行车道的存在），也取决于学童或当地运动者的能力。由于所有这些不同的关系都是不断变化、不稳定的组合的一部分，而且都是 "影响性的"：在相互作用的过程中影响他人，同时也被他人影响，因此，将人类的身体和文化与构成 "环境 "的所有其他物理和生物材料对立起来--无论是隐含的还是明确的--在本体论上都是不可持续的。事实上，人类的身体、思想、观念、记忆、愿望等都与所有其他 "东西"（传统上被称为 "物质"）一起，构成了一个整体。

This application of a materialist ontology of assemblages and affects, and the rejection (as we noted in Chapter 2) of any notion of another ‘level’ of systems, structures or mechanisms determining what assemblages do and produce, establishes the materialist approach as quite distinct from each of the five conventional approaches to thinking about human health and environment set out earlier. In each of those, humans were ontologically positioned as different from, indeed opposed to their environment. In the flattened monistic ontology of materialism, human and non-human are drawn into assemblage by their capacities to affect or be affected. Understood in this way, ‘human’ bodies and other 'human' relations in the assemblage are inseparable from - and have the same status as - 'environment’.

这种对集合体和影响的唯物主义本体论的应用，以及（正如我们在第 2 章中所指出的）对决定集合体所做和所产生的另一个 "层次 "的系统、结构或机制的任何概念的摒弃，确立了唯物主义方法与前面提出的思考人类健康和环境的五种传统方法中的每一种都截然不同。在上述每一种方法中，人类在本体论上都被定位为不同于环境，甚至与其环境相对立。在唯物主义的扁平化一元论本体论中，人类和非人类因其影响或被影响的能力而组合在一起。从这个角度理解，"人 "的身体和集合体中其他 "人 "的关系与 "环境 "密不可分，具有同等地位。

Environmental sociology: beyond anthropocentrism, towards the posthuman

环境社会学：超越人类中心主义，走向后人类

It is this monism that provides the means for a materialist sociology to break down the distinction between humans and the ‘environment’, or between human and non-human, and the nature/culture dualism that has given sustenance to the mainstream environmental sociological imagination. However, the point of this exercise is not simply to provide a neat philosophical trick that enables us to claim that humans are part of the environment. Rather than being the end-point of the analysis, an assessment of human/environment assemblages must be the start of a new way of thinking sociologically about nature and culture, with practical implications for how we understand and how we research the social and natural worlds, and also for how - ethically - sociology engages with the non-human. Removing the privilege from humans, human cultures and human endeavours by cutting across the nature/culture divide in this way has implications, both for a human culture that has often benefitted from this privilege, and for sociology, which has defined itself in part via this opposition. As a justification for this materialist ontology of environment, and to begin to consider what opportunities it affords to sociology, we draw on the perspectives of two materialist scholars, whose analyses bear on this matter.

正是这种一元论为唯物主义社会学提供了打破人类与 "环境 "或人类与非人类之间的区别，以及自然/文化二元论的手段，而这种二元论正是主流环境社会学想象力的源泉。然而，这项工作的意义并不仅仅在于提供一种巧妙的哲学技巧，使我们能够宣称人类是环境的一部分。对人类/环境组合的评估不应成为分析的终点，而必须成为从社会学角度思考自然与文化的新方式的起点，这将对我们如何理解和研究社会与自然世界，以及社会学如何从伦理角度与非人类打交道产生实际影响。以这种方式跨越自然与文化的鸿沟，消除人类、人类文化和人类活动的特权，对经常从这种特权中受益的人类文化和社会学都有影响，而社会学在某种程度上就是通过这种对立来定义自身的。为了说明这种唯物主义环境本体论的合理性，并开始考虑它给社会学带来了哪些机遇，我们借鉴了两位唯物主义学者的观点，他们的分析对这一问题有所启发。

The feminist biologist turned social theorist Donna Haraway has provided one of the most trenchant and comprehensive commentaries upon the negative consequences of nature/culture dualism for social justice and social change, beginning from the recognition of increasing and inevitable convergence of the organic and the inorganic in our contemporary technological society (Haraway, 1991, 1997). Haraway explored the proliferation of technologies and associated scientific perspectives that increasingly impinge upon human bodies. As a hook for her argument, she focused in on the notion of the ‘cyborg’: an admixture of flesh and technology that is not simply a Terminator-style creature of science fiction but to be found all around us in the contemporary world - the product of scientific and medical innovations that link bodies to inorganic matter, ranging from hip replacements and false teeth to gene therapies and test-tube babies.

女性主义生物学家、社会理论家唐娜-哈拉维（Donna Haraway）对自然/文化二元论给社会公正和社会变革带来的负面影响进行了最尖锐、最全面的评论。哈拉维探讨了技术和相关科学观点的激增，这些技术和观点对人类身体的影响与日俱增。作为她论述的切入点，她将重点放在了 "半机械人 "的概念上：一种肉体与技术的混合体，它不仅仅是科幻小说中终结者式的生物，而是我们在当代世界中随处可见的--科学与医学创新的产物，它将身体与无机物联系在一起，从髋关节置换术和假牙到基因疗法和试管婴儿，无所不包。

However, she argued that, historically, along with the cyborg, those entities labelled as 'apes' and 'women' have also - in their different ways - unsettled the ‘evolutionary, technological and biological narratives’ (1991: 2) that have been founded upon an easy distinction between the natural and the human. These narratives (and the dualism they foster), Haraway concludes are not neutral: they are grounded in colonialism and racism, patriarchy and sexism, and the capitalist appropriation of nature for the exclusive benefit of culture (1991: 150). Cyborgs, simians and women all transgress the leaky boundary between these domains (1991: 154), and consequently provide the means to reveal the continuities between humans and the rest of the material universe, and the means to overturn many other dualisms including those that oppress specific individuals, groups, classes, genders and species (1991: 157, 177). Such transgressions, Haraway (1997: 270) argued, have the potential for 'tearing down a Berlin Wall between the world of objects and the world of subjects', revealing that nature and culture are inextricably tied up in all bodies.

然而，她认为，从历史上看，与半机械人一样，那些被称为 "猿 "和 "女性 "的实体也以不同的方式颠覆了 "进化、技术和生物学叙事"（1991: 2），而这些叙事是建立在自然与人类的简单区分之上的。哈拉维认为，这些叙事（以及它们所助长的二元论）并不是中立的：它们的基础是殖民主义和种族主义、父权制和性别歧视，以及资本主义为了文化的专属利益而对自然的占有（1991: 150）。机械人、类人猿和女性都跨越了这些领域之间的界限（1991: 154），从而为揭示人类与物质宇宙其他部分之间的连续性提供了手段，也为推翻许多其他二元论（包括压迫特定个人、群体、阶级、性别和物种的二元论）提供了手段（1991: 157, 177）。哈拉维（1997：270）认为，这种僭越有可能 "推倒客体世界与主体世界之间的柏林墙"，揭示自然与文化在所有身体中密不可分的联系。

The feminist philosopher Rosi Braidotti acknowledged Donna Haraway as 'my travel companion across multiple nomadic paths of reflection' (Braidotti, 2006a: 197); she writes of her aspirations to move beyond humanism and to champion a posthuman sensibility built on Haraway's commentaries. For Braidotti, the justification for overturning a nature/culture dualism lies in the recognition, cognate with Haraway's, that the interests of humans are not divorced from the interests of other living things and of the physical Earth.

女权主义哲学家罗西-布赖多蒂承认唐娜-哈拉维是 "我在多条游牧反思道路上的旅伴"（布赖多蒂，2006a：197）；她写道，她渴望超越人文主义，倡导一种建立在哈拉维评论基础上的后人类感性。对 Braidotti 而言，推翻自然/文化二元论的理由在于，她与哈拉维一样认识到，人类的利益与其他生物和地球的利益是不可分割的。

Braidotti traces a trajectory for posthumanism that is beyond both humanism and 'anti-humanism'. Humanism provided the post-Enlightenment challenge to religious authority by elevating secular human reason over all else, including God (Carroll, 1993: 117), and thereby supplying the basis for progressive social and political change that extended from the literary Romantic movement to the French revolution to Marxism, first-wave feminism, anti-slavery campaigns and sexual liberation. Anti-humanism rejected this anthropocentric focus, and 一 most recently in the shape of post-structuralist theory - presented an alternative to what became an ossified and conservative humanism by the 20th century, and proclaimed the death of 'Man' as an intrinsically progressive force (Braidotti, 2013: 23). The human who had been the measure against which everything else was to be assessed physically and morally, turned out to be white, male, ablebodied and exploitative of all other life-forms (other than those fortunate few animal species such as cats, dogs and chimps that are individualized and anthropomorphized) (Braidotti, 2006a: 200； 2011： 82, 88-89).

Braidotti 为后人文主义描绘了一条超越人文主义和 "反人文主义 "的轨迹。人文主义是启蒙运动后对宗教权威的挑战，它将世俗的人类理性置于包括上帝在内的一切之上（Carroll, 1993: 117），从而为进步的社会和政治变革提供了基础，这些变革从文学浪漫主义运动到法国大革命，再到马克思主义、第一波女权主义、反奴隶制运动和性解放。反人本主义反对这种以人类为中心的观点，最近以后结构主义理论的形式提出了一种替代方案，以取代到 20 世纪已经僵化和保守的人本主义，并宣称 "人 "的死亡是一种内在的进步力量（Braidotti，2013: 23）。人类曾是衡量其他一切物质和道德标准的尺度，但现在却变成了白人、男性、健全、剥削所有其他生命形式（猫、狗和黑猩猩等少数几种幸运的动物物种除外，它们被个体化和拟人化了）（Braidotti, 2006a: 200; 2011: 82, 88-89）。

However, while fully sympathetic to this latter critique of humanism, Braidotti has argued that anti-humanism risks throwing out the progressive achievements of humanism concerning solidarity, social justice and equality (2013: 29); additionally, it would be an ironic act of humanist hubris for humans to assert that the end of humanism was under their control (2013: 30)!

然而，Braidotti 在完全赞同后一种对人文主义的批判的同时，也认为反人文主义有可能使人文主义在团结、社会正义和平等方面取得的进步成果前功尽弃（2013: 29）；此外，如果人类断言人文主义的终结在他们的掌控之中，那将是对人文主义狂妄自大的讽刺（2013: 30）！

For these reasons, Braidotti has advocated an alternative ‘posthuman’ project grounded in the same monistic materialism that we set out earlier, in which matter and culture are not dialectically opposed. Posthumanism cuts across the humanist/anti-humanist opposition by emphasizing the vital capacities of all matter - animate and inanimate - for self-organization and 'becoming' (Braidotti, 2011: 16), in the sense that matter is continually affected and affecting. Sexual, racial and natural diversity considered by humanists as markers of categories of otherness (see Chapter 4), now are recognized as aspects of the multiplicity and rhizomic capacities of matter (2011: 139), and:

出于这些原因，布莱多蒂提倡另一种 "后人类 "计划，其基础与我们之前阐述的一元唯物主义相同，其中物质与文化并非辩证对立。后人道主义通过强调所有物质--有生命的和无生命的--自我组织和 "成为"（Braidotti, 2011: 16）的重要能力，在物质不断受到影响和作用的意义上，跨越了人文主义与反人文主义的对立。被人文主义者视为他者类别标志的性别、种族和自然多样性（见第 4 章），现在被视为物质的多重性和根茎能力的各个方面（2011: 139），并且：

act as the forces leading to the elaboration of alternative modes of transversal subjectivity, which extend not only beyond gender and race, but also beyond the human. (Braidotti, 2013: 98)

作为一种力量，它引领着横向主体性替代模式的发展，不仅超越了性别和种族，也超越了人类。(Braidotti, 2013: 98）。

This understanding of the posthuman supplies Braidotti with the basis for an eco-philosophy that establishes a continuum between human and non-human matter (2013: 104), and between human subjectivity and planetary ecology (2006b: 41). This in turn has provided her with a posthuman ethics for an engagement with the environment, based on a new sense of inter-connectedness between human and non-human; ‘an affirmative bond that locates the subject in the flow of relations with multiple others’ (2013: 50).

这种对 "后人类 "的理解为布赖多蒂提供了生态哲学的基础，在人类和非人类物质（2013: 104）之间，以及人类主体性和地球生态（2006b: 41）之间建立了一个连续体。这反过来又为她提供了与环境打交道的后人类伦理学，其基础是人类与非人类之间相互联系的新意识；"一种肯定的纽带，将主体置于与多重他人的关系流中"（2013: 50）。

These readings help us to set the parameters for a materialist sociology of the environment, within which - as we noted at the end of the previous section - humans and their bodies are now fully integrated ontologically. This means that human skin no longer has the weird property it had in dualist sociology 一 of separating everything human that is inside it (flesh, thoughts, cultural beliefs, feelings, desires) from everything else ‘environmental’ that is outside. Materialism’s rejection of a distinction between nature and culture is not some arbitrary hang-up over dualisms. Rather, it is a necessary re-thinking that recognizes first - as Haraway has noted - that the nature/culture division was founded upon a supremacist politics of sexualization, racialization and naturalization of the West’s Others; and second, as Braidotti has concluded, that the materialist act of refusing and overturning this politics of sexism, colonialism and anthropocentrism is a serious act that requires a new eco-philosophy and ethics that affirms the commonalities and connectedness of all matter.

这些解读有助于我们为环境的唯物主义社会学设定参数，正如我们在上一节末尾所指出的，在这种社会学中，人和他们的身体在本体论上已完全融为一体。这意味着人的皮肤不再具有二元社会学中的怪异属性，即把人的内在一切（肉体、思想、文化信仰、情感、欲望）与外在一切 "环境 "区分开来。唯物主义摒弃自然与文化之间的区别，并不是对二元论的任意纠缠。相反，这是一种必要的重新思考，它首先承认--正如哈拉维所指出的那样--自然/文化的划分是建立在对西方他者的性化、种族化和归化的至上主义政治之上的；其次，正如布赖多蒂所总结的那样，拒绝和推翻这种性别主义、殖民主义和人类中心主义政治的唯物主义行为是一种严肃的行为，需要一种新的生态哲学和伦理学来肯定所有物质的共性和关联性。

Materialism, sociology and ‘sustainability’

唯物主义、社会学和 "可持续性

What does this mean for the practice of sociology, and in particular for the ways that sociology may research the issues surrounding the environment and humans’ embeddedness within it? To begin this synthesis, how might a materialist sociology re-make the ‘health and the environment’ example we explored earlier, concerning an initiative to improve child health by reducing urban car journeys? Though the terms of that initiative have been framed firmly within an anthropocentric framework that privileges human health, we analysed it from within a materialist and non-anthropocentric perspective, to explore the health/environment assemblage to reveal an affect economy of multiple human and non-human relations and forces.

这对社会学实践，特别是对社会学研究环境问题和人类嵌入环境的方式意味着什么？作为综合研究的开端，唯物主义社会学将如何重新塑造我们之前探讨过的 "健康与环境 "实例，即通过减少城市汽车出行来改善儿童健康的倡议？尽管该倡议的条件被牢牢地框定在以人类为中心的框架内，以人类健康为优先，但我们还是从唯物主义和非人类中心主义的角度对其进行了分析，以探索健康与环境的组合，揭示多重人类与非人类关系和力量的影响经济。

However, the analysis that we have developed subsequently in this chapter suggests that we need a more radical re-making of this ‘problem’ of child health and road traffic, and more broadly how we might address issues involving humans and their ‘environment’. In an ontology that does not distinguish between human and non-human, culture and nature, and does not privilege humans over other matter, it no longer makes sense to explore this problem in terms of ‘improving child health’ by altering the environment, as if ‘child health’ were an entity separable from the rest of the stuff, or that ‘the environment’ was an entirely independent realm to be controlled and if possible manipulated to human benefit. Of course, this does not mean that we must abandon any effort to change the world, including changing aspects of it associated with human lives in ways that might, inter alia, improve health. But it does mean that we need to change how we think about things like ‘child health’, in line with the materialist ontology we developed in the previous chapter. You will recall that earlier we identified an assemblage of relations surrounding this event:

然而，我们随后在本章中进行的分析表明，我们需要对儿童健康与道路交通这一 "问题 "进行更彻底的重新思考，以及更广泛地思考如何解决涉及人类及其 "环境 "的问题。在本体论中，人类和非人类、文化和自然并没有区别，人类和其他物质也没有特权，因此，从 "通过改变环境来改善儿童健康 "的角度来探讨这个问题已经毫无意义，就好像 "儿童健康 "是一个可以从其他事物中分离出来的实体，或者说 "环境 "是一个完全独立的领域，可以被控制，并在可能的情况下为人类的利益而操纵。当然，这并不意味着我们必须放弃任何改变世界的努力，包括改变世界中与人类生活相关的方面，从而改善健康状况。但这确实意味着，我们需要根据我们在上一章中提出的唯物主义本体论，改变我们对 "儿童健康 "等事物的思考方式。大家应该还记得，早些时候我们围绕这一事件确定了一系列关系：

cars - public transport - bicycles - roads - fossil fuels - renewable fuels - pollution - schools - workplaces - shops - services - housing - workers - transport infrastructure - local employers - environmental campaigners - council leaders - urban planners - obesity - climate change 一 etc.

汽车--公共交通--自行车--道路--化石燃料--可再生燃料--污染--学校--工作场所--商店--服务--住房--工人--交通基础设施--当地雇主--环保运动者--议会领导--城市规划者--肥胖--气候变化等等。

The model for materialist sociology that we developed at the end of Chapter 2 suggests that, as with any event (which might be an observed activity, interaction or occurrence), we might explore this event though some general questions:

我们在第 2 章末尾提出的唯物主义社会学模式表明，对于任何事件（可能是观察到的活动、互动或发生），我们都可以通过一些一般性问题来探讨这一事件：

- What relations are assembled?

集合了哪些关系？

- What are the affects (and the affect economy) between these relations that assemble them and thereby produce the event?

这些关系之间的影响（以及影响经济）是什么？

- What are the capacities produced in the different relations by this affect economy - what can the human and non-human relations do?

这种影响经济在不同关系中产生了哪些能力--人类和非人类关系能做什么？

- What are the micropolitics of the event assemblage - what does the event reveal about which relations in an assemblage are powerful?

活动组合的微观政治是什么--活动揭示了组合中哪些关系是强有力的？

(Incidentally, the latter question is of particular interest, as it opens the door to not only describing an event, but also making sense of why it is the way it is, and conceivably, manipulating the affect economy to change what an event does. We will have a lot more to say about this in Chapter 9, when we consider materialist sociological research.)

(顺便提一下，后一个问题尤其令人感兴趣，因为它打开了一扇门，不仅可以描述一个事件，还可以理解它为什么是这样的，甚至可以想象，操纵情感经济来改变一个事件的作用。在第 9 章，当我们考虑唯物主义社会学研究时，我们将对此有更多的论述）。

Analysis of this assemblage in terms of these questions will reveal a multiplicity of affective flows; for instance, an ‘employment’ flow that connects employers, workers, workplaces, houses and economics; an ‘education’ flow between children, schools, houses and so on; a ‘transport’ flow of roads, modes of travel, fuel, pollution, housing, schools, workplaces and so forth; and a ‘climate’ flow of fossil fuels, industry and transport, the atmosphere, the sun etc. The capacities of these affective flows produce the events associated with the assemblage, including economic production, education, traffic congestion, poor air quality, climate change and deleterious health outcomes. The micropolitics of the assemblage reflect the disparate ways power flows through it, including the development of a city environment that bring workplaces and current and future generations of workers into proximity; the economics and physical logistics of managing daily transport; the economics and politics of cheap energy; and the democratic and technocratic processes of planning a city to achieve a range of sometimes contradictory objectives such as financial prosperity and human health/well-being.

根据这些问题对这一组合进行分析，将发现多种情感流；例如，连接雇主、工人、工作场所、住房和经济的 "就业 "流；儿童、学校、住房等之间的 "教育 "流；道路、旅行方式、燃料、污染、住房、学校、工作场所等的 "交通 "流；化石燃料、工业和交通、大气、太阳等的 "气候 "流。这些情感流的能力产生了与集合相关的事件，包括经济生产、教育、交通拥堵、空气质量差、气候变化和有害健康结果。集合体的微观政治学反映了权力在其中流动的不同方式，包括城市环境的发展，将工作场所与当前和未来几代工人紧密联系在一起；管理日常交通的经济学和物理物流；廉价能源的经济学和政治学；以及规划城市的民主和技术民主进程，以实现一系列有时相互矛盾的目标，如经济繁荣和人类健康/福祉。

This monist analysis suggests that the issue of improving ‘child health’ is caught up in a highly complex assemblage, with multiple affective flows and contradictory micropolitics. Traditionally, public health interventions and social science analysis of such complex assemblages have sought to isolate a specific cause/effect flow of affect in the assemblage and intervene accordingly (for instance, banning all ‘school run’ journeys by parents transporting children to and from school, and providing an alternative public transport system). The materialist analysis that we are developing here suggests another approach, which would aim for a more holistic engagement with the assemblage. Significantly, this would not make a foundational distinction between humans and ‘the rest’, instead adopting a posthuman sensibility that neither privileges nor denies human aspirations, values and desires. The stages in this process would be:

这种一元论分析表明，改善 "儿童健康 "的问题陷入了一个高度复杂的集合体中，其中有多重情感流和相互矛盾的微观政治。传统上，公共卫生干预措施和对此类复杂组合的社会科学分析都试图分离出组合中特定的情感因果流，并采取相应的干预措施（例如，禁止家长接送孩子上下学的所有 "校车 "行程，并提供替代的公共交通系统）。我们在此开展的唯物主义分析提出了另一种方法，旨在更全面地参与组合。值得注意的是，这种方法不会对人类和 "其他 "做出根本性的区分，而是采用一种后人类的感性认识，既不偏袒也不否认人类的愿望、价值观和欲望。这一过程的各个阶段如下

- Seek a comprehensive understanding of the affects and the micropolitics that surround the interactions between children and transport.

寻求对围绕儿童与交通之间互动的影响和微观政治的全面理解。

- Critically evaluate how the assemblage sustains particular patterns of social, economic and political power.

批判性地评估组合如何维持特定的社会、经济和政治权力模式。

- Address the contradictions that emerge between the different affective flows between relations (for example, between the needs of industry and the health of citizens).

解决各种关系之间不同情感流之间出现的矛盾（例如，工业需求与公民健康之间的矛盾）。

To these, we suggest a fourth stage:

对此，我们提出了第四个阶段：

- Explore multiple ways to engineer sustainability into the assemblage.

探索多种方法，将可持续发展理念融入装配中。

This latter point requires further justification, as it introduces sustainability as an objective for this materialist analysis. Sustainability is a contested concept (Braidotti et al., 1994; Lockie, 2016; Ratner, 2004), which draws into assemblage a range of natural science, ecological, economic, political, social justice and other perspectives on the interactions and conflicts between nature and culture. Given both our flat ontology of events and affects, and the arguments in this chapter about the need to move beyond nature/culture dualism, we are disinclined to treat sustainability either as a point of conflict between human desires and natural environmental limitations, or in terms of how negative or positive feedback loops may enable continuity of systems. What a materialist perspective on assemblages suggests is that, indeed, most assemblages are not sustainable and have within them contradictory affects that will lead them to fall apart or transmogrify into something else in a day or an hour or a minute (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 5). After all, the universe, we are told, is not sustainable, some time in the future it will either expand to infinity and slowly chill to near absolute zero, or collapse into a singularity; one day the Earth will fall into the sun and be utterly transformed materially. Nor would we aspire toward an earth-assemblage or any other kind of assemblage that was immune to becomings or lines of flight.

后一点需要进一步说明，因为它引入了可持续性作为唯物主义分析的目标。可持续性是一个备受争议的概念（Braidotti et al.鉴于我们对事件和影响的平面本体论，以及本章中关于需要超越自然/文化二元论的论点，我们不倾向于将可持续性视为人类欲望与自然环境限制之间的冲突点，或从负反馈或正反馈循环如何实现系统连续性的角度来看待可持续性。从唯物主义的角度看集合体，大多数集合体都不是可持续的，它们内部存在着相互矛盾的影响，这些影响会导致它们在一天、一小时或一分钟内分崩离析或转化为其他东西（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984: 5）。毕竟，我们被告知，宇宙是不可持续的，在未来的某一天，它要么会膨胀到无限大，然后慢慢冷却到接近绝对零度，要么会坍缩成一个奇点；有一天，地球会坠入太阳，并被彻底改变物质面貌。我们也不会渴望建立一个地球组合体或任何其他类型的组合体，使其免受成为或飞行线路的影响。

An alternative view of sustainability more in line with a materialist ontology of affects and becomings needs to focus upon potentials and capacities (Braidotti, 2011： 312-3； Parr, 2009: 161), and be marked by an ethics that favours differentiation, rhizomes and becoming-other, but moves beyond the usual narrow focus on human potential, to instead encompass the capacity of all matter within an inclusive ‘environment’ (that includes humans) to become other (Guattari, 2000: 20). The posthuman ethics that underpins becoming counters forces and affective flows that constrain the environment’s potentialities - be that by exhausting natural resources, filling the atmosphere with greenhouse gases, or limiting human possibilities through poverty, inequity or threats to health - fostering in their place affects that enhance human and environmental potentiality.

另一种更符合唯物主义情感本体论和 "成为 "本体论的可持续性观点需要关注潜能和能力（Braidotti, 2011：312-3；Parr, 2009：161），并以一种倾向于分化、根茎和成为他者的伦理学为标志，但超越了通常对人类潜能的狭隘关注，转而涵盖了包容性 "环境"（包括人类）中所有物质成为他者的能力（Guattari, 2000：20）。作为 "成为他者 "基础的后人类伦理学反驳了限制环境潜能的力量和情感流--无论是通过耗尽自然资源、使大气层充满温室气体，还是通过贫困、不平等或健康威胁限制人类的可能性--取而代之的是促进人类和环境潜能的情感。

From such a perspective, the challenge of pollution and child health is re-constituted, not specifically to reduce air pollution from road traffic (and other sources), but in terms of dis-assembling and then re-assembling the affective flows and consequent micropolitics that we identified earlier, to engineer interactions in the assemblage that establish and foster a range of potentialities for the myriad relations in the assemblage - human and non-human. This would establish not only a ‘sustainable’ road traffic policy, but also contribute to reducing carbon emissions, enhancing working conditions and making the city a generally more conducive place socially, psychologically and physically. The improvements in child health that derive from this re-engineering are one amongst a number of positive outcomes.

从这一角度出发，污染与儿童健康的挑战被重新构建，这并不是专门为了减少道路交通（及其他来源）造成的空气污染，而是为了分解并重新组合情感流以及由此产生的微观政治（正如我们之前所指出的），在组合体中设计互动，为组合体中的无数关系（人类与非人类关系）建立并促进一系列潜在性。这不仅将建立 "可持续 "的道路交通政策，还将有助于减少碳排放、改善工作条件，并使城市成为一个在社会、心理和身体方面都更为有利的地方。这种重新设计所带来的儿童健康改善是一系列积极成果中的一项。

This re-formulation provides the basis for a materialist perspective on environment that is not only theoretically grounded in the monist perspective on the world that we have adopted in this book, alongside the arguments from scholars such as Haraway and Braidotti, but also provides a means to translate into a research agenda for the sociological study of environment. This agenda, we would suggest, is energized first by the monistic ontology that draws humans fully into the environment to which they have for long been ontologically differentiated in contemporary sociology, and second, by the assemblage/affect approach that focuses not upon single entities, but upon the affectivities and micropolitics of assemblages. Practically speaking, this means designing and undertaking research that is capable of exploring the constellations of relations that assemble around events, and of unpicking the affects, the capacities and the micropolitics that produce these assemblages.

这种重新表述为环境的唯物主义视角提供了基础，这种视角不仅在理论上立足于我们在本书中采用的世界一元论视角，以及哈拉维和布莱多蒂等学者的论点，而且还为环境社会学研究的研究议程提供了转化手段。我们认为，这一议程的活力首先来自一元本体论，它将人类完全纳入环境之中，而在当代社会学中，人类长期以来在本体论上一直被区分于环境；其次，来自集合/影响方法，它关注的不是单一实体，而是集合的情感和微观政治。实际上，这意味着设计和开展的研究要能够探索围绕事件组合起来的各种关系，并揭示产生这些组合的情感、能力和微观政治。

The challenge for sociology of the perspective on environment that we have set out here is to recognize that human endeavours are far less independent of the non-human world than is sometimes supposed. There is an inclination when undertaking sociological research to focus on the cultural at the expense of the natural (for instance, by adopting an interview-based design and develop an interview guide that addresses human interactions, values, beliefs, feelings and desires, without taking account of the broader ‘environment’ around the participants). If, as we have argued here, this nature/culture dualism should be dissolved, then it behoves sociological researchers to ensure that their designs can take account of the ecological breadth of affects that are involved in what might at first glance seem entirely ‘cultural’ (or ‘micro-sociological’) activities and events.

我们在此提出的环境社会学观点所面临的挑战是，要认识到人类活动远不像人们有时想象的那样独立于非人类世界。在开展社会学研究时，人们往往倾向于关注文化而忽略自然（例如，采用访谈式设计，制定访谈指南，探讨人类的互动、价值观、信仰、情感和欲望，而不考虑参与者周围更广泛的 "环境"）。如果正如我们在这里所论证的那样，自然/文化二元论应该被消解，那么社会学研究人员就有责任确保他们的设计能够考虑到乍看起来可能完全是 "文化"（或 "微观社会学"）活动和事件所涉及的生态影响的广度。

As an aside, while we have focused in this chapter on environment, there are other areas of sociological inquiry in which non-social relations are of great significance - most notably, those associated with bodies and embodiment. The ‘sociology of the body’ (Shilling, 2012; Turner, 1984) emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as a topic of interest, while biology and other aspects of the ‘natural world’ are implicated in sociological areas including gender, race, sex, health and sport. Sociology has not traditionally dealt particularly well with issues of embodiment, often ‘bracketing’ the biological body in ways similar to those we considered earlier in relation to the environment, in order to focus on the social side of embodiment. It has been feminism, queer studies and post-structuralism that have taken the lead in developing theoretical models of the body (Game, 1991; Grosz, 1994; Haraway, 1991), and the new materialisms have been keen to offer new perspectives on the body that cut across a nature/culture dualism (Cutler and MacKenzie, 2011; Fox, 2012). In Part 2 of this book, we intentionally focus upon areas such as sexuality, emotions, creativity and health that traditionally have been treated in precisely this ‘culturally-exclusive’ way, to explore them ecologically, across a materialist nature/culture continuum.

顺便提一下，虽然我们在本章中重点讨论了环境问题，但在社会学研究的其他领域，非社会关系也具有重要意义，其中最值得注意的是与身体和体现相关的关系。身体社会学"（Shilling，2012；Turner，1984）是 20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代兴起的一个热门话题，而生物学和 "自然世界 "的其他方面也与性别、种族、性别、健康和体育等社会学领域息息相关。社会学在传统上并没有很好地处理 "体现"（embodiment）问题，往往是以类似于我们之前所考虑的与环境有关的方式将生物体 "括 "起来，以关注 "体现"（embodiment）的社会方面。女权主义、同性恋研究和后结构主义率先发展了身体的理论模型（Game, 1991; Grosz, 1994; Haraway, 1991），而新唯物主义则热衷于为身体提供新的视角，跨越自然/文化二元论（Cutler and MacKenzie, 2011; Fox, 2012）。在本书的第二部分，我们有意将重点放在性、情感、创造力和健康等领域，这些领域在传统上正是以这种 "文化排他性 "的方式来处理的，我们将跨越唯物主义的自然/文化连续体，从生态学的角度来探讨这些领域。

Returning for now to the main topic of environment, we will conclude this chapter by considering in detail a further example of how a materialist analysis may enhance sociological analysis of environmental issues.

现在，我们回到环境这一主题上来，在本章的最后，我们将详细讨论另一个例子，说明唯物主义分析如何能够加强对环境问题的社会学分析。

Lives in a post-industrial landscape

生活在后工业时代

Over the past half century, many developed countries have experienced de-industrialization, as heavy industries such as mining, engineering and car manufacture have struggled financially in a globalized market-place. Whole swathes of both the UK and USA suffered as these industries diminished, as home-grown products were replaced with cheaper overseas goods and new knowledge-based economies gradually replaced heavy industry. There have been huge social and economic consequences, many of which are of core concern to sociology. Towns and cities in areas such as northern England, south Wales and some of the northern states in the US have suffered high rates of unemployment, with consequences for social deprivation, crime and health (Strangleman et al, 2013; Walley, 2013). Male unemployment and a new family dependency on women’s income have led to a ‘crisis of masculinity’, shifting gender roles away from male dominance (Mills, 2003: 53). Trade unions have been weakened, with effects on workers’ rights, and growth in part-time, casualized and semi-skilled employment (Nayak, 2006) - a marginalized 'precariat' (Standing, 2014), blamed for its ‘dangerous’ lack of social allegiances.

在过去的半个世纪里，许多发达国家都经历了去工业化的过程，因为采矿、工程和汽车制造等重工业在全球化的市场环境中举步维艰。随着这些行业的衰落，英国和美国的大片地区都受到了影响，因为本土产品被廉价的海外产品所取代，新的知识型经济体逐渐取代了重工业。这造成了巨大的社会和经济后果，其中许多是社会学关注的核心问题。英格兰北部、威尔士南部和美国北部一些州的城镇和城市失业率居高不下，对社会贫困、犯罪和健康造成了影响（Strangleman et al, 2013; Walley, 2013）。男性失业和新的家庭对女性收入的依赖导致了 "男性危机"，使性别角色不再由男性主导（Mills, 2003: 53）。工会被削弱，工人的权利受到影响，兼职、临时工和半熟练工增加（Nayak，2006 年）--这是一种被边缘化的 "不稳定群体"（Standing，2014 年），因其 "危险的 "缺乏社会忠诚而受到指责。

As we wrote this chapter, a news story broke about the Nottinghamshire village of Trowell, in the heart of the English Midlands, which brought into focus some of the complexities associated with de-industrialization. This part of the world was once dominated by deep coal mines, and communities grew up around the pits during the 19th and 20th centuries; often the mines were the only employers in these villages. But by the 1980s alternative fuels such as gas and nuclear, plus political antagonism toward the then powerful mining trade unions, led to coal pit closures across the UK, devastating the social and economic life of villages like Trowell. Miners lost their jobs, and in these rural locations young and old had to leave the village to find work. Industrial landscapes of pit-heads and slag heaps gave way to green fields, wildlife and open country as the deep mines closed one by one.

就在我们撰写本章时，一则关于英国中部中心地带诺丁汉郡特罗尔村的新闻报道让我们看到了与去工业化相关的一些复杂问题。这个地区曾经是深煤矿的天下，19 世纪和 20 世纪期间，社区围绕着煤矿发展起来；煤矿往往是这些村庄唯一的雇主。但到了 20 世纪 80 年代，天然气和核能等替代燃料的出现，再加上对当时强大的矿业工会的政治敌视，导致英国各地的煤矿关闭，破坏了特罗尔等村庄的社会和经济生活。矿工们失去了工作，在这些农村地区，年轻人和老年人不得不离开村庄去找工作。随着深层煤矿一个接一个地关闭，由坑口和矿渣堆组成的工业景观让位于绿地、野生动物和开阔的乡村。

Against this trend, a private coal mining company finally obtained approval in 2015 (after a protracted battle with local people and local government planners) to begin open-cast mining in Trowell. Their application was to excavate a vast swathe of the countryside close to the village, to extract around 1.3m tonnes of coal over five years; with re-landscaping, locals feared their landscape would be devastated for twice that long. Feelings in the community toward the proposal were divided. Over 1,200 locals signed a petition objecting, fearing negative consequences including the mine’s visual impact, noise, air pollution, and road traffic increases as the coal was carted away (as well as concerns over carbon release from further fossil fuel use). But some former miners in the village took a more positive view of the plan. They saw it as a way to bring traditional employment (particularly male employment) back to the community, and to reinstate what they saw as a proud history of coal mining that had been destroyed when the deep mines were closed. The matter was finally settled when a government minister over-ruled local councillors and gave the go-ahead to the open-cast mine development in June 2015 (Nottingham Post, 11 June 2015).

在这种趋势下，一家私营煤矿公司终于在 2015 年获得批准（在与当地居民和当地政府规划人员进行了一场旷日持久的斗争之后），开始在特罗韦尔进行露天开采。他们的申请是在村庄附近的一大片农村地区进行挖掘，在五年内开采约 130 万吨煤炭；由于要重新进行景观设计，当地人担心他们的景观将在两倍于此时间内遭到破坏。当地居民对这一提议意见不一。1200 多名当地人签署了反对请愿书，他们担心煤矿会带来负面影响，包括视觉冲击、噪音、空气污染以及煤炭运走后道路交通量的增加（他们还担心进一步使用化石燃料会造成碳排放）。但村里的一些前矿工对该计划持更积极的态度。他们认为这是将传统就业（尤其是男性就业）带回社区的一种方式，也是恢复他们所认为的煤矿开采光荣历史的一种方式。2015 年 6 月，一位政府部长否决了当地议员的意见，批准了露天煤矿的开发计划，此事最终尘埃落定（《诺丁汉邮报》，2015 年 6 月 11 日）。

What might a materialist analysis make of this event? This example provides an opportunity to explore the analysis of environment that we have developed in this chapter, because of the wide range of natural and social relations in the assemblage. These include:

唯物主义分析会如何看待这一事件？这个例子为我们探讨本章所展开的环境分析提供了一个机会，因为在这个集合体中存在着广泛的自然和社会关系。这些关系包括

- Physical stuff like the coal under the ground, the land and the landscape it is in, the machinery needed to dig it out and transport it, the power stations that will burn it and the electricity and pollution it will produce.

有形的东西，如地下的煤炭、煤炭所在的土地和地貌、挖掘和运输煤炭所需的机械、燃烧煤炭的发电站以及由此产生的电力和污染。

- The humans who will work at the mine and those in the community who will both benefit and suffer from the development.

在矿山工作的人，以及社区中那些既受益于开发，也深受其害的人。

- Biological things that make up the ecology of the proposed mining location, such as vegetation and trees, birds and wild animals, micro-organisms and organic molecules that make the soil fertile.

构成拟议采矿地点生态的生物，如植被和树木、鸟类和野生动物、微生物和使土壤肥沃的有机分子。

- Economics, and the flows of money and resources that will flow through the mining enterprise and into the pockets of shareholders, workers and the local community.

经济学，以及通过采矿企业流入股东、工人和当地社区腰包的资金和资源流向。

- The social processes associated with both industry and its management and governance.

与工业及其管理和治理相关的社会进程。

- The politics of planning, industrial development and protest.

规划政治、工业发展和抗议。

- Regulations governing coal extraction, safety, employment and so on.

有关煤炭开采、安全、就业等方面的法规。

- The past experiences and memories of locals.

当地人过去的经历和记忆。

- Hopes, fears and other emotions.

希望、恐惧和其他情绪。

It is the breadth of these different relations and the scope for them to affect and be affected by each other that makes this materialist analysis of the event so interesting and potentially rich sociologically. The affect-economy in this assemblage includes obvious affects such as the physical, biological and chemical processes that produced coal deposits in the first place and that enable it to generate electricity when burnt for fuel. Affective interactions between coal, money, mining, machinery, and miners turn a subterranean mineral millions of years old into a product to be sold commercially and burnt for fuel and at the same time provide work and wages to local people. Planners and local councillors, planning laws and procedures, a petition, and a government minister interacted in a complex affect-economy that produced decisions, appeals and finally approval for this open-cast mining enterprise.

正是由于这些不同关系的广泛性以及它们相互影响和被影响的范围，才使得对这一事件的唯物主义分析如此有趣，并具有潜在的丰富社会学意义。这一组合中的影响经济包括明显的影响，例如首先产生煤矿的物理、生物和化学过程，以及使煤矿在作为燃料燃烧时能够发电的过程。煤炭、货币、采矿、机械和矿工之间的情感互动，将数百万年前的地下矿藏转化为可用于商业销售和燃料燃烧的产品，同时也为当地人提供了工作和工资。规划师和地方议员、规划法律和程序、请愿书和政府部长在一个复杂的情感经济中相互作用，产生了决策、上诉，并最终批准了这一露天采矿企业。

However, this event-assemblage includes other significant affectivities. The community campaign for and against the open-cast mining application suggests that memories of both the earlier mining history, and of the following de-industrialization when the pits closed were powerfully affective. De-industrialization had devastating consequences on Trowell and other mining communities (Strangleman, 2001: 256). These were economic, as families lost their main source of income - with knock-on effects on the community's disposable income and infrastructure; social, affecting boys’ job expectations and aspirations (Nayak, 2006), and impacting gender relations once men were no longer the main family earners; and cultural, destroying a way of life built upon co-operation, solidarity and working-class values (Strangleman, 2001: 255). For some former miners, their memories of earlier days inspired positive responses to the proposal, with the expectation that the open-cast mine would provide a return to good wages and traditional male employment patterns.

然而，这一事件组合还包括其他重要的影响因素。支持和反对露天采矿申请的社区运动表明，对早期采矿历史的记忆和随后矿坑关闭时的去工业化都具有强烈的影响。非工业化给特罗韦尔和其他采矿社区带来了破坏性后果（Strangleman，2001 年：256）。这些后果是经济方面的，因为家庭失去了主要的收入来源--对社区的可支配收入和基础设施产生了连锁反应；社会方面的，影响了男孩对工作的期望和抱负（Nayak，2006 年），并在男性不再是家庭主要收入来源后影响了两性关系；文化方面的，摧毁了建立在合作、团结和工人阶级价值观基础上的生活方式（Strangleman，2001 年：255）。对于一些前矿工来说，他们对早年生活的回忆激发了他们对该提案的积极反应，他们期望露天矿能恢复高工资和传统的男性就业模式。

Meanwhile, for others in the community (and for local councillors who opposed the application) perhaps their memories of the earlier mining era were more negative - of air pollution, grime, destruction of the environment and danger. Along with the contrasting green fields and wildlife of the postmining landscape, these recollections contributed emotions and a new community spirit that fuelled a campaign and petition against the new mining enterprise, and the original decision by local planners against the development. Memories and emotions contribute in this way to the assemblage and the capacities it produces (we will have more to say about the social productivity of emotions in Chapter 7), though it is important to note that in this example all these affects were effectively side-lined by the final, top-down decision by a government minister who favoured business and enterprise, and allowed the mining development to proceed.

与此同时，对于社区中的其他人（以及反对该申请的地方议员）来说，他们对早期采矿时代的记忆可能更加负面--空气污染、污垢、环境破坏和危险。这些回忆与采矿后的绿地和野生动物形成鲜明对比，激发了人们的情感和新的社区精神，从而推动了反对新采矿企业的运动和请愿活动，以及当地规划者最初做出的反对开发的决定。记忆和情感以这种方式促进了组合及其产生的能力（我们将在第 7 章中详细讨论情感的社会生产力），但必须注意的是，在这个例子中，所有这些影响实际上都被一位政府部长自上而下的最终决定所掩盖，这位部长倾向于商业和企业，并允许采矿开发继续进行。

There are many other affects that could be identified in this event, and a materialist analysis can reveal the myriad ways that the social, economic and the political are intricately caught up with biology and the geology and geography of the landscape. It is hard to tease apart these realms when the affect economies of events like de-industrialization and re-industrialization cut across nature and culture; indeed such an effort to compartmentalize social and natural sciences seems pointless and foolish. Issues of environmental sustainability are no longer simply about physics, chemistry and biology, nor just about economics and politics. They are all these things, but also caught up with emotions, memories, gender relations, masculinities and many other affects. Perhaps more remarkably, it turns out that understanding things like changes in contemporary gender relations - considered to be the exclusive domain of social scientists - turn out to be tied up with flows of minerals, money and energy.

在这一事件中还可以发现许多其他影响，唯物主义分析可以揭示社会、经济和政治与生物、地质和景观地理错综复杂的关系。当去工业化和再工业化等事件对经济的影响跨越自然和文化时，就很难将这些领域区分开来；事实上，将社会科学和自然科学割裂开来的努力似乎是毫无意义的，也是愚蠢的。环境可持续性问题不再仅仅是物理、化学和生物学的问题，也不再仅仅是经济学和政治学的问题。环境可持续性问题不再只是物理、化学和生物学的问题，也不再只是经济学和政治学的问题，它们是所有这些问题的总和，同时也与情感、记忆、性别关系、男性气质和许多其他因素密切相关。也许更令人吃惊的是，对当代性别关系变化等问题的理解--这被认为是社会科学家的专属领域--竟然与矿物、货币和能源的流动联系在一起。

This example suggests how a materialist ‘sociology of associations’ (Latour, 2005: 8) transforms the sociological imagination in relation to environment, drawing human and non-human relations into a single realm, rather than setting them in opposition. Yet, if the task of a materialist sociology of environment is not only to analyse but also to improve the world, this is in many ways disheartening, as its outcome (a mining operation that will disrupt both the natural and cultural environment of a village, against the wishes of many inhabitants) in no way embraces the perspective on sustainability that we developed earlier. Environmental sustainability, in that view, entails encouraging assemblages in which affects and interactions foster human and non-human, natural and cultural, capacities and potentialities.

这个例子表明，唯物主义 "关联社会学"（Latour, 2005: 8）如何改变与环境有关的社会学想象力，将人类与非人类的关系纳入一个单一的领域，而不是将它们对立起来。然而，如果唯物主义环境社会学的任务不仅是分析世界，而且是改善世界，那么这在很多方面都是令人沮丧的，因为它的结果（违背许多居民的意愿，破坏一个村庄的自然和文化环境的采矿作业）绝不包含我们之前提出的可持续性观点。这种观点认为，环境的可持续发展需要鼓励组合，在组合中，影响和互动促进人类和非人类、自然和文化的能力和潜力。

If anything, we see here quite the opposite - an environment, a landscape, and all the animate and inanimate things in it, that have been repeatedly exploited for economic and political purposes: first by the development of industrial mining, then through a forced de-industrialization, and now in the pillage of the remaining coal for short-term profit (with a consequent contribution to anthropogenic climate change). A contrary, sustainable resolution would seek ways to enhance the capacities and ‘becomings, of all elements of the assemblage - from the interactions between earth, air and water, nitrogen and water cycles of the physical environment, to the productive life-courses of the multiplicity of plants and wild animals, to the opportunities for humans to work, play and interact productively - and to do all this in ways that do not oppose humans to other materialities.

如果有的话，我们在这里看到的恰恰相反--环境、景观以及其中所有有生命和无生命的东西，都被反复利用来达到经济和政治目的：首先是发展工业采矿，然后是强制去工业化，现在是掠夺剩余的煤炭来获取短期利益（从而导致人为气候变化）。与此相反，可持续的解决方案将寻求提高组合体所有元素的能力和 "成为 "的方式--从地球、空气和水、物理环境的氮循环和水循环之间的相互作用，到多种植物和野生动物的生产性生命过程，再到人类工作、娱乐和生产性互动的机会--并以不将人类与其他物质对立起来的方式实现这一切。

Summary

摘要

This chapter has taken as its focus what might have seemed to some a very particular area - environmental sociology. Our intention, however, has been to address one of the foundational components of a materialist sociological imagination: the interactions between the natural and the social, and the need to cut across this conventional sociological dualism. We have sought to reveal an alternative, monist ontology of environment in which humans are not separate from, but part of an ecology of the natural and the social. This provides not only the basis for a materialist environmental sociology and approach to sustainability, but also the basis for a post-anthropocentric and post-human project that we will continually revisit in the remainder of the book.

本章的重点是在某些人看来可能非常特殊的领域--环境社会学。然而，我们的意图是探讨唯物主义社会学想象力的一个基本组成部分：自然与社会之间的相互作用，以及跨越传统社会学二元论的必要性。我们试图揭示另一种一元论的环境本体论，在这种环境本体论中，人类并非独立于自然和社会生态之外，而是自然和社会生态的一部分。这不仅为唯物主义环境社会学和可持续发展方法提供了基础，也为后人类中心主义和后人类计划提供了基础，我们将在本书的其余部分不断重温这一计划。

Further reading

更多阅读

Braidotti, R. (2013) The Posthuman. Cambridge: Polity. Ch 2.

Braidotti, R. (2013) The Posthuman.剑桥：Polity.第 2 章。

Haraway, D. (1992) Otherworldly conversations; terran topics; local terms. Science asCulture, 3(1): 64-98.

Haraway, D. (1992) Otherworldly conversations; terran topics; local terms.Science asCulture, 3(1)：64-98.

Stevens, P (2012) Towards an ecosociology. Sociology, 46(4): 579-595.

Stevens, P (2012) Towards an ecosociology.社会学》，46（4）：579-595.

4 Society: Beyond Systems, Structuresand Stratification

4 社会：超越系统、结构和分层

Introduction

简介

While the previous chapter focused upon the ‘natural’ environment within which our lives are lived, now it is time to examine in more detail the social and cultural ‘environment’ that is the context for social action and social identities. This social world, with all its divisions, inequalities and cultural formations has been considered in many different ways by sociologists. Durkheim (1976 [1915]) conceived of a ‘collective consciousness’ that provides the shared beliefs, ideas and moral attitudes which unified society; Parsons (1951) spoke of a social system; while Bourdieu (1990: 88) discerned distinct cultural ‘fields’ with their own laws, axioms and power relations.

上一章主要讨论了我们生活的 "自然 "环境，现在我们要更详细地研究作为社会行动和社会身份背景的社会和文化 "环境"。社会学家以多种不同的方式研究了这个社会世界，以及它的各种分化、不平等和文化形态。杜克海姆（Durkheim，1976 [1915]）提出了一种 "集体意识"，它提供了统一社会的共同信仰、观念和道德态度；帕森斯（Parsons，1951）谈到了一种社会制度；而布尔迪厄（Bourdieu，1990: 88）则发现了不同的文化 "领域"，它们有着各自的法则、公理和权力关系。

Our focus here will be upon these social ‘contexts’ of social action, and how sociologists have considered aspects such as social backgrounds or a society’s normative discourses on behaviour as ‘structuring’ or determining the limits of, and the possibilities for, action. This contextualization is the basis for the distinction made in conventional sociology between human agency (as a productive force) and the social formations, institutions and structures that have been seen as determining or even oppressing this agentic production. We will draw on Latour’s (2005: 9) proposition of a ‘sociology of associations’, and use this to develop a materialist perspective on social organization. In particular, we want to pick up the issues noted towards the end of Chapter 2 concerning materialism’s monist ontology, and how this forces us to re-think sociological understandings of culture, social systems and casual mechanisms. This perspective rejects entirely any sense of structures, systems or underlying mechanisms, finding a basis for both power and resistance in the micropolitics of the affects that assemble ‘events’.

在此，我们将重点关注社会行动的这些社会 "背景"，以及社会学家如何将社会背景或社会对行为的规范性论述等方面视为 "结构化 "或决定行动的限制和可能性。在传统社会学中，人的能动性（作为一种生产力）与被视为决定甚至压制这种能动性生产的社会形态、制度和结构之间的区别，就是以这种背景为基础的。我们将借鉴拉图尔（2005: 9）提出的 "关联社会学 "命题，并以此为基础来发展关于社会组织的唯物主义观点。特别是，我们将讨论第二章末尾提到的关于唯物主义一元论本体论的问题，以及这如何迫使我们重新思考社会学对文化、社会体系和偶然机制的理解。这一视角完全摒弃了任何结构、系统或基本机制的意识，在汇集 "事件 "的微观情感政治中找到了权力和反抗的基础。

With the benefit of this re-working of structural explanations, the second part of this chapter explores a topic that has sometimes seemed emblematic of sociology: the exploration of social stratification and social divisions. The sociological categorizing of people into classes, genders, races and so forth has been foundational to our discipline, and was significant for sociology’s historical materialist roots and a focus on the classed nature of capitalist society (Marx, 1959: 70). However, it has been less clear whether sociological notions such as class and gender are just that: concepts used to analyse the complexities of the social world, or intended as an accurate description of the social divisions and differences that manifest in the world. We will argue that - from a materialist, relational perspective - classes, races and genders are aggregations of dissimilar persons, rather than categories and collectivities of individuals that possess some foundational similarities to one another. We will also apply a relational analysis to Bourdieu’s notion of capital - social, cultural, physical and so on, which has been appropriated in recent theories of social class. We will draw all these threads together at the end of the chapter in an example, looking at social mobility from a materialist perspective.

有了这种对结构性解释的再创作，本章的第二部分将探讨一个有时似乎是社会学标志性的话题：对社会分层和社会分化的探索。社会学将人们划分为阶级、性别、种族等，是我们这门学科的基础，对社会学的历史唯物主义根基和关注资本主义社会的阶级性（马克思，1959：70）意义重大。然而，阶级和性别等社会学概念究竟是用来分析社会世界的复杂性的概念，还是用来准确描述世界上存在的社会分化和差异的概念，一直不太清楚。我们将论证--从唯物主义和关系学的角度来看--阶级、种族和性别是不同个体的集合体，而不是具有某些基本相似性的个体类别和集合体。我们还将对布迪厄的资本概念--社会资本、文化资本、物质资本等--进行关系分析，这一概念已被最新的社会阶层理论所采用。在本章最后，我们将以一个从唯物主义角度看待社会流动性的例子将所有这些线索串联起来。

Materialism and the ‘sociology of associations’

唯物主义与 "关联社会学

The ‘duality of agency and structure’ is one of those issues in sociology that perennially re-surfaces whenever scholars have sought to set out the ontological and epistemological bases of our subject (DeLanda, 2006: 9-10). It has led to divisions in terms of theory, between ‘macro-sociology’ which explores the broad shape and power structures of a society and a ‘micro-sociology’ that addresses the experiential and agentic aspects of social life. This dualism sometimes also influenced choices of research methods, with quantitative approaches generally favoured to examine social organizations and ‘structural’ matters such as social divisions or social mobility, with qualitative methods reserved to study individual action and resistance to power. Meanwhile, the relative emphasis ascribed to agency or structure in different sociological theories has waxed and waned, depending upon whether the sociological wind has been blowing in favour of recognizing the relative autonomy of social actors (Wrong, 1961) or the determining or constraining forces of the social order (Shilling, 1997).

机构与结构的二元性 "是社会学中的一个问题，每当学者们试图确定我们学科的本体论和认识论基础时，这个问题总是会再次出现（DeLanda，2006：9-10）。它导致了理论上的分歧，即探讨社会的广泛形态和权力结构的 "宏观社会学 "与探讨社会生活的体验和行为方面的 "微观社会学 "之间的分歧。这种二元论有时也会影响到研究方法的选择，一般倾向于用定量方法来研究社会组织和 "结构性 "问题，如社会分化或社会流动性，而保留定性方法来研究个人行动和对权力的反抗。同时，在不同的社会学理论中，对机构或结构的相对重视程度也时高时低，这取决于社会学的风向是倾向于承认社会行动者的相对自主性（Wrong, 1961），还是社会秩序的决定或制约力量（Shilling, 1997）。

However, this agency/structure distinction reflects a broader dualism intrinsic to much sociology, that has differentiated between an ‘everyday level’ comprising the minute-to-minute interactions between social actors, and another ‘structural level’ in which social forces somehow regulate or govern these interactions. Manifestations of this conception of 'another level' - regarded as where the engine of society ‘really’ resides, and therefore as the holy grail for sociological attention - include notions of an economic 'base' in Marxian sociology (Marx, 1971), upon which cultural life is overlaid; ideas of social systems that govern social interactions in sociologies ranging from Talcott Parsons' (1951) structural- functionalism to Niklas Luhmann's (1982) systems theory; and in critical realist notions of a 'deep' stratum of social mechanisms that constitute the powers that shape social phenomena (Danermark et al., 2002: 59). In all of these models, social interactions and human agency are not fully autonomous, but are shaped by social structures, systems or mechanisms.

然而，这种机构/结构的区分反映了许多社会学中固有的一种更广泛的二元论，即区分由社会行动者之间细微互动组成的 "日常层面 "和社会力量以某种方式调节或支配这些互动的另一个 "结构层面"。另一个层面 "的概念被认为是社会 "真正 "的动力所在，因此也是社会学关注的圣杯，这种概念的表现形式包括马克思社会学中的经济 "基础 "概念（马克思，1971 年），而文化生活则被叠加在经济基础之上；从塔尔科特-帕森斯（Talcott Parsons）（1951 年）的结构功能主义到尼克拉斯-卢曼（Niklas Luhmann）（1982 年）的系统理论等社会学中关于支配社会互动的社会系统的观念；以及批判现实主义中关于构成塑造社会现象的力量的 "深层 "社会机制的观念（Danermark et al.,2002: 59).在所有这些模式中，社会互动和人的能动性都不是完全自主的，而是由社会结构、制度或机制所决定的。

As we saw in Chapter 2, materialist scholarship is generally marked by a rejection of such dualistic notions of the world, in favour of a 'flat' ontology in which matter is self-organizing (as opposed to having its capacities determined by something external like a system or mechanism). The model of materialist sociology that we developed at the end of the last chapter reflects this monism, setting out a social ontology of relational, affective materialities that assemble and disassemble, according to the forces or affects that they exert over each other, and whose capacities to do, feel or desire emerge within these assemblages. This flux of assemblages and affects is the means whereby the social world is produced and reproduced, and from which the flow of history derives. With this simple ontology as the basis for a materialist sociology, then as Latour (2005： 7-8) has pointed out, it follows that there is no longer any place for overarching 'social structures' or 'systems' or underlying 'mechanisms' that determine how relations assemble. The task is no longer to reveal the social forces at work behind the scenes in law, science, religion, organizations or elsewhere; in this monist social world 'there exists nothing behind those activities, even though they might be linked in a way that does produce a society - or doesn't produce one' (2005： 8). This, however, does not mean we should abandon analysis of power and inequality, just that we must shift our analysis from a 'structural' level to focus on the micropolitics of events, activities and interactions.

正如我们在第二章中所看到的，唯物主义学术的一般特点是拒绝接受这种二元对立的世界观，而倾向于一种 "平面 "本体论，在这种本体论中，物质是自我组织的（而不是由诸如系统或机制之类的外部因素决定其能力的）。我们在上一章末尾提出的唯物主义社会学模式就反映了这种一元论，它提出了一种社会本体论，即关系性、情感性物质，它们根据彼此施加的力量或影响进行组合和分解，其行为、感觉或欲望能力在这些组合中产生。这种组合和情感的流动是社会世界产生和再生产的手段，历史的流动也源于此。有了这种简单的本体论作为唯物主义社会学的基础，那么正如拉图尔（2005： 7-8）所指出的，决定关系如何组合的总体性 "社会结构"、"体系 "或基本 "机制 "就不再有存在的空间。我们的任务不再是揭示在法律、科学、宗教、组织或其他领域幕后运作的社会力量；在这个一元论的社会世界中，"这些活动背后并不存在任何东西，即使它们可能以一种确实产生社会或不产生社会的方式联系在一起"（2005： 8）。然而，这并不意味着我们应该放弃对权力和不平等的分析，只是我们必须将分析从 "结构 "层面转向关注事件、活动和互动的微观政治。

Adopting what Latour calls a 'sociology of associations' (2005： 9) requires a different view of human bodies, things, ideas and all the other stuff that make up the kinds of ecological assemblages that we explored earlier in this chapter. Such a materialist sociology, according to the social philosopher Manuel DeLanda (2006： 9-10) marks a break from 'organic' models of society that have shaped sociology widely, from Parsonian functionalism to Giddens' structuration theory. These latter sociologies are based on a 'superficial analogy between society and the human body' (2006： 8), and depend upon 'relations of interiority' (2006： 9), meaning that component elements (the 'organs') have inherent attributes or properties that are manifested only when constituted with other specific elements within a whole (the ‘organism’). So, for example, ‘teachers’ and ‘students’ manifest their particular properties when interacting together as elements within a school or college (the whole), while retaining these inherent attributes even if removed from that setting.

采用拉图尔所说的 "关联社会学"（2005：9），需要对人类的身体、事物、思想以及构成本章前面所探讨的生态组合的所有其他东西有不同的看法。社会哲学家曼努埃尔-德兰达（Manuel DeLanda）（2006： 9-10）认为，这种唯物主义社会学标志着与 "有机 "社会模式的决裂，从帕森功能主义到吉登斯的结构化理论，这些模式广泛地影响着社会学。后一种社会学基于 "社会与人体之间的表面类比"（2006：8），并依赖于 "内在性关系"（2006：9），这意味着构成要素（"器官"）具有固有的属性或特性，而这些属性或特性只有在与整体（"有机体"）中的其他特定要素构成时才能体现出来。因此，举例来说，"教师 "和 "学生 "作为学校或学院（整体）中的元素，在一起互动时就会表现出它们的特殊属性，而即使脱离了这一环境，它们也会保留这些固有属性。

By contrast, monists such as Deleuze and Guattari replace the ‘organism’ with the 'assemblage' 一 a different model of collectivity based upon 'relations of exteriority'(DeLanda, 2006: 10-11). Relations of exteriority mean that any component (such as a human body) may be detached from one assemblage and plugged into another, within which it will have differing interactions and consequently exercise different capacities. So a component may become a 'learning-body' when it is part of an assemblage in which it interacts with 'teaching-bodies' - these capacities in turn establish the assemblage's capabilities as a 'school' or 'college'. But detached from this assemblage and plugged in elsewhere, the former 'learning-body' may manifest entirely different capacities (for instance as a 'worker' or a 'lover') as it interacts with other bodies in a 'workplace-assemblage' or a 'sexual relationship-assemblage', respectively.

相比之下，德勒兹和瓜塔里等一元论者用 "集合体 "取代了 "有机体"，这是一种基于 "外部性关系 "的不同的集合体模式（DeLanda, 2006: 10-11）。外部性关系 "指的是，任何组件（如人体）都可以从一个组合体中分离出来，插入另一个组合体中，并在其中进行不同的互动，从而发挥不同的能力。因此，当一个组件成为一个集合体的一部分，并与 "教学体 "互动时，它就可能成为一个 "学习体"--这些能力反过来又确立了这个集合体作为 "学校 "或 "学院 "的能力。但是，如果脱离这个集合体，将其插入其他地方，那么前一个 "学习体 "在 "工作场所集合体 "或 "性关系集合体 "中与其他身体互动时，可能会表现出完全不同的能力（例如作为 "工人 "或 "情人"）。

This has a number of consequences for how we understand both the parts (relations) and the wholes (assemblages). First, we cannot predict what a body (or thing or abstract concept) can do until we observe its interactions in a particular assemblage. Second, neither is it possible to predict what an assemblage can do by simply documenting its components, we need to explore relations' capacities when assembled together. This 'empiricism', incidentally, establishes the need for a materialist sociology firmly based upon observation of actual events. Third, power and resistance cannot be treated as properties of an individual or group; rather, they are contingent capacities that emerge in particular relational contexts - this analysis will be particularly important when we explore social action and social change in Chapter 10. Finally, it means that unlike 'organisms', assemblages are highly unstable and continually in flux as relations join and leave.

这对我们如何理解部分（关系）和整体（组合）产生了一系列影响。首先，在我们观察一个身体（或事物或抽象概念）在特定组合体中的相互作用之前，我们无法预测它能做什么。其次，仅仅记录一个组合体的组成部分也无法预测它能做什么，我们需要探索各种关系组合在一起时的能力。顺便说一句，这种 "经验主义 "确立了唯物主义社会学的必要性，它牢牢地建立在对实际事件的观察之上。第三，权力和反抗不能被视为个人或群体的属性；相反，它们是在特定关系背景下出现的偶然能力--当我们在第 10 章探讨社会行动和社会变革时，这一分析将尤为重要。最后，这意味着，与 "有机体 "不同，集合体极不稳定，会随着关系的加入和退出而不断变化。

DeLanda's explanation of how and why an assemblage does what it does provides a foundation for a monistic sociology, in which there is no 'other level' structuring what goes on between assembled relations, but at the same time cannot be reduced to the essential properties, attributes or actions of individuals. Assemblages do not exert some kind of force over relations: these forces are a consequence simply of how relations affect, and are affected by, other assembled relations. This model of a sociology of associations - denied any recourse to 'social forces', 'structures' or 'systems' as explanations of activity and events - is a radical departure from dualistic sociologies. It poses challenges that must be worked through adequately, in order that a materialist sociology can provide both an ontologically-convincing model of society that accounts for both continuity and change, and to offer models for social inquiry that do not merely offer ‘explanations’ in terms of social structures or extraneous social forces. For instance, we need to find a way to explain ‘social inequalities’ without invoking concepts such as ‘class’ or ‘neo-liberalism’, or gendered violence without positing ‘patriarchy’ or ‘hegemonic masculinity’ as its causes, as if these ‘explanatory’ concepts are foundational and do not themselves need explaining.

迪兰达对组合体如何以及为何这样做的解释为一元社会学提供了基础，在一元社会学中，没有 "其他层面 "来构建组合关系之间的关系，但同时也不能归结为个人的基本属性、属性或行为。组合并不对关系施加某种力量：这些力量仅仅是关系如何影响其他组合关系以及被其他组合关系影响的结果。这种关联社会学的模式--拒绝以 "社会力量"、"结构 "或 "系统 "来解释活动和事件--与二元社会学截然不同。为了使唯物主义社会学既能提供一个在本体论上令人信服的社会模型，说明社会的连续性和变化，又能为社会调查提供模型，而不仅仅是提供社会结构或外来社会力量的 "解释"，我们必须充分应对它所带来的挑战。例如，我们需要找到一种方法来解释 "社会不平等"，而不是援引 "阶级 "或 "新自由主义 "等概念；我们也需要找到一种方法来解释性别暴力，而不是将 "父权制 "或 "霸权男性 "作为其原因，似乎这些 "解释性 "概念是基础性的，其本身并不需要解释。

Sociology claims a distinct perspective on the world through its focus upon the ‘more-than-individual’ processes that produce the social world and human history, and sociologists have developed a vocabulary of terms to aid this perspective. To clarify the way a materialist sociology of association understands social production, we now wish to explore its perspective on some key sociological concepts: ‘organizations’, ‘social institutions’; and ‘social structures’. To illustrate our analysis, we have used examples from economic sociology that make connections between these, with ‘a commercial business’ as our organization, ‘work’ as the social institution, and ‘neoliberalism’ as an example of a social structure.

社会学通过关注产生社会世界和人类历史的 "超越个体 "的过程，以独特的视角观察世界。为了阐明唯物主义关联社会学理解社会生产的方式，我们现在希望探讨其对一些关键社会学概念的看法："组织"、"社会机构 "和 "社会结构"。为了说明我们的分析，我们使用了经济社会学中的一些例子来说明这些概念之间的联系，其中 "商业企业 "是我们的组织，"工作 "是社会机构，而 "新自由主义 "则是社会结构的一个例子。

Social organization

社会组织

In sociology, organizations can range in size from a small club through to an entire national governmental apparatus. The term organization may be used both as a noun and as a verb (Cooper and Burrell, 1988: 92), to refer both to an entity (‘an organization’) and to the process of organizing. Both senses of organization require some re-thinking from a materialist perspective.

在社会学中，组织的规模从小型俱乐部到整个国家的政府机构不等。组织一词既可用作名词，也可用作动词（Cooper and Burrell, 1988: 92），既指实体（"组织"），也指组织过程。从唯物主义的角度来看，这两种意义上的组织都需要重新思考。

In terms of the former (organization as entity), the preceding discussion of assemblages and ‘relations of exteriority’ is immediately applicable and this may be illustrated by using a commercial business as an everyday example of ‘an organization’. Such an organization may be considered as an assemblage (Cooper and Burrell, 1988: 105; DeLanda, 2006: 86ff.) comprising human relations (workers, bosses, owners and shareholders, customers, suppliers, distributors and so on) and a range of non-human relations (buildings, raw materials, products, transport, capital reserves, cash and so forth). This business organization gains continuity (and the appearance of being a thing-in-itself) from the affects between these multitudinous relations, which we may conjecture include interpersonal employee relations, hierarchies and authority (DeLanda, 2006: 68ff.), flows of money and debt, legal frameworks governing business and employment practices, and relations with other businesses who are the business’s suppliers, distributors and customers. These flows together produce the capacities of human and non-human elements (staff, customers, products etc.) and thereby the capacities of the business to produce and trade. These latter capacities may include becoming a relation within other assemblages such as ‘the economy’ or ‘import/export markets’ (DeLanda, 2006: 86).

就前者（作为实体的组织）而言，前面关于集合体和 "外部性关系 "的讨论立即适用，可以用商业企业作为 "组织 "的日常示例来说明这一点。这样的组织可被视为一个集合体（Cooper and Burrell, 1988: 105; DeLanda, 2006: 86ff.），由人际关系（工人、老板、所有者和股东、客户、供应商、分销商等）和一系列非人际关系（建筑物、原材料、产品、运输、资本储备、现金等）组成。我们可以推测，这些关系包括员工之间的人际关系、等级制度和权威（DeLanda, 2006: 68ff.）、资金和债务的流动、规范商业和雇佣行为的法律框架，以及与作为企业供应商、分销商和客户的其他企业之间的关系。这些流动共同产生了人类和非人类要素（员工、客户、产品等）的能力，从而产生了企业的生产和贸易能力。后一种能力可能包括成为 "经济 "或 "进出口市场 "等其他组合中的一种关系（DeLanda，2006：86）。

This dynamic understanding of organizations shifts the concept towards the second sense of ‘organization-as-process’, a topic that has been of interest to sociology since Weber studied bureaucracy and its ‘iron cage’ (Weber, 1930: 181) and Parsons (1951) set out rules for social systems. More recently, organization and efforts to organize have been criticized from postmodern and post-structuralist perspectives as endeavours established within a wider modernist and humanist project. In this view, organization seeks to order and rationalize a chaotic world, so as to achieve specific objectives (Cooper and Burrell, 1988; Fox, 1993: 49; Mumby and Stohl, 1991: 327). In the example of the business organization, these objectives are typically oriented at producing some kind of output that is commercially viable, that is, profitable; other organizations will have different objectives.

对组织的这种动态理解使这一概念转向第二种意义上的 "组织即过程"，自韦伯研究官僚制及其 "铁笼"（韦伯，1930 年：181）和帕森斯（1951 年）制定社会制度规则以来，社会学一直对这一主题感兴趣。最近，人们从后现代和后结构主义的角度对组织和组织的努力进行了批评，认为它们是在更广泛的现代主义和人文主义项目中建立起来的努力。这种观点认为，组织旨在使混乱的世界有序化和合理化，从而实现特定的目标（Cooper 和 Burrell, 1988; Fox, 1993: 49; Mumby 和 Stohl, 1991: 327）。以商业组织为例，这些目标通常是为了生产某种商业上可行的产品，即盈利；其他组织则有不同的目标。

A materialist perspective on the fluxes and fluidity of a monist social world of assemblages and affects provides a novel angle on these commentaries. Organizations appear far less static and structural, and far more contingent and fluid when understood as assemblages drawn into being by flows of affect between relations whose capacities are entirely contextual to a particular assemblage. They can be pulled apart to reveal the affect economies that make them work (and that make them fail), using as a toolkit the micropolitical concepts of specification (territorialization), aggregation and lines of flight that we introduced in Chapter 2 (Patton, 2006: 28). This opens the possibility to understand the part that organization-assemblages play in both sustaining continuities in the social world, and also the fragility of these assemblages and the possibilities of becoming-other. We will have more to say about organizations in the discussion of social mobility towards the end of this chapter.

从唯物主义的角度来看待由组合和情感组成的一元社会世界的流动性，为这些评论提供了一个新的视角。当我们把组织理解为由各种关系之间的情感流动所形成的集合体时，组织的静态性和结构性就大为减少，而偶然性和流动性则大为增加。我们可以利用第二章中介绍的微观政治概念--规范化（地域化）、聚合和飞行线（Patton, 2006: 28），将它们拆分开来，以揭示使它们发挥作用（和使它们失败）的情感经济。这使我们有可能理解组织-组合在维持社会世界的连续性方面所起的作用，以及这些组合的脆弱性和成为他者的可能性。在本章末尾关于社会流动性的讨论中，我们将讨论更多关于组织的问题。

Social institutions

社会机构

Sociologists have used the idea of a social institution to refer to something distinct from a social organization, typically referring to an apparently stable, pervasive and enduring building-block of society. Examples of social institutions include the family, religion, marriage, education, or work, though as Martin (2004: 1249) notes, sociologists have also made a case for more ‘physical’ things such as schools, universities and mental hospitals, plus a further ‘amazing array of phenomena’ (from taxation to sport) to be included in the category. In her review of the literature, Martin found that most sociological conceptions described social institutions as ‘controlling, obligating, or inhibiting’ (though occasionally facilitating and empowering), while many equated them with ideas, norms, values, or beliefs, or recognized the part that practices, rules, procedures, customs, and routines played in their constitution (2004: 1251).

社会学家使用社会机构这一概念来指代有别于社会组织的事物，通常是指社会中明显稳定、 普遍和持久的组成部分。社会机构的例子包括家庭、宗教、婚姻、教育或工作，但正如马丁（2004：1249）所指出的，社会学家也提出了将学校、大学和精神病院等更 "有形 "的东西，以及更多 "惊人的现象"（从税收到体育）纳入这一范畴的理由。马丁在回顾文献时发现，大多数社会学概念将社会制度描述为 "控制性、义务性或抑制 性"（尽管偶尔也有促进性和赋权性的），而许多社会学概念则将社会制度等同于观念、规 范、价值观或信仰，或承认实践、规则、程序、习俗和常规在社会制度构成中所起的作用 （2004: 1251）。

According to Martin (2004： 1253-4), social institutions serve the sociological purpose of explaining continuities and stability in social life, and the means whereby social order is legitimated and sustained. So, for example, ‘work’ as a social institution (Albiston, 2010： 25) will refer to something other than a specific instance of working or of ‘my work’ (which could be analysed simply as an assemblage comprising a worker, the materials used, the products of labour, wages, the location and physical environment of work, work-mates and so on). It implies instead a more generalized or abstracted notion of expending labour, with or without recompense, an established, conventional and widespread aspect of daily life in a society or culture. This helps to stabilize ‘the familiar, material horizon of ordinary lives’ (Coole and Frost, 2010： 34), establishing a set of ‘complementary social practices and meanings that form taken-for-granted background rules that shape social life’ (Albiston, 2010： 27).

马丁（2004：1253-4）认为，社会制度的社会学目的是解释社会生活的连续性和稳定性，是社会秩序得以合法化和维持的手段。因此，举例来说，"工作 "作为一种社会制度（Albiston，2010：25）指的不是工作或 "我的工作 "的具体实例（可以简单地分析为由工人、所用材料、劳动产品、工资、工作地点和物理环境、工作伙伴等组成的集合体）。相反，它意味着一种更为普遍或抽象的概念，即劳动消耗，无论有无报酬，都是一个社会或文化中日常生活的一个既定的、传统的和普遍的方面。这有助于稳定 "普通生活中熟悉的物质范围"（Coole 和 Frost，2010：34），建立一套 "互补的社会实践和意义，形成塑造社会生活的理所当然的背景规则"（Albiston，2010：27）。

However, we have already acknowledged (in relation to organizations) that a materialist sociology is fairly dubious about social order and continuity, recognizing flux and becoming as endemic to matter. Looking at the so-called ‘social institutions’ identified by sociologists, it is questionable just how institutional they really are in a contemporary Western culture. Marriage - supposedly a cornerstone of society - has been decried widely as a pernicious social formation based on patriarchy, monogamy and until recently heterosexism (B. Fox, 2015), while work has been criticized since sociology’s inception as an alienation or source of anomie (Marks, 1974： 331). For these reasons, a materialist sociology may wish to treat a notion of a social institution with some caution.

然而，我们已经承认（在组织方面），唯物主义社会学对社会秩序和连续性相当怀疑，认为变动和变化是物质的固有特性。纵观社会学家们所确定的所谓 "社会制度"，在当代西方文化中，它们究竟有多大的制度性是值得怀疑的。婚姻--本应是社会的基石--被广泛斥责为基于父权制、一夫一妻制以及直到最近的异性恋主义的有害社会形态（B. Fox，2015），而工作自社会学诞生之日起就被批评为异化或反常的根源（Marks，1974： 331）。基于这些原因，唯物主义社会学不妨谨慎对待社会制度的概念。

To the extent that a materialist sociology might seek to understand the part that events such as work, marriage and those other practices conventionally designated as social institutions may play in the production of continuity and stability, this may be understood in the affectivity of myriad repetitions and habituations of individual work events across time and space. These are continually made present within event-assemblages through aggregative memories and experiences, and continually reinforced by every further act of working.

唯物主义社会学可能试图理解工作、婚姻等事件以及传统上被称为社会制度的其他实践在产生连续性和稳定性方面可能发挥的作用，这可以从个人工作事件在时间和空间上的无数次重复和习惯化的影响中得到理解。通过记忆和经验的累积，这些事件在事件组合中不断呈现，并通过每一次进一步的工作行为不断强化。

Structures, systems and mechanisms

结构、系统和机制

We turn finally to a category of entities that has been employed variously throughout the gamut of social theory as a means to invoke determining causes or ‘social forces’ as ‘explanations’ of social events, whereas - as Latour (2005： 7-8) argued - they are really the things that need explaining by sociology. Notions of social structure, social systems and social mechanisms have waxed and waned in sociological popularity, and we are not minded to attempt a genealogy here, or to further differentiate these various models (for a review, see Martin, 2014： 5-9). We feel justified in drawing them together on the basis that they have in common a dualist model of society in which ‘human agency’ is pitted against a distinct realm of social formation (sometimes described as a ‘base’ or a ‘deep level’, and sometimes - as in Giddens’ (1981： 27) structuration theory - simply as a ‘medium’) that in some way shapes, constrains or on occasions facilitates action. Structures, systems or mechanisms are the location of power, while resistance is a feature of oppressed human agency.

最后，我们要讨论一类实体，它们在各种社会理论中被不同程度地使用，作为援引决定性原因或 "社会力量 "来 "解释 "社会事件的手段，而正如拉图尔（2005： 7-8）所言，它们才是真正需要社会学解释的东西。社会结构、社会体系和社会机制的概念在社会学中的流行程度时高时低，我们无意在此对其进行谱系分析，或进一步区分这些不同的模式（相关评论见马丁，2014： 5-9）。我们认为有理由将它们归纳在一起，因为它们的共同点是社会的二元论模式，即 "人的能动性 "与社会形态的独特领域（有时被描述为 "基础 "或 "深层"，有时--如吉登斯（1981： 27）的结构化理论--仅仅被描述为 "媒介"）对立，后者以某种方式塑造、限制或有时促进行动。结构、系统或机制是权力的所在，而反抗则是受压迫的人类机构的特征。

Our concern here is less to do with whether it is a structure or a system or a mechanism that is used as the justification for this kind of explanation of social phenomena, and more with how these may be used implicitly or explicitly to justify the action of various social forces (often conceived as working at a ‘macro’ or inhuman level) on human actions. These ‘explanations’ are regularly invoked in relation to perceived patterns or replications of particular social formations, often in relation to social divisions, inequality or social disadvantage, and considered as productive of constraints or limits on human action or of outright oppression. Examples that spring to mind of such ‘explanations’ include capitalism, racism, patriarchy, modernism, post-modernism, heteronormativity, neoliberalism, hegemonic masculinity, rationality, science, and religion.

我们在此关注的与其说是一种结构、一种制度或一种机制是否被用作对社会现象进行此类解释的理由，不如说是这些结构、制度或机制如何被或明或暗地用来为各种社会力量（通常被视为在 "宏观 "或非人的层面上发挥作用）对人类行动的作用进行辩护。这些 "解释 "经常在特定社会形态的感知模式或复制中被引用，通常与社会分化、不平等或社会劣势有关，并被视为对人类行动的约束或限制或直接压迫的产物。我想到的这类 "解释 "的例子包括资本主义、种族主义、父权制、现代主义、后现代主义、异性恋、新自由主义、男性霸权、理性、科学和宗教。

Beyond ‘social structure’: the case of ‘neoliberalism’

超越 "社会结构"："新自由主义 "案例

To explore how a materialist sociology would make sense of such explanatory social forces, we will consider one of the explanations frequently used within contemporary sociology: ‘neoliberalism’ (Jessop, 2002). This we take to mean a set of practices and a philosophical and policy orientation towards individualized self-interest and the market as the foundation for most if not all human interaction. A swift trawl of recent literature reveals that sociology is replete with studies that conclude that features of contemporary life are under neoliberal influence. So, for instance, neoliberalism is implicated in contemporary education policy (Lipman, 2011), food security (Lawrence et al., 2013), health (Coburn, 2014), the global spread of English (Piller and Cho, 2013), the management of universities (Lorenz, 2012), home ownership (Rolnik, 2013) and sport (Silk and Andrews, 2012)!

为了探讨唯物主义社会学如何理解这种解释性社会力量，我们将考虑当代社会学中经常使用的一种解释："新自由主义"（Jessop, 2002）。我们认为新自由主义指的是将个人化的自我利益和市场作为大部分（如果不是全部的话）人类互动基础的一系列做法以及哲学和政策取向。浏览一下近期的文献就会发现，社会学中充斥着各种研究，这些研究得出的结论是，当代生活的各种特征都受到了新自由主义的影响。例如，新自由主义与当代教育政策（Lipman，2011 年）、食品安全（Lawrence 等人，2013 年）、健康（Coburn，2014 年）、英语的全球传播（Piller 和 Cho，2013 年）、大学管理（Lorenz，2012 年）、住房所有权（Rolnik，2013 年）和体育（Silk 和 Andrews，2012 年）都有牵连！

To initiate a materialist re-conceptualization of neoliberalism, it is helpful to differentiate between on one hand those practices that take place within a market environment, and on the other those policies, political decisions and efforts by major commercial interests such as multinational corporations that encourage the development and expansion of a market solution and who seek to break down barriers to free market transactions between producers of goods and services and consumers. The kinds of practice that are considered to be influenced by neoliberalism could be summarized at its simplest as an assemblage comprising:

为了对新自由主义进行唯物主义的重新构思，有必要区分以下两类实践：一类是在市场环境中发生的实践，另一类是政策、政治决策和主要商业利益（如跨国公司）的努力，它们鼓励市场解决方案的发展和扩张，并试图打破商品和服务生产者与消费者之间自由市场交易的障碍。被认为受新自由主义影响的各种实践可以简单地概括为一个集合体，其中包括：

commodity - individual A - individual B - money

商品--个人 A--个人 B--货币

An affect economy that is termed neoliberal or marketized would mediate the interactions between these relations according to market principles, such that the commodity may be traded by A in return for a mutually-agreed sum of money from B. This capitalist market relation, Deleuze and Guattari (1988) have argued, is highly de-territorialized, in the sense that it is not constrained by contextual factors (for instance, the relative statuses of A and B, which would have precluded such open transactions in feudal or other social forms). In practice, this pure capitalist transaction is trammelled by relations that inhibit its completion such as sales taxes, regulations on safety of goods or consumer protection, international trade controls, geographical barriers and so forth. Whole areas of social life have traditionally remained off-limits from markets, including education, healthcare and religion, though this is no longer the case.

德勒兹和瓜塔里（1988 年）认为，这种资本主义市场关系是高度去地域化的，因为它不受背景因素的限制（例如，甲乙双方的相对地位，在封建或其他社会形态下，这种公开交易是不可能的）。在实践中，这种纯粹的资本主义交易受到各种关系的制约，如销售税、商品安全或消费者保护条例、国际贸易管制、地理障碍等。整个社会生活领域，包括教育、医疗保健和宗教，传统上一直是市场的禁区，但现在情况已不再如此。

Recognizing these constraints on ifree markets, leads us to address the second aspect of contemporary neoliberalism: the efforts made by governments and corporations to promote further neoliberalization, through policies, laws and de-regulation. Neoliberalism, it has been argued, has an aggressive policy agenda promulgated by a coalition of free-market politicians, entrepreneurs and right-wing social philosophers who aim to break down all barriers to this pure market-driven model of social interaction, to bring it as close as possible to the idealized assemblage outlined above. Pro-business government policies have dismantled trade barriers within and between countries, and enhanced markets through increased productivity, while controlling wages.

认识到自由市场的这些制约因素，我们就可以讨论当代新自由主义的第二个方面：政府和企业通过政策、法律和取消管制来进一步推动新自由主义。有人认为，新自由主义是由自由市场政治家、企业家和右翼社会哲学家组成的联盟所颁布的一项激进的政策议程，他们的目标是打破这种纯市场驱动的社会互动模式的所有障碍，使其尽可能接近上述理想化的组合。政府的亲商政策拆除了国家内部和国家之间的贸易壁垒，通过提高生产率来加强市场，同时控制工资。

The aims of this movement are purportedly both to facilitate trade and therefore the flow of profit and economic growth, and to promote an individualized model of social interactions, as outlined in the infamous proclamation by 1980s UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher that ithere is no such thing as society’!1 Neoliberalization has successfully opened up public services such as healthcare to market forces, and translated many UK state schools into relatively autonomous ;academies, that control their own budgets and are free to appoint unqualified classroom staff on salaries below nationally-negotiated rates.

1 新自由主义成功地向市场力量开放了医疗保健等公共服务，并将许多英国公立学校转变为相对自主的学院，这些学院控制自己的预算，可以自由任命不合格的教职员工，工资低于国家谈判的标准。

Returning to materialist sociology,s re-conceptualization, the earlier discussion of social institutions is relevant here. Rather than claiming neoliberalism as some kind of overarching social force, it may be seen as a slow drip of a repeated, routinized and habituated pattern of interactions (Barad, 2001: 94-96), memories, experiences, and outcomes that aggregate subsequent aspects of life within an assemblage that mediates a market-oriented affect economy. We may add into this assemblage some of the other factors we have just noted: free trade initiatives, low prices, and rules that facilitate market interactions. These relations all contribute to an affect economy that encourages marketized transactions.

回到唯物主义社会学的重新概念化，早先关于社会制度的讨论在此具有相关性。与其说新自由主义是某种支配性的社会力量，不如将其视为一种缓慢滴落的、重复的、常规化的、习惯化的互动模式（Barad, 2001: 94-96）、记忆、经验和结果，它将生活的后续方面聚合在一个以市场为导向的影响经济的集合体中。在这一组合中，我们还可以加入刚才提到的其他一些因素：自由贸易倡议、低价格以及促进市场互动的规则。这些关系都有助于促进市场化交易的情感经济。

We hope that this example shows how something that has been treated as an ‘explanation’ in some sociological studies can be re-thought as a relational assemblage, in which the relations are progressively aggregated and territorialized by a specific economy of affects or ‘intra-actions’ (Barad, 2001: 95). ‘Macro’ relations such as government policy may be incorporated indirectly into the assemblage in terms of the affectivity of those policy initiatives as they influence human and non-human relations. The same type of analysis may be used to re-think other ‘explanations’ such as patriarchy or rationality, in the process making them the things that need to be explained, as we have tried to do here with neoliberalism.

我们希望这个例子能说明，在某些社会学研究中被视为 "解释 "的东西如何被重新视为一种关系组合，其中的关系通过特定的情感经济或 "内部行动"（Barad, 2001: 95）逐步聚合和地域化。政府政策等 "宏观 "关系可以通过这些政策措施的影响性间接地纳入组合中，因为它们影响着人类和非人类的关系。同样的分析方法也可用于重新思考其他 "解释"，如父权制或合理性，在此过程中使它们成为需要解释的事物，正如我们在这里试图对新自由主义所做的那样。

Social stratification: differentiation or aggregation?

社会分层：分化还是聚合？

We now turn to another concept in sociology where materialist theory forces a re-think: social stratification. This will in turn lead to the final focus of this chapter, the related topic of social divisions, which addresses ‘the classification of populations, differential treatment on the basis of labelling or attributions of capacities and needs, and modes of exclusion that operate on this basis’ (Anthias, 1998: 506): all social processes with material consequences.

现在，我们转向社会学中的另一个概念，唯物主义理论迫使我们重新思考：社会分层。这反过来又会引出本章的最后一个重点，即相关的社会分化话题，它涉及 "人口的分类、基于能力和需求的标签或归因的区别对待，以及在此基础上运作的排斥模式"（Anthias, 1998: 506）：所有这些社会过程都具有物质后果。

Sociology, particularly in its quantitative moods, has often addressed the stratifications (and consequent divisions) it has observed among members of societies, most notably in terms of gender, race and social class, though also by ageing, education, occupation and sexual orientation. Among these, some like gender and race were at one time considered to have some kind of underpinning in human biology, though in both these cases - as we will see in a moment - this connection has been revealed to be spurious. Social class has been considered the most purely 'social' - both an outcome and a determinant of other social processes.

社会学，尤其是定量社会学，经常探讨它所观察到的社会成员之间的分层（以及随之而来的分化），其中最主要的是性别、种族和社会阶层，当然也包括年龄、教育、职业和性取向。其中，性别和种族曾一度被认为与人类生物学有某种联系，但在这两种情况下--我们稍后将看到--这种联系已被揭示是虚假的。社会阶层被认为是最纯粹的 "社会"--既是其他社会进程的结果，也是其决定因素。

However, the importance of social stratification for the study of social divisions poses an immediate ontological question for sociology, which we need to address before we can develop a materialist approach to social divisions. Are ‘gender’, ‘race’, ‘class’ and other stratifications simply social constructs, figments of a sociological imagination, or are they representations of actual divides that have real effects on people’s lives and upon the way that society has developed? One answer to this was supplied by Weberian sociology: sociological categorizations of people in terms of gender, race or class were 'ideal types' - social constructs that serve as templates for empirical investigations (Davidson and Wyly, 2012: 401). In this view, people 'in the real world' do not absolutely conform to the divisions described by the ideal types 一 'working class', 'man', 'Asian' and so forth, but these idealized constructs are sufficiently accurate to offer a broad insight into how the world is in terms of genders, races and classes.

然而，社会分层对社会分化研究的重要性为社会学提出了一个直接的本体论问题，我们需要先解决这个问题，然后才能对社会分化形成一种唯物主义的研究方法。性别"、"种族"、"阶级 "和其他分层仅仅是社会建构，是社会学想象的虚构，还是对人们的生活和社会发展方式产生实际影响的实际分化的表征？韦伯社会学对此给出了一个答案：社会学根据性别、种族或阶级对人的分类是 "理想类型"--作为实证调查模板的社会建构（Davidson and Wyly, 2012: 401）。在这种观点中，"现实世界 "中的人们并不绝对符合理想类型一 "工人阶级"、"男性"、"亚裔 "等所描述的划分，但这些理想化的建构足够准确，能够让人广泛了解世界在性别、种族和阶级方面的情况。

For other sociologists, the aim was to model much more closely the ‘reality’ that their studies sought to reveal. Marx’s historical materialism is a good example - the class categories in his analysis： proletariat (workers) and bourgeoisie (owners of capital), plus a few residual categories such as petty bourgeois (self-employed) or ‘lumpen proletariat’ (non-employed underclass) were not ideal types, they were descriptions of real classes that were defined by their relation to the capitalist economy (Marx, 1959: 70). This realism may also be seen in sociological perspectives upon social class that link class position to individuals’ social attributes. The best-known example of this is the Goldthorpe class scale (Goldthorpe and McKnight, 2006), which categorized people into occupational grouping, from professional through to unskilled manual workers. More recently, efforts have been made to further refine class categorizations, drawing in determinants other than employment, such as access to ‘social capital’ and ‘cultural capital’ (Savage et al., 2013). We will have more to say about these developments later.

对于其他社会学家来说，他们的目标是更贴近其研究试图揭示的 "现实"。马克思的历史唯物主义就是一个很好的例子--在他的分析中，阶级类别：无产阶级（工人）和资产阶级（资本所有者），再加上一些剩余类别，如小资产阶级（自营职业者）或 "囫囵无产阶级"（非就业的下层阶级），都不是理想的类型，而是对现实阶级的描述，这些阶级是由其与资本主义经济的关系所界定的（马克思，1959: 70）。这种现实主义还体现在社会学中关于社会阶级的观点，即把阶级地位与个人的社会属性联系起来。这方面最著名的例子是 Goldthorpe 阶级量表（Goldthorpe 和 McKnight，2006 年），该量表将人们划分为从专业人员到非熟练体力劳动者的不同职业群体。最近，人们努力进一步细化阶级分类，将就业以外的决定因素纳入其中，如获得 "社会资本 "和 "文化资本"（Savage 等人，2013 年）。关于这些发展，我们稍后会有更多论述。

At the other extreme, post-structuralists and others have questioned any relation between ideas of class, race and gender and an underlying ‘reality’. Instead, they have treated these categorizations as discursive formations serving particular power interests within societies. Along with feminist theorists, they revealed the social construction of gender as a binary divide that privileges male power by ascribing differing qualities to male and female, masculinity and femininity (Francis, 2002； Herdt, 2012) — male/female binarism is increasingly challenged as a simplistic social construction (Francis and Paechter, 2015: 9). Race has been exposed as a 19th century fabrication, developed by an unholy alliance of Christian missionaries, European colonialists, natural scientists and anthropologists, who differentiated humankind into a number of different racial types, based partly upon physical attributes and partly on cultural assumptions and prejudice (Smedley and Smedley, 2005; Winant, 2000: 174). When subsequent studies (later revealed to be flawed or even based on faked data) claimed to identify links between membership of a racial category and capacities such as intelligence, race became wholly discredited as a social division within sociology, and for a long time appeared within sociological texts only between quotation marks.

在另一个极端，后结构主义者和其他人质疑阶级、种族和性别观念与基本 "现实 "之间的任何关系。相反，他们将这些分类视为服务于社会特定权力利益的话语形式。他们与女权主义理论家一道，揭示了性别的社会建构是一种二元划分，通过赋予男性和女性、男性气质和女性气质不同的特质，从而赋予男性权力特权（Francis，2002；Herdt，2012）--男性/女性二元论作为一种简单化的社会建构受到越来越多的质疑（Francis and Paechter，2015: 9）。种族被揭露为 19 世纪的产物，由基督教传教士、欧洲殖民主义者、自然科学家和人类学家组成的邪恶联盟发展而成，他们将人类分为多种不同的种族类型，部分基于身体特征，部分基于文化假设和偏见（Smedley and Smedley, 2005; Winant, 2000: 174）。当后来的研究（后来被揭露是有缺陷的，甚至是基于伪造的数据）声称确定了种族类别的成员资格与智力等能力之间的联系时，种族作为社会学中的一种社会划分就完全失去了信誉，在很长一段时间里，种族只出现在社会学文本的引号之间。

So constructionists and realists hold very different perspective on social stratifications. What then should a materialist ‘sociology of associations’ make of social stratification, and indeed with sociology’s concern with social divisions? We want to approach this in two ways. First, to consider how a relational ontology requires a shift in how we understand classifications such as race and social class; and second, how social divisions may be analysed in terms of assemblages and affect economies. We will focus upon social class, with reference to other stratifications as appropriate.

因此，建构主义者和现实主义者对社会分层持有截然不同的观点。那么，唯物主义的 "关联社会学 "应该如何看待社会分层，乃至社会学对社会分化的关注呢？我们想从两个方面来探讨这个问题。首先，考虑关系本体论如何要求我们改变对种族和社会阶层等分类的理解；其次，如何从组合和影响经济的角度分析社会分化。我们将重点关注社会阶级，并酌情参考其他阶层。

A starting point for our reflection on social stratification begins by recalling that materialist ontology focuses on what bodies and things do, rather than what they are, addressing their capacities within particular event-assemblages. This focus is not simply a matter of choice, but a necessary consequence of a relational sociology of associations (Latour, 2005: 9) or assemblages (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 4) - as we discussed earlier in this chapter, these relational perspectives differ from functionalist and structuralist sociologies, in which the unit of analysis is a body, individual or other thing regarded as possessing pre-existing properties or attributes. A relational sociology focuses instead on capacities produced during interactions with other entities (Barad, 2003: 818; DeLanda, 2006: 10). Bodies and other material relations may be components in a potentially unlimited range of possible assemblages, and their capacities - what they can do, and consequently also what the assemblage produces - will depend entirely upon their interactions with other relations within a particular assemblage. (This is the distinction referred to earlier between relations of ‘interiority’ and ‘exteriority’.)

我们对社会分层进行反思的出发点，首先是回顾唯物主义本体论关注的是身体和事物的作用，而不是它们是什么，探讨它们在特定事件组合中的能力。正如我们在本章前面所讨论的，这些关系视角不同于功能主义和结构主义社会学，在功能主义和结构主义社会学中，分析的单位是身体、个人或其他被视为拥有既存属性或属性的事物。关系社会学关注的是与其他实体互动过程中产生的能力（Barad, 2003: 818; DeLanda, 2006: 10）。身体和其他物质关系可能是无限可能的组合体的组成部分，它们的能力--它们能做什么， 以及组合体因此能产生什么--将完全取决于它们与特定组合体中其他关系的互动。(这就是前面提到的 "内部性 "和 "外部性 "关系之间的区别）。

This relational perspective poses foundational problems for any kind of clas- sificatory effort by sociologists that depends upon fixed understandings of a body’s characteristics, such as gender, racial and social class definitions of an individual (for instance, as ‘masculine’, ‘Asian’ or ‘working class’). If instead a body possesses an indefinite repertoire of potential capacities, whose manifestations are entirely contingent upon the assemblages within which it is an element, it is not possible to ascribe fixed classificatory labels to that body. We simply do not know what a body can do until we observe it in a particular context (i.e. in a particular event-assemblage). Any attempt at classification thus must be regarded as an unwarranted sociological aggregation of bodies, which, though they may possess some similarities in terms of specific settings (assemblages), are just as likely to be distinct and disparate in others.

这种关系视角为社会学家的任何阶级分化努力带来了基础性问题，因为这些努力依赖于对身体特征的固定理解，例如对个人的性别、种族和社会阶级定义（例如 "男性"、"亚洲人 "或 "工人阶级"）。相反，如果一个身体拥有不确定的潜在能力，其表现形式完全取决于它作为其中一个元素的组合，那么就不可能给这个身体贴上固定的分类标签。除非我们在特定的环境中（即在特定的事件组合中）观察一个身体，否则我们根本不知道它能做什么。因此，任何分类的尝试都必须被视为对身体的毫无根据的社会学聚合，尽管这些身体在特定的环境（集合）中可能具有某些相似性，但在其他环境（集合）中同样可能是截然不同的。

We have already noted that efforts in times past to differentiate people into distinct racial categories have been discredited as an exercise that sought to generalize from physical differences concerning skin colour and body shape, in order to support colonialist or racist views. As Colebrook (2013: 36) argues, it is only by repressing the multitude of differences between people and focusing on a specific characteristic (for instance, skin colour) that they may be aggregated into distinct ‘races, (see also Thomas, 2014： 81-82). The same argument may be made concerning gender classifications of people as either ‘men’ and ‘women’ (Lorraine, 2008: 65) and of social position (social class), whether based on occupation, income or other variables. Such simplistic classifications aggregate together bodies that may be profoundly different from others in the same category, as well as from those in other categories.

我们已经注意到，过去将人们区分为不同种族类别的努力已被认为是一种试图从肤色和体型等生理差异中归纳出不同种族的做法，以支持殖民主义或种族主义观点。正如 Colebrook（2013：36）所言，只有通过压制人与人之间的众多差异，并将注意力集中在某一特定特征（如肤色）上，才能将他们归纳为不同的 "种族"（另见 Thomas，2014：81-82）。同样的论点也适用于 "男人 "和 "女人 "的性别分类（Lorraine，2008：65）以及社会地位（社会阶层）的分类，无论是基于职业、收入还是其他变量。这种简单化的分类方法会将那些与同类中的其他人以及其他类别中的人截然不同的人聚集在一起。

This criticism extends to recent efforts to define people’s membership of one social class or another in terms of more sophisticated criteria than occupational categories. Based upon statistical factor analysis of a large British dataset of people’s social, cultural and economic circumstances, a team led by sociologist Mike Savage (Savage et al., 2013) have aggregated the UK population into seven classes, including a ‘precariat’ (a low income group often without a secure income), ‘emergent service workers’, ‘technical middle class’ and an ‘elite’ class (a privileged group with a range of social advantages). Membership of these classes is defined by a person’s ‘social capital’ and ’cultural capital' 一 concepts deriving from the work of social theorist Pierre Bourdieu (1984: 114) - alongside their financial resources ('economic capital'). In Savage’s model, social capital is a measure of the breadth and social value of a person's social networks (who and what occupational class of person they know), while cultural capital marks out their engagement with different cultural forms, from opera to sport to video games (Savage et al., 2013： 225-227). Economic resources include household income, property and savings. The authors argue that this model offers a more detailed analysis of contemporary social divisions and inequalities (2013: 246).

这种批评延伸到最近的努力，即用比职业类别更复杂的标准来界定人们是否属于某一社会阶层。社会学家迈克-萨维奇（Mike Savage）（Savage et al.，2013 年）领导的研究小组根据对英国社会、文化和经济状况的大型数据集进行的统计因素分析，将英国人口划分为七个阶层，包括 "贫民窟"（通常没有稳定收入的低收入群体）、"新兴服务业工人"、"技术中产阶级 "和 "精英 "阶层（拥有一系列社会优势的特权群体）。这些阶层的成员资格由个人的 "社会资本 "和 "文化资本"--源自社会理论家皮埃尔-布尔迪厄（Pierre Bourdieu）（1984: 114）的著作--以及他们的经济资源（"经济资本"）来界定。在萨维奇的模型中，社会资本是衡量一个人的社会网络的广度和社会价值的标准（他们认识哪些人和哪些职业类别的人），而文化资本则标志着他们对不同文化形式的参与，从歌剧到体育再到电子游戏（萨维奇等人，2013：225-227）。经济资源包括家庭收入、财产和储蓄。作者认为，这一模型提供了对当代社会分化和不平等的更详细分析（2013：246）。

Despite the relative sophistication of this model of social class, we would argue that both the approach and the concepts used are inherently problematic from the perspective of the relational and materialist sociology we are pursuing in this book. Firstly - for the reasons outlined - rather than differentiating the inherently different, sociological classification systems serve to aggregate diverse individuals into sociological categories. This is the case whether the classes are top-down categorizations (as in the case of occupational groupings) or generated by methods such as factor analysis, as in the Savage model. Though no doubt undertaken for the best of intentions (to make sense of a social world that appears - because it is - chaotic and unfathomably complex), such aggregations are a denial of difference that constrains understandings of individual capacities, and may add to the very oppression that sociologists may be seeking both to expose and to overcome, by imposing assessments of what social variables (for instance, employment, tastes in music) are of social significance in people's lives.

尽管这种社会阶层模式相对复杂，但我们认为，从我们在本书中所追求的关系和唯物主义社会学的角度来看，这种方法和所使用的概念本质上都是有问题的。首先，由于上述原因，社会学的分类系统不是区分本质上不同的人，而是将不同的人纳入社会学的类别。无论是自上而下的分类（如职业分组），还是通过因素分析等方法产生的分类（如萨维奇模型），都是如此。毫无疑问，这样做的初衷是好的（为了理解一个看似--因为它就是--混乱且深不可测的复杂的社会世界），但这种聚合是对差异的否定，它限制了对个人能力的理解，并可能加剧压迫，而社会学家可能正是要揭露和克服这种压迫，强行评估哪些社会变量（如就业、音乐品味）在人们的生活中具有社会意义。

We also need to interrogate critically (and suggest a different emphasis to) Bourdieusian concepts of social and cultural capital, at least as used in this recent study of social class. This latter treats these various capitals - along with financial resources - as things of which individual bodies possess a greater or lesser ‘stock' (Savage et al., 2013: 223), which in turn enables or defines an individual's class position. From the perspective of Latour's sociology of associations, both these kinds of ‘capital' require a relational re-interpretation. For instance, ‘social capital' - which in Savage's model of social class describes the resources that an individual gains from its social connections and networks - may be re-thought in terms of the affective relations that bodies have with an assemblage of other bodies and collectivities (such as membership of a profession or a trade). It is the affect economy of this assemblage that produces particular capacities in those bodies (in this case, capacities that establish certain ‘class’ positions or identities).

我们还需要对布尔迪厄斯的社会资本和文化资本概念进行批判性质疑（并提出不同的侧重点），至少在最近的社会阶层研究中是如此。后者将这些不同的资本--以及财政资源--视为个体拥有或多或少 "存量 "的东西（Savage et al.从拉图尔的结社社会学的角度来看，这两种 "资本 "都需要关系的重新诠释。例如，"社会资本"--在萨维奇的社会阶级模型中描述的是个人从其社会关系和网络中获得的资源--可以从身体与其他身体和集体的集合体（如职业或行业成员）之间的情感关系的角度来重新思考。正是这种集合体的情感经济产生了这些身体的特殊能力（在这种情况下，是确立某些 "阶级 "地位或身份的能力）。

Cultural capital meanwhile, as Wetherell (2012: 108) notes, is not simply an abstract set of preferences, tastes or inclinations, but is objectified through the material goods that supply this ‘capital’ to an individual (for instance, works of art, bottles of wine, tastes in music or books), as well as the other members of a culture or sub-culture who acknowledge the symbolic significance of these goods (Bourdieu, 1990: 111). Once again, these may be differently interpreted as a material assemblage of bodies, things and ideas, that together produce the affective capacities in bodies that Bourdieu and followers have treated as a capital resource, and a marker of ‘class’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 2).

同时，正如 Wetherell（2012：108）所指出的，文化资本并不只是一套抽象的偏好、品味或倾向，而是通过为个人提供这种 "资本 "的物质产品（例如艺术品、酒瓶、音乐或书籍品味），以及承认这些产品象征意义的文化或亚文化的其他成员而客观化的（Bourdieu，1990：111）。布迪厄及其追随者将其视为一种资本资源和 "阶级 "的标志（Bourdieu, 1984: 2）。

While a focus upon ‘capitals’ emphasizes these affective capacities (which include ‘class identities’) of individuals, it does this at the expense of exploring the broader assembling of materialities that are the contexts within which these capacities manifest. For both ‘social capital’ and ‘cultural capital’, there is a need to explore the relational assemblages within which capacities emerge, the affect economies that produce specific capacities, and perhaps most importantly, the micropolitics that these affect economies establish. This marks a shift from analysing ‘class’ (and for that matter, other stratifications) as a feature or attribute of an individual or category of individuals, focusing instead on the affect-economies of particular assemblages, as manifested in empirical data.

虽然对 "资本 "的关注强调了个人的情感能力（包括 "阶级身份"），但却忽略了对作为这些能力体现背景的更广泛的物质性组合的探索。对于 "社会资本 "和 "文化资本 "而言，有必要探索能力产生的关系组合、产生特定能力的情感经济，也许最重要的是，这些情感经济所建立的微观政治。这标志着一种转变，即不再把 "阶级"（以及其他分层）作为个人或个人类别的特征或属性来分析，而是把重点放在经验数据所体现的特定组合的情感经济上。

The micropolitics of social divisions

社会分化的微观政治学

These critiques of sociological approaches to stratification do not mean that sociology must abandon altogether efforts to address the divisions and inequalities in contemporary societies. While efforts by sociologists and others to establish classifications such as social class and race must be considered as problematic denials of difference, we can use this criticism as part of the basis for understanding the micropolitics that produce and sustain social divisions. Many of the social divisions that sociology has observed in contemporary societies are products of implicit or explicit aggregations that deny difference and shoe-horn dissimilar bodies and collectivities into arbitrary categories. The treatment of individuals aggregated into an ethnic grouping and then subjected to discrimination (Isaki, 2013; Stringer, 2007); homo/bi/transphobic bullying of children who do not conform to normative models of masculinity and femininity (Renold, 2002; Ryan and Rivers, 2003); and differential access to material resources between urban districts and neighbourhoods with distinct class and ethnic mixes (Davidson and Wyly, 2012: 410) all reflect material processes that aggregate bodies into categories and then act differentially towards these categories.

这些对社会学分层方法的批评并不意味着社会学必须完全放弃解决当代社会中的分化和不平等问题的努力。虽然社会学家和其他人建立社会阶层和种族等分类的努力必须被视为对差异的否定，但我们可以将这种批评作为理解产生和维持社会分化的微观政治的部分基础。社会学在当代社会中观察到的许多社会分化都是隐性或显性聚合的产物，这些聚合否认差异，将不同的身体和集体塞进任意的类别中。个人被归入一个种族群体，然后受到歧视（Isaki, 2013; Stringer, 2007）；同性恋/双性恋/跨性别者对不符合男性和女性规范模式的儿童进行欺凌（Renold, 2002; Ryan and Rivers, 2003）；不同阶级和种族的城市地区和社区在获得物质资源方面存在差异（Davidson and Wyly, 2012: 410），这些都反映了将身体归入不同类别，然后对这些类别采取不同行动的物质过程。

So to conclude this chapter, we turn explicitly to a materialist consideration of social divisions, analysed not in terms of structures or systems, but at the level of assemblage micropolitics. We noted earlier that sociology has identified three processes in the production and maintenance of social divisions: classification of members of a population into groups, differential treatment of these in terms of attributed capacities or needs, and modes of exclusion based on this classification (Anthias, 1998: 506). To explore these processes, and how they are to be understood in the materialist sociology of association we have been exploring in this and earlier chapters, we will take as an illustration the intersections between social class, education and social mobility. We begin by recalling a classic of qualitative sociology: Paul Willis’s (1977) sociological study Learning to Labour, a book that had the sub-title ‘How working class kids get working class jobs’.

因此，在本章的最后，我们明确转向对社会分化的唯物主义思考，不是从结构或系统的角度，而是从集合微观政治的层面进行分析。我们在前面提到，社会学已经确定了产生和维持社会分化的三个过程：将人口成员划分为不同的群体，根据他们的能力或需求给予不同的待遇，以及基于这种划分的排斥模式（Anthias, 1998: 506）。为了探讨这些过程，以及如何在我们在本章和前几章中探讨的唯物主义关联社会学中理解这些过程，我们将以社会阶层、教育和社会流动性之间的交集为例进行说明。首先，我们回顾一下定性社会学的经典之作：保罗-威利斯（Paul Willis，1977 年）的社会学研究《学会劳动》（Learning to Labour），这本书的副标题是 "工人阶级的孩子如何获得工人阶级的工作"。

Social mobility: learning to labour?

社会流动：学会劳动？

Willis’s study was conducted at a time when UK secondary education was transitioning from a model that incorporated a structural divide between those who passed or failed the ‘11-plus’ examination at 10/11 years of age, to a system of non-stratified ‘comprehensive’ schools. In the old system, this exam entitled successful candidates to attend an academic ‘grammar’ school for their secondary schooling, while those who failed went to a more vocationally-oriented ‘secondary modern’ or technical school. Willis studied one such secondary modern school, in ‘Hammertown’, an industrial town in central England, using a mix of ethnographic approaches - interviews, participant observation, and analysis of case studies. His main focus was a group of non-academic ‘lads’ from ‘working-class’ families who lived on the council estate (social housing) that surrounded the school, following them through the last two years of their school education and into their first jobs. He also conducted comparative studies with other ‘working class’ and ‘middle class’ boys who were more academically inclined (‘conformists’ in Willis’s terminology) from the same school and from nearby secondary modern and grammar schools.

威利斯进行这项研究时，英国的中学教育正从 10/11 岁 "11-plus "考试合格或不合格的学生之间的结构性鸿沟，过渡到非分层的 "综合 "学校体系。在旧系统中，通过考试的学生可以进入学术性的 "文法 "学校接受中学教育，而未通过考试的学生则进入职业性更强的 "现代中学 "或技术学校。威利斯采用访谈、参与观察和案例分析等人种学方法，对英格兰中部工业重镇 "哈默镇 "的一所现代中学进行了研究。他的主要研究对象是一群来自 "工人阶级 "家庭的非学术 "小伙子"，他们住在学校周围的议会庄园（社会住房）里，他跟踪调查了他们在学校接受教育的最后两年，以及他们的第一份工作。他还与来自同一所学校和附近的现代中学和文法学校的其他 "工人阶级 "和 "中产阶级 "男孩进行了比较研究，这些男孩更倾向于学术研究（用威利斯的话说是 "守成者"）。

What Willis found was a ‘form of cultural reproduction’ (Willis, 1977: 185) that appeared to sustain social class divisions from generation to generation. School failed to inspire the core group of disaffected ‘lads’ towards academic interests. Instead, they espoused positive values linked to their working backgrounds, to masculinity, and to the manual labour that most of their families and social acquaintances undertook in Hammertown (1977: 150), considering non-manual labour as feminine or ‘sissy’ (Willis, 2004: 155). Teachers responded to these acts of resistance to educational values both by efforts to control and discipline the ‘lads’, and by progressively pointing school rejecters towards non-academic subjects. Willis concluded that this fundamental clash of cultures between the values of the educational system and the ‘lads’ had the unintended consequence that these boys left school without academic qualifications, or the academic skills or knowledge that might lead them into further education and ‘white-collar’ or professional careers. Indeed, when they left school in 1975, all his sample found manual jobs in building, factories or painting and decorating, though some were unemployed a year later (1977: 106).

威利斯发现的是一种 "文化再现形式"（Willis, 1977: 185），它似乎使社会阶层的分化代代相传。学校未能激发这群心怀不满的 "小伙子 "的学术兴趣。相反，他们崇尚与他们的工作背景、男子气概以及他们大多数家庭和社会熟人在哈默镇从事的体力劳动相关联的积极价值观（1977: 150），将非体力劳动视为女性化或 "娘娘腔"（Willis, 2004: 155）。对于这些抵制教育价值观的行为，教师既要努力控制和管教 "小伙子们"，又要逐步将厌学者引向非学术科目。威利斯总结说，教育系统的价值观与 "小伙子们 "之间的这种根本性文化冲突造成了一个意想不到的后果，即这些男孩离开学校时没有学历，也不具备可能引导他们继续深造和从事 "白领 "或专业职业的学术技能或知识。事实上，1975 年离开学校时，他的所有样本都在建筑、工厂或油漆和装饰行业找到了体力工作，尽管有些人一年后就失业了（1977: 106）。

What may we make of this study, and more generally of the important issue of social mobility (or lack of social mobility) in contemporary society? In the light of the earlier discussion of stratification it is worth beginning by problematizing the easy attribution of ‘working-class’ and ‘middle-class’ to the boys in Willis’s study. This for Willis was defined in terms of parental occupation (1977: 6), with the consequently circular argument that working-class jobs (meaning predominantly manual labour in Hammertown) are what working-class people do. However, Willis’s sociological aggregations (and his book’s sub-title) disguised the fact that not all children followed in their parents’ footsteps in terms of their work careers, not all ‘working-class’ boys, got ‘working-class’ jobs. In line with the analysis we set out earlier, we avoid this sociological aggregation, but instead seek to make visible those processes within the school and in Hammertown that produced social divisions in terms of employment prospects (and consequent financial and other opportunities).

我们该如何看待这项研究，以及更广泛地看待当代社会中社会流动性（或缺乏社会流动性）这一重要问题？鉴于前文对阶层划分的讨论，我们不妨首先对威利斯研究中轻易将男孩划分为 "工人阶级 "和 "中产阶级 "的做法提出质疑。威利斯是根据父母的职业（1977: 6）来定义 "工人阶级 "和 "中产阶级 "的，并由此提出了一个循环论证，即工人阶级的工作（在哈默镇主要指体力劳动）就是工人阶级的工作。然而，威利斯的社会学概括（以及他的书的副标题）掩盖了这样一个事实，即并非所有的孩子都能追随父母的脚步从事工作，也并非所有的 "工人阶级 "男孩都能找到 "工人阶级 "的工作。根据我们前面的分析，我们避免了这种社会学上的汇总，而是试图让人们看到学校和哈默镇在就业前景（以及随之而来的经济和其他机会）方面产生社会分化的过程。

A first step in understanding the micropolitics of social mobility entails identifying the range of relations, affects and consequent capacities involved. In terms of relations, these will include:

要理解社会流动性的微观政治学，首先需要确定所涉及的各种关系、影响和随之而来的能 力。就关系而言，包括

- human bodies (workers, students, teachers, managers etc.);

人体（工人、学生、教师、管理人员等）；

- collective organizations and institutions (for instance, work-based clubs, professional associations, informal social groupings);

集体组织和机构（如工作俱乐部、专业协会、非正式社会团体）；

- family, friends and acquaintances;

家人、朋友和熟人；

- physical structures (for instance, schools, factories, offices);

有形结构（如学校、工厂、办公室）；

- jobs and careers;

工作和职业；

- money and wages;

钱和工资；

- products of work (goods, services, knowledge);

工作产品（货物、服务、知识）；

- social institutions (family, marriage, school curricula, examinations, qualifications);

社会制度（家庭、婚姻、学校课程、考试、资格证书）；

- memories of events and actions;

对事件和行动的记忆；

- desires and expectations;

愿望和期望；

- beliefs, values and norms; and

信仰、价值观和规范；以及

- abstract ideas (for example, work, social class, masculinity).

抽象概念（如工作、社会阶层、男性气质）。

Willis’s study provides a sense of what relations were significant within the ‘education-assemblage’ of which his ‘lads’ were a part. This assemblage comprised, at least:

威利斯的研究让我们了解到，在他的 "小伙子们 "所处的 "教育集合体 "中，哪些关系具有重要意义。这个集合体至少包括

boys -families - council estate - masculinity/femininity - working-class values - schools - 11-plus examination - teachers - lessons - educational theory - curriculum - academic subjects - non-academic subjects - careers advisors - local employers - jobs

男孩 - 家庭 - 公共住宅区 - 男子气概/女性气质 - 工人阶级价值观 - 学校 - 11-plus 考试 - 教师 - 课程 - 教育理论 - 课程 - 学术科目 - 非学术科目 - 职业顾问 - 当地雇主 - 工作

Within this assemblage, we can see a number of affective movements. These include:

在这一组合中，我们可以看到一些情感运动。这些运动包括

- the classification of children by an 11-plus examination that divided them objectively and subjectively into academic successes and failures;

通过 11-plus 考试对儿童进行分类，将他们客观和主观地分为学业成功者和失败者；

- an affect-economy associated with the school’s orientation towards academic achievement;

与学校学术成就导向相关的情感经济；

- an affect-economy that linked families, jobs, money and employers;

将家庭、工作、金钱和雇主联系在一起的情感经济；

- a gendered divide between manual and non-manual work;

体力劳动和非体力劳动之间的性别鸿沟；

- community and familial values around work, masculinity and ethnicity;

围绕工作、男性气质和种族的社区和家庭价值观；

- material activities and events by young people around music, sport, sex, crime, violence etc.;

年轻人围绕音乐、体育、性、犯罪、暴力等开展的物质活动和事件；

- power relations between school students, mediated by violence and by attitudes to education, work, sex and race;

以暴力以及对教育、工作、性别和种族的态度为媒介的学生之间的权力关系；

- struggles between teachers and students for authority and control within school;

师生之间争夺校内权力和控制权的斗争；

- classist, racist and sexist aggregations based upon lay classifications;

基于外行分类的阶级主义、种族主义和性别歧视的集合；

- an economy of teaching employment and academic qualifications across the grammar/secondary modern divide;

跨文法/现代中等学校的教学就业和学历经济；

- allocation of financial and educational resources between schools; and

在学校之间分配财政和教育资源；以及

- the needs of employers - both locally and nationally - for the next generation of appropriately-skilled workers.

满足当地和全国雇主对下一代具有适当技能的工人的需求。

There are no doubt additional affects that might be drawn from Willis’s work, or from other studies of schools (for instance, Lacey’s (1966) analysis of children entering grammar schools in the 1960s, or Alldred and David’s (2007) study of resistance to sex education among educationally-disaffected teenage boys). It is these affective movements that enable a range of capacities to manifest in the students. For some, the particular affect economy surrounding them may produce ‘academic’ capacities; for others, the mix is such that the capacities that emerge are non-academic, or in the case of the ‘lads’, anti-academic and pro-manual labour.

毫无疑问，从威利斯的研究或其他学校研究（例如，莱西（1966 年）对 20 世纪 60 年代进入文法学校的儿童的分析，或阿尔德雷德和戴维（2007 年）对受教育影响的十几岁男孩抵制性教育的研究）中还可以汲取更多的情感。正是这些情感运动使学生的一系列能力得以体现。对一些学生来说，围绕他们的特殊情感经济可能会产生 "学术 "能力；而对另一些学生来说，这种组合所产生的能力是非学术性的，或者就 "小伙子们 "而言，是反学术和支持体力劳动的。

However, the data in Willis’s study reveal the sheer complexity of these affect economies, in which multiple material relations and affects are at work. The myriad affects within educational and work assemblages variously territorialize capacities and aggregate bodies, and disclose huge variability in the micropolitical workings of the different materialities we identified a moment ago, and consequent capacities of different school students. So, for instance, assessments of achievement and behaviour territorialize students as ‘conformists’ or ‘dissenters’; financial needs and wages territorialize people as workers; violence, sexism and racism, music and ‘style’ aggregate students into ‘in’ and ‘out’ groups; while of course, the 11-plus examination sustained an early aggregation into academic successes and failures. These micropolitical processes have a variety of consequences, both materially and in terms of capacities. For example, in order to manage the potentially disruptive effects of school rejecters’ behaviour on school routines and other students’ learning, the ‘lads’ in Willis’s study were progressively shifted to non-academic classes. This in turn meant they left school with few or no qualifications.

然而，威利斯的研究数据揭示了这些影响经济的复杂性，其中有多种物质关系和影响在起作用。教育和工作集合体中的无数影响以不同的方式对能力和身体进行地域化，并揭示了我们刚才确定的不同物质性的微观政治运作中的巨大差异，以及不同学校学生的相应能力。例如，对成绩和行为的评估将学生划分为 "循规蹈矩者 "或 "持不同意见者"；经济需求和工资将人们划分为工人；暴力、性别歧视和种族主义、音乐和 "风格 "将学生划分为 "入群 "和 "出群"；当然，11-plus 考试将学生划分为学业成功者和失败者。这些微观政治过程在物质和能力方面产生了各种后果。例如，为了控制拒学者的行为对学校常规和其他学生学习的潜在破坏性影响，威利斯研究中的 "小伙子们 "逐渐被分到了非学术班级。这反过来又意味着，他们离开学校时几乎没有任何资格证书。

Yet these apparent processes of class-related sorting are continually undermined by other affects. For example, Willis documented a boy from a grammar school, who left school at 15 to become a golf professional. This boy was ‘working class, rejects school, but has a total commitment to upward mobility through his chosen sport of golf’ (Willis, 1977: 86). From our perspective, this boy’s application of sporting capacities as a work-skill supplied the affective means for a ‘line of flight’ from his parental background, which he considered as low status, and to advance himself despite a lack of academic capacities. Another example quoted by Willis also indicated the complex affective interactions surrounding social mobility: ‘Larry’, a grammar school boy interviewed by Willis, rejected his school’s ethos of education as a means to upward social mobility (1977: 57). He planned to drop out, and spend a few years travelling and ‘dossing around’, yet also aimed to leave school with the qualifications that would open up possibilities in the future.

然而，这些表面上与阶级相关的分类过程却不断受到其他影响的破坏。例如，威利斯记录了一个来自文法学校的男孩，他在 15 岁时离开学校，成为了一名高尔夫球专业运动员。这个男孩是'工人阶级，拒绝上学，但却通过他所选择的高尔夫运动完全致力于向上流动'（Willis, 1977: 86）。从我们的角度来看，这个男孩将体育能力作为一种工作技能，为他提供了一种情感手段，使他能够 "逃离 "他认为地位低下的父母背景，并在缺乏学术能力的情况下提升自己。威利斯引用的另一个例子也表明了围绕社会流动性的复杂情感互动：威利斯采访的文法学校男生 "拉里 "拒绝接受学校将教育作为向上社会流动的手段的教育理念（1977: 57）。他计划辍学，花几年时间去旅行和 "四处流浪"，但他也希望在离开学校时能获得资格证书，为将来的发展开辟道路。

To make sense of the myriad affects that influence social mobility, sociology needs detailed analysis of the complex affect-economies and micropolitics operating, not only in schools, but also in workplaces, households and wider communities. While Willis’s study is rich in data that can contribute to these insights, his explanation of social mobility/stasis is located beyond immediate assemblages, affects and micropolitics, in the shape of ‘culture’ (1977: 185), an aggregating and unifying concept denoting the ‘materially symbolic patterns and associated practices of human meaning-making’ (Willis, 2004: 169) that (in his view) structure societies into classes and sub-cultures. While the different focus we have taken here to the material relations, affects and micropolitics of Hammertown and its young people is of course only partial and preliminary, new materialism supplies an alternative to this kind of structural ‘explanation’.

为了理解影响社会流动性的无数影响因素，社会学需要详细分析不仅在学校，而且在工作场所、家庭和更广泛的社区中运作的复杂的影响经济和微观政治。威利斯的研究拥有丰富的数据，有助于我们深入了解这些问题，但他对社会流动/停滞的解释却超越了直接的组合、情感和微观政治，而是以 "文化"（1977: 185）的形式进行的。"文化 "是一个聚合和统一的概念，指的是 "物质符号模式和人类意义生成的相关实践"（威利斯，2004: 169），（在他看来）这些模式和实践将社会划分为不同的阶级和亚文化。当然，我们在此对哈默镇及其年轻人的物质关系、情感和微观政治的不同关注只是局部的和初步的，但新唯物主义为这种结构性 "解释 "提供了另一种选择。

The flat ontology that we have set out in this and earlier chapters seeks its understanding of class and social mobility within the micropolitics of affects and relations, rather than invoking top-down structures or systems to explain apparent patterns in social mobility. It is by mining this complexity and unpredictability in affect-economies that we may find the means both to explain why social mobility in 1975 was limited (and remains so into the present), but at the same time why there are so many exceptions to what appears a ‘rule’ in an apparently class-ridden contemporary society. By identifying some of these exceptions we are not seeking to romanticise individual success stories or distract from the failure of a supposed meritocracy to deliver class mobility. What we are pointing out is that processes of social mobility are necessarily complex, involving many contextual factors that operate at the everyday level.

我们在本章和前几章中提出的扁平本体论试图在情感和关系的微观政治中理解阶级和社会流动，而不是援引自上而下的结构或体系来解释社会流动的明显模式。正是通过挖掘情感经济中的这种复杂性和不可预测性，我们才有可能找到既能解释为什么 1975 年的社会流动性是有限的（直到现在也是如此），同时又能解释为什么在阶级分化明显的当代社会中会有如此多的 "规则 "例外。通过指出其中的一些例外，我们并不是要将个人的成功故事浪漫化，也不是要转移人们对所谓的任人唯贤未能实现阶级流动的关注。我们要指出的是，社会流动的过程必然是复杂的，涉及到日常运作的许多背景因素。

Our analysis also offers a glimpse of the kinds of methodological approaches needed to enable this detailed micropolitical analysis, methods that we will use throughout the chapters that follow, and explore fully in Chapter 9 when we look at materialist research methodology.

我们的分析还让我们看到了进行这种细致的微观政治分析所需的方法，我们将在后面的章节中使用这些方法，并在第 9 章探讨唯物主义研究方法时对其进行全面探讨。

Summary

摘要

In this chapter, we have used Latour's argument for a 'sociology of associations’ and made connections to the Spinozist/Deleuzian ontology of assemblages, aggregations and affects that we have developed in earlier chapters. Together these materialist perspectives have required that we re-think some key concepts in conventional sociology, from social structures to social stratifications. We have revealed the extent to which materialist, monist ontology re-shapes the landscape of sociological theory, and presents both challenges and opportunities for a sociology that does not depend upon ideas of structures and systems and top-down notions of power. Instead we have set out the basis for a sociology that addresses the working of power and resistance at the level of events, and forces us to develop an understanding of social continuity and change as a feature of the unfolding fluxes, flows and intensities of the social world that surround us every minute of our lives.

在本章中，我们使用了拉图尔关于 "关联社会学 "的论点，并将其与我们在前几章中提出的斯宾诺莎/德勒兹关于集合、聚合和影响的本体论联系起来。这些唯物主义观点要求我们重新思考传统社会学中的一些关键概念，从社会结构到社会分层。我们揭示了唯物主义一元论本体论在多大程度上重塑了社会学理论的面貌，并为不依赖于结构和系统观念以及自上而下的权力观念的社会学带来了挑战和机遇。相反，我们为一种社会学奠定了基础，这种社会学在事件层面上探讨权力和抵抗的运作，并迫使我们将社会的连续性和变化理解为我们生活中无时无刻不在发生的社会世界的波动、流动和强度的特征。

We are coming to the end of the first section of this book, and we have used these opening chapters to establish the theory and concepts for a (new) materialist sociology from which to theorize and research the social world. In the next section, we apply these models and concepts, to explore what this new take on the sociological imagination offers when applied to key aspects of the social.

本书第一部分即将结束，我们已利用这些开篇章节建立了（新）唯物主义社会学的理论和概念，并以此为基础对社会世界进行理论分析和研究。在下一节中，我们将应用这些模型和概念，探讨这种新的社会学想象力在应用于社会的关键方面时能提供什么。

Note

备注

1. This latter aspect of neoliberalism has been developed in the work of poststructuralist scholars such as Rose (1999) and Dean (2014), who have focused upon the production of a neoliberal subjectivity that emphasises individualism, self-governance and self-interest.

1.新自由主义的后一个方面在罗斯（1999）和迪恩（2014）等后结构主义学者的研究中得到了发展，他们关注新自由主义主体性的产生，强调个人主义、自我管理和自我利益。

Further reading

更多阅读

Colebrook, C. (2013) Face race. In: Saldanha, A. and Adams, J.M. (eds.) Deleuze and Race. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Colebrook, C. (2013) Face race.In：Saldanha, A. and Adams, J.M. (eds.) Deleuze and Race.爱丁堡：爱丁堡大学出版社。

DeLanda, M. (2006) A New Philosophy of Society. London: Continuum. Ch. 1.

DeLanda, M. (2006) A New Philosophy of Society.London：Continuum.Ch. 1.

Dolphijn, R. and van der Tuin, I. (2013) A thousand tiny intersections. In: Saldanha, A. and Adams, J.M. (eds.) Deleuze and Race. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp. 129-143.

Dolphijn, R. and van der Tuin, I. (2013) A thousand tiny intersections.In：Saldanha, A. and Adams, J.M. (eds.) Deleuze and Race.Edinburgh：爱丁堡大学出版社，第 129-143 页。

Latour, B. (2005) Reassembling the Social. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ch. 1 (Introduction).

Latour, B. (2005) Reassembling the Social.牛津大学出版社：牛津大学出版社。第 1 章（导言）。

Part 2 Applying New Materialism Sociologically

第 2 部分 从社会学角度应用新唯物主义

5 Creativity Imagination, Social Production and Social Change

5 创造性想象、社会生产和社会变革

Creativity and production

创意和生产

Were there only one adjective to describe the material world that we are exploring in this book, it would be ‘productive’. To quote the materialist geographer Nigel Thrift (2004: 61), production is the means by which lives, societies and history unfold, ‘by adding capacities through interaction, in a world which is constantly becoming’. Minute by minute, year by year, the social/natural world assembles and disassembles; bodies and other physical and cultural relations affect and are affected; assemblages specify (territorialize) and generalize (de-territorialize) capacities, aggregate and dis-aggregate entities. In this fluid and fluctuating maelstrom of interacting bodies and things, ideas and social formations, an endless cascading stream of events produces the world; without these flows, there would be no societies, no cultures, indeed, no nature. Production may have a physical outcome - for instance, a foodstuff, or a piece of software (or a shower of rain or a clap of thunder). But there is also a vast quantity of production where the outcome is 'social' - an interaction, an emotion, a word, thought or idea, a new association or collectivity - the very stuff that makes up societies and cultures.

如果只用一个形容词来描述我们在本书中探索的物质世界，那就是 "生产性"。引用唯物主义地理学家奈杰尔-特里夫特（Nigel Thrift）（2004: 61）的话说，生产是生活、社会和历史发展的手段，"通过互动，在一个不断成为现实的世界中增加能力"。一分一秒，一年一年，社会/自然世界不断组合和分解；身体及其他物质和文化关系影响着我们，也被我们影响着；组合具体化（地域化）和概括化（去地域化）能力，聚合和分解实体。在这个由相互作用的身体和事物、思想和社会形态组成的流动和波动的漩涡中，层出不穷的事件产生了世界；没有这些流动，就没有社会，没有文化，甚至没有自然。生产可能会产生物理结果--例如，一种食品或一个软件（或一场雨或一声雷）。但也有大量生产的结果是 "社会性 "的--一种互动、一种情感、一种语言、一种思想或理念、一种新的协会或集体--这些正是构成社会和文化的要素。

Not all production is novel, and though events are the means by which our lives and societies unfold, numerically speaking, few events lead us off in entirely new directions, on a ‘line of flight’. Some production is actually destructive; think of our daily consumption of natural resources, or war, or the erosion of the landscape by rain and wind. In the social sphere, production is often repetitive or routine - work is a good example, or childcare, or cooking. But a portion of social production does break new ground, is innovative or creative in what is produced, does open up new possibilities for bodies and collectivities. This creative production is of central concern to materialist sociology, as it is the engine of social change and development and is thus the focus for this chapter, though we shall always keep one eye firmly on the rest of social production.

并非所有的生产都是新颖的，尽管事件是我们的生活和社会得以发展的手段，但从数量上来说，很少有事件能将我们带向全新的方向，带向 "飞行线"。有些生产实际上是破坏性的；想想我们日常对自然资源的消耗、战争或风雨对地貌的侵蚀吧。在社会领域，生产往往是重复性或常规性的--工作、育儿或烹饪就是一个很好的例子。但是，有一部分社会生产确实开辟了新天地，在生产内容上具有创新性或创造性，确实为身体和集体开辟了新的可能性。这种创造性生产是唯物主义社会学关注的核心问题，因为它是社会变革和发展的动力，因此也是本章的重点。

Creativity has been considered by social scientists as something extraordinary and remarkable (de Filippi et al., 2007: 512), or as frequent and common-place (Gauntlett, 2011: 15). The former perspective marks out a ‘creator’ as distinct from the mass of ‘non-creative’ people, and examples from the arts (Leonardo, Cezanne), science (Einstein, Marie Curie) and literature (Shakespeare, Jane Austen) bolster this perspective. Sociologists have preferred the latter position: for Marx, the creativity of human labour has fashioned history (1975: 328, 357) and objects of beauty (ibid: 329). From this perspective, creativity is key to human life, human progress and our capitalist economy (Sayers, 2003： 111-16; Thompson et al., 2007: 625).

社会科学家认为，创造力是非凡的、了不起的东西（de Filippi et al.，2007: 512），或者是经常发生的、司空见惯的东西（Gauntlett, 2011: 15）。前一种观点将 "创造者 "与 "非创造者 "区分开来，艺术（莱昂纳多、塞尚）、科学（爱因斯坦、居里夫人）和文学（莎士比亚、简-奥斯汀）中的例子都支持这种观点。社会学家更倾向于后一种立场：在马克思看来，人类劳动的创造力创造了历史（1975: 328, 357）和美的对象（同上: 329）。从这个角度看，创造力是人类生活、人类进步和资本主义经济的关键（Sayers，2003：111-16；Thompson et al.）

Despite this assessment, generally contemporary sociology has shied away from trying to make sense of what creativity entails, limiting itself to assessing the social and economic relations surrounding creative production and reception (Becker, 1974; Bourdieu, 1983). Historically, sociology has not seen creativity as its business, considering that its characteristics can be left to psychologists, neurologists or complementary therapists, while any attempt to value specific creative outputs over others should be delegated to aesthetics and art criticism (Born, 2010： 172). Perhaps creativity is unworthy of sociological comment： it is simply the process by which humans interact (materially and symbolically) with the world, little more than the daily innovative production of things or ideas in media, business and educational workplaces (Osborne, 2003： 508). Imagination is not a topic for the sociological imagination!

尽管有这样的评价，但当代社会学普遍回避对创造力内涵的理解，仅限于评估围绕创造性生产和接受的社会和经济关系（Becker, 1974; Bourdieu, 1983）。从历史上看，社会学并没有将创造力视为自己的业务，认为其特征可以留给心理学家、神经学家或辅助治疗师去研究，而任何试图对特定创造性产出进行价值评估的尝试都应交给美学和艺术批评去做（Born，2010：172）。或许，创造力并不值得进行社会学评论：它不过是人类与世界进行（物质和象征性的）互动的过程，只不过是媒体、商业和教育工作场所日常创新性地生产事物或思想的过程而已（Osborne，2003：508）。想象力不是社会学想象力的主题！

In this chapter, we reject this view, and will aim to show why - from our materialist perspective - creativity is both ubiquitous and profoundly sociologically interesting. Creativity, we will suggest, plays a key part in much of what people do, and is the engine of change and development for bodies, and for social and cultural collectivities, from interpersonal relationships, through social action, politics and policy-making, to technological advances and the ‘creative arts’. But it is also important for sociology for exactly this reason： for its ubiquity in how human bodies engage with, produce, and are produced by other bodies, things and ideas in the world. It is thus central to the production of human culture - from science and technology, to the arts, to the social forms and institutions that we explored towards the end of Chapter 2, and indeed to the moment-by-moment unfolding of life and history.

在本章中，我们将摒弃这种观点，并将致力于从我们的唯物主义视角出发，说明为什么创造力无处不在，而且具有深远的社会学意义。我们将指出，创造力在人们所做的许多事情中都扮演着重要角色，是身体、社会和文化集体变革与发展的动力，从人际关系到社会行动、政治和政策制定，再到技术进步和 "创造性艺术"，无不如此。但正是由于这个原因，它对社会学也非常重要：因为它无处不在，人类的身体如何与世界上的其他身体、事物和思想打交道，如何生产这些身体、事物和思想，以及如何被这些身体、事物和思想所生产。因此，它是人类文化生产的核心--从科学技术到艺术，到我们在第二章末尾探讨的社会形态和机构，乃至生活和历史的每时每刻。

To establish a materialist understanding of creativity, we will elaborate a materialist ontology that fully engages with creative and cultural production, and with creativity’s products. This ontology is founded on two propositions.

为了建立对创造力的唯物主义理解，我们将详细阐述一种唯物主义本体论，这种本体论充分涉及创造力和文化生产，以及创造力的产品。这种本体论建立在两个命题之上。

First, that creativity is inextricably a material process - the relationship between creativity, materiality and embodiment is critical to understanding how it manifests in fields of human endeavour as wide-ranging as science, sex and sculpture. Second, that creativity cannot be reduced to an individualized human ‘spark’, but is located within a broader network of bodies, things and ideas. Both of these propositions reject any notion that creativity is ‘all in the mind’ (the mind of a genius, or the mind of an innovative office-manager). Instead, we conceptualize creativity in terms of flows within a network of physical, psychological and cultural relations. The latter constitute a creativity-assemblage that establishes the limits of what a creative human body can do, feel and desire in artistic production, technological innovation and knowledge development.

首先，创造力是一个不可分割的物质过程--创造力、物质性和体现之间的关系对于理解创造力如何在科学、性和雕塑等广泛的人类活动领域表现出来至关重要。其次，创造力不能被归结为个体化的人类 "火花"，而是存在于更广泛的身体、事物和思想网络之中。这两个命题都否定了创造力 "全在头脑中"（天才的头脑或创新型办公室经理的头脑）的任何概念。取而代之的是，我们从物理、心理和文化关系网络中的流动角度来理解创造力。后者构成了一个创造力组合体，确定了创造性人体在艺术创作、技术创新和知识发展中能够做什么、感受什么和渴望什么的界限。

With this focus, the key questions to ask about creativity are less about who is creative and who is not, or what activities should be considered as ‘creative’ and which simply routine or productive (a distinction between ‘art’ and ‘craft’, for instance) and more about how creative bodies are assembled and consequently what and how they produce. Because so much sociological writing on creativity has focused on the arts, we will use this as a familiar starting point. We begin by reviewing sociology’s limited engagements with creativity, and then examine how the so-called ‘new sociology of art’ began to challenge these limits. This will lead us to a more formalized proposition concerning creativity, broadening our analysis to think about human cultural production in general. We will end by using this materialist model of the creativity-assemblage to examine the affectivity of creativity; what it does, and what this adds to a new materialist sociological analysis of change and continuity.

有了这一重点，关于创造力的关键问题就不再是谁有创造力，谁没有创造力，或者哪些活动应被视为 "创造性 "活动，哪些只是日常活动或生产性活动（例如，"艺术 "与 "手工艺 "之间的区别），而更多的是关于创造性机构是如何组成的，以及因此它们生产什么和如何生产。由于有关创造性的社会学著作多集中于艺术领域，因此我们将以此作为熟悉的起点。我们首先回顾社会学对创造力的有限参与，然后研究所谓的 "新艺术社会学 "是如何开始挑战这些限制的。这将引导我们提出一个有关创造力的更为正式的命题，并将我们的分析扩展到对人类文化生产的总体思考。最后，我们将利用这种创造力-组合的唯物主义模型来研究创造力的情感性；它的作用，以及它对新唯物主义社会学分析变化和连续性的贡献。

Creativity and the sociological imagination

创造力和社会学想象力

Creativity has been an elusive or even mysterious concept within the social sciences (Klausen, 2010). As Ford (1996: 1112) points out, the Academy of Management Review’s subject index entry for ‘creativity’ read ‘see innovation’. Psychological approaches have evaluated creativity as a human trait, present to a greater or lesser extent, and independent of other cognitive functions. According to this view, individual creativity may depend upon genetic predisposition or neurocognitive characteristics (Schweizer, 2006: 165), including unconventionality, imagination, and motivation (Klausen, 2010: 348); while the capacity for ‘novel and personally meaningful interpretation of experiences, actions, and events’ underpins creative potential (Kaufman and Beghetto, 2009). A desire to encompass both the creativity of ‘the great’ and the more mundane creativity of production and innovation within a single theory led Kaufman and Beghetto (ibid) to distinguish ‘Big C’ (or ‘eminent’ creativity), ‘little c’ (‘everyday creativity) and ‘mini c’ (the genesis of creative expression).

在社会科学领域，创造力一直是一个难以捉摸甚至神秘的概念（Klausen，2010 年）。正如福特（1996: 1112）所指出的，《管理评论学会》的 "创造力 "主题索引条目为 "创新"。心理学方法将创造力视为人类的一种特质，或多或少地存在，并独立于其他认知功能。根据这种观点，个人创造力可能取决于遗传倾向或神经认知特征（Schweizer, 2006: 165），包括非常规性、想象力和动机（Klausen, 2010: 348）；而 "对经验、行动和事件进行新颖且有个人意义的解释 "的能力则是创造潜力的基础（Kaufman 和 Beghetto, 2009）。Kaufman和Beghetto（同上）希望将 "伟大 "的创造力以及生产和创新中更为平凡的创造力纳入一个单一的理论中，因此将 "大C"（或 "杰出 "创造力）、"小C"（"日常创造力"）和 "迷你C"（创造性表达的起源）区分开来。

Discomfort with this individualistic psychologism may have encouraged social scientists to focus upon the contexts within which creativity occurs, or has been judged to have occurred (Ford, 1996: 1112, Simonton, 1997). Studies of the workplace suggest that the extent to which individual creativity or innovation is fostered or acknowledged may depend upon a worker’s position within an organization (De Fillippi et al., 2007: 512), the organizational culture or context (Kirton, 1994) and social evaluations of individuals’ creative competencies (Fraser, 1998: 16). From an anthropological perspective, cultural production emphasizes the social relevance of material culture: lurking behind an arrow head, a totemic mask, or a potsherd is the material or symbolic purpose relating to (and perhaps mediating) the needs of a social group or people (Gell, 1998; Hodder, 1994: 394).

对这种个人主义心理学的不满可能促使社会科学家关注创造力产生或被判定产生的背景（Ford, 1996: 1112, Simonton, 1997）。对工作场所的研究表明，个人创造力或创新能力在多大程度上得到培养或认可，可能取决于工人在组织中的地位（De Fillippi et al.从人类学的角度来看，文化生产强调的是物质文化的社会相关性：箭镞、图腾面具或陶器 的背后都潜藏着与某一社会群体或民族的需求相关的物质或象征性目的（也许是媒介） （Gell, 1998; Hodder, 1994: 394）。

An emphasis on social contexts of production and consumption has dominated both the sociological study of creativity in general and the specific area of artistic creativity, at the expense of any study of the products themselves (Born, 2005: 15-16, De La Fuente, 2010: 4). In sociology, the concept of the creator has been displaced. Thus the interactionist sociologist Howard Becker (1974) asserted the dependence of the artist upon a network of human actors for creative production to occur, requiring a range of activities, including:

对生产和消费的社会环境的强调，主导了对一般创造力和艺术创造力这一特定领域的社会学研究，而忽略了对产品本身的研究（Born, 2005: 15-16, De La Fuente, 2010: 4）。在社会学中，创造者的概念已被取代。因此，互动社会学家霍华德-贝克尔（Howard Becker，1974 年）断言，艺术家的创造性生产依赖于人类行动者网络，需要开展一系列活动，其中包括：

conceiving the idea for the work, making the necessary physical artefacts, creating a conventional language of expression, training artistic personnel and audiences to use the conventional language to create and experience, and providing the necessary mixture of those ingredients for a particular work or performance. (Becker, 1974: 768)

构思作品的构思，制作必要的实物，创造常规的表达语言，培训艺术人员和观众使用常规语言进行创作和体验，以及为特定的作品或表演提供这些要素的必要组合（Becker, 1974: 768）。(贝克尔，1974：768）

Creativity, for Becker, was social through and through, and his interest in ‘art worlds’ focused on art and business networks, the conventions of work that bind them together and the resources deployed to achieve their goals (Becker, 1982). This approach has been used to analyse all kinds of creative production, artistic genres and art movements. So, for instance, analysis of the punk rock ’world' of the late 1970s - according to Bottero and Crossley (2011： 117)- revealed how networks, conventions and resources provided an underlying coherence to punk’s creative production and consumption, in what might seem an anarchic and chaotic musical phenomenon.

对贝克尔来说，创造力是社会性的，他对 "艺术世界 "的兴趣集中在艺术和商业网络、将它们联系在一起的工作惯例以及为实现其目标而部署的资源（贝克尔，1982 年）。这种方法被用于分析各种创意生产、艺术流派和艺术运动。例如，根据 Bottero 和 Crossley（2011：117）的观点，对 20 世纪 70 年代末朋克摇滚 "世界 "的分析揭示了在看似无政府、混乱的音乐现象中，网络、惯例和资源如何为朋克的创意生产和消费提供了内在的一致性。

Another well-known sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, took a different sociological approach to artistic production, pointing to the social and economic power relations and struggles that surround and link art producers, consumers and markets. He suggested the existence of artistic ‘fields’ that were more structural than the kinds of interactional networks in Becker’s analysis. These fields reflect forces and struggles over artistic capital (Bourdieu, 1983: 312-3), and situate the production, reception and consumption of art and culture. The artistic field extends well beyond the immediate site of creative production, meaning that familiarity or association with the arts and their performance may provide cultural capital to producers and consumers, reinforcing social position and status, or fuelling struggles between artistic movements (Born, 2005: 7; Bourdieu, 1984; Cheyne and Binder, 2010). This approach informed Bourdieu’s analysis of fashions in the arts, and the institutionalization of the cult of the individual creator and the ‘art work’ as object of veneration (1983: 318), referring back continually to the social and power relations that shape the artistic field (1983: 322). From this perspective:

另一位著名的社会学家皮埃尔-布迪厄（Pierre Bourdieu）对艺术生产采取了不同的社会学方法，指出了围绕和联系艺术生产者、消费者和市场的社会和经济权力关系和斗争。他认为艺术 "场域 "的存在比贝克尔分析的互动网络更具结构性。这些领域反映了艺术资本的力量和争夺（Bourdieu, 1983: 312-3），并对艺术和文化的生产、接受和消费进行了定位。艺术领域的范围远远超出了创作生产的直接现场，这意味着对艺术及其表演的熟悉或与之的联系可能会为生产者和消费者提供文化资本，巩固社会地位和身份，或助长艺术运动之间的斗争（Born, 2005: 7; Bourdieu, 1984; Cheyne and Binder, 2010）。布迪厄对艺术时尚的分析、对创作者个人崇拜的制度化以及将 "艺术作品 "作为崇拜对象（1983: 318），都从这一角度出发，不断回溯塑造艺术领域的社会和权力关系（1983: 322）。从这个角度看

it behoves the sociologist of art to shine a light into the murky waters of artistic fields to show what really guides them, to reveal the hidden depths of inequality in what appear to be disinterested practices and to demonstrate how power relations in such fields fulfil a grander role of hardening structures of social and cultural inequality at large. (Prior, 2011： 124-5)

艺术社会学家有责任将一束光照进艺术领域的阴暗水域，以揭示引导艺术领域的真正原因，揭示看似无私的实践中隐藏的不平等深层，并展示这些领域中的权力关系是如何在更大范围内强化社会和文化不平等结构的。(普莱尔，2011：124-5）

Music and art sociologies drawing on Becker’s and Bourdieu’s positions have countered romantic and liberal-humanist notions of creativity (Fraser, 1998; Osborne, 2003： 508), and situated it firmly within social contexts. More recently, however, some have criticized these sociologies of art as reductionist (Born, 2010： 173-4), indicative of sociology’s inability to treat art as ‘anything more than a proxy for or pseudo-reflection of the social’ (Prior, 2011： 123). We suggest that such criticisms of the sociological imagination in relation to the arts may be further generalized to all creative production. Creativity has been side-lined in sociology, either considered as a psychological characteristic opaque and alien to sociological insight, or as an ideological construct that obscures the social relations of production or (in the case of the arts) sustains privilege and social division. If the reason for this lacuna derives in part from a legitimate sociological rejection of essentialism and romanticism concerning creative production, we would argue it is also a consequence of an inadequate sociological ontology to address the task. The contemporary sociology of creativity reflects the kind of reasoning that we discussed in Chapter 4, in which phenomena such as creativity are supposedly ‘explained’ by social forces such as the market or patronage, whereas in fact it is the production of such forces in relation to creativity that need to be explained.

音乐和艺术社会学借鉴了贝克尔和布尔迪厄的立场，反驳了浪漫主义和自由人文主义的创造力概念（Fraser，1998；Osborne，2003：508），并将其牢牢地置于社会环境之中。然而，最近有人批评这些艺术社会学是还原论（Born，2010：173-4），表明社会学无法将艺术 "仅仅作为社会的代理或伪反映"（Prior，2011：123）。我们认为，对社会学在艺术方面的想象力的这种批评可以进一步推广到所有的创造性生产。创造性在社会学中一直处于边缘地位，要么被视为一种不透明的心理特征，与社会学的洞察力格格不入，要么被视为一种意识形态建构，掩盖了生产的社会关系或（就艺术而言）维持特权和社会分化。如果说这一空白的部分原因在于社会学对有关创造性生产的本质主义和浪漫主义的合理摒弃，那么我们认为，这也是社会学本体论不足以完成这一任务的结果。当代创造力社会学反映了我们在第 4 章中讨论过的那种推理，即创造力等现象理应由市场或赞助等社会力量来 "解释"，而事实上，需要解释的是与创造力相关的这些力量的产生。

Our conclusion is that for sociology to adequately theorize the creative process, it requires an ontology that acknowledges creativity as simultaneously materialist and social. Creative production is necessarily mediated through material actions - from painting and making music to computer programming and engineering design, to the creative ideas and theories that are the product of an embodied cognition. Were this simply to internalize creativity as the outcome of a material body, we would be back to an essential and individualistic understanding. But from the materialist perspective we are using, bodies are unequivocally social - in the widest Latourian (2005： 5) sense - caught up in networks of both cultural and natural, organic and inorganic associations (see Chapter 4).

我们的结论是，社会学要想充分理论化创意过程，就需要一种承认创意同时具有物质性和社会性的本体论。创造性的产生必然以物质行为为媒介--从绘画和音乐创作到计算机编程和工程设计，再到作为具身认知产物的创造性思想和理论。如果只是将创造力内化为物质身体的结果，我们就又回到了本质和个人主义的理解。但是，从我们所使用的唯物主义视角来看，身体无疑是社会的--在最广泛的拉图里安（2005： 5）意义上--陷入了文化与自然、有机与无机的关联网络之中（见第4章）。

The artwork made me do it: materialist rumblings

艺术品让我这样做：唯物主义的喧嚣

We noted a moment ago that some sociologists criticized the sociology of art as theoretically impoverished, focusing either upon artistic agency (an ‘undersocialized’ account of creativity) or social structures and contexts (the ‘over-socialized’ alternative), failing to recognize confluences between microprocesses and the ‘historical trajectories’ and ‘macro-dynamics’ of art assemblages (Born, 2005： 34). While we in no way intend to confine our analysis of creativity to the arts, this critique provides a useful point of access from which we can develop and explore a materialist understanding of creativity.

刚才我们提到，一些社会学家批评艺术社会学理论贫乏，要么只关注艺术机构（一种 "社会化不足 "的创造力论述），要么只关注社会结构和背景（"社会化过度 "的替代论述），没有认识到微观过程与艺术组合的 "历史轨迹 "和 "宏观动力 "之间的交汇点（Born，2005：34）。虽然我们无意将对创造力的分析局限于艺术领域，但这一批评为我们提供了一个有用的切入点，使我们可以从中发展和探索对创造力的唯物主义理解。

The champions of the ‘new sociology of art’ (De La Fuente, 2007) have sought to engage more directly with creative products and their meanings (DeNora, 1999： 32; Prior, 2011： 125; Wolff, 2006： 144), to complement the more conventional sociological study of contexts of creative production and reception. As Born (2005： 16) put it：

新艺术社会学"（De La Fuente, 2007）的倡导者们试图更直接地接触创意产品及其意义（DeNora, 1999：32；Prior, 2011：125；Wolff, 2006：144），以补充对创意生产和接受背景的传统社会学研究。正如 Born（2005： 16）所说的那样

banal observations on the complex division of labour in modern media can obscure the more interesting point that ... all cultural production constructs and engages relations not only between persons, but also between persons and things, and it does so across both space and time.

对现代媒体复杂分工的平庸观察可能会掩盖更有趣的一点，即......所有的文化生产不仅建构和介入人与人之间的关系，而且建构和介入人与事物之间的关系，而且这种建构和介入跨越空间和时间。

For this group, the sociology of art should be reinvigorated by exploration of form, style and content in artistic production (De La Fuente, 2010： 6; Prior, 2011： 135). This has meant challenging conventional conceptions of the artist as agentic creator, and drawing on some of the materialist and posthuman understandings of agency that we looked at in Chapter 2. Prior (2011： 125) suggested that sociology might usefully apply Latour’s Actor Network Theory (ANT) to attend more fully to how art objects are ‘artfully present in the world [and to] the multifarious ways they resist and react’. For DeNora (1999： 34), the focus of research should change from what music means to what it actively does. Born (2005; 2010) found value in Alfred Gell’s art anthropology (of which more below), which ‘considers art objects as persons’ (Gell, 1998： 9); while Strandvad (2011) has argued that the materiality of art objects actively contribute to the processes of their production - a proposition neatly captured in De La Fuente’s (2010) paper title ‘The artwork made me do it’.

对于这部分人来说，艺术社会学应通过探索艺术创作的形式、风格和内容而重新焕发活力（De La Fuente, 2010：6；Prior, 2011：135）。这意味着要挑战艺术家作为代理创作者的传统概念，并借鉴我们在第二章中提到的一些唯物主义和后人类对代理的理解。Prior（2011：125）认为，社会学可以有效地应用拉图尔的行为者网络理论（ANT），更全面地关注艺术品如何 "艺术性地存在于世界中，[以及]它们抵制和反应的多种方式"。DeNora（1999： 34）认为，研究重点应从音乐的意义转变为音乐的积极作用。Born（2005；2010）认为阿尔弗雷德-盖尔（Alfred Gell）的艺术人类学（详情见下文）很有价值，他 "将艺术品视为人"（Gell，1998：9）；而Strandvad（2011）则认为，艺术品的物质性对其生产过程起到了积极的促进作用--De La Fuente（2010）的论文标题 "艺术品让我这样做 "很好地体现了这一主张。

The most developed effort to develop a relational sociology of art may be found in Arthur Gell’s (1998) anthropological analysis, as set out in his posthumously-published Art and Agency. Gell began by recognizing a range of actors in the production and consumption of art: artists, artworks (which he called ‘indices’), art audiences (‘recipients’) and the models or other things represented in art (‘prototypes’). All and any of these could act either as ‘agents’ or ‘patients’ (targets of agency) within their relationships (1998: 27). He theorized an ‘art nexus' of interactions that could comprise just two components - such as an artwork and an artist, or an artwork and a recipient (audience); but which would typically involve an artist, an index, a prototype and a recipient, and might involve chains of interactions in which each element might be active or passive in their relation to other elements. As an example of a more complex nexus, Gell (1998: 62-5) used the example of the interactions surrounding Velasquez’s painting The Rokesby Venus, which was slashed in 1914 by a suffragette artist protesting the imprisonment of Emmeline Pankhurst. Rather than simply treating this as an act of vandalism, some have suggested that the slashed painting is an artwork in its own right, a creative act superimposed upon Velasquez’s original. Gell analysed this nexus, showing how multiple artists, artworks, political figures and audiences interacted across time and space.

阿瑟-盖尔（Arthur Gell，1998 年）在其遗著《艺术与机构》（Art and Agency）中进行了人类学分析，为发展艺术关系社会学做出了最深入的努力。盖尔首先确认了艺术生产和消费中的一系列行为者：艺术家、艺术作品（他称之为 "指数"）、艺术受众（"接受者"）以及艺术中表现的模型或其他事物（"原型"）。在他们的关系中，所有这些人都可以充当 "代理人 "或 "病人"（代理人的目标）（1998: 27）。他提出了 "艺术纽带 "的互动理论，这种纽带可能只由两个部分组成--如艺术品和艺术家，或艺术品和接受者（观众）；但通常会涉及艺术家、索引、原型和接受者，并可能涉及互动链，其中每个元素在与其他元素的关系中可能是主动的，也可能是被动的。Gell (1998: 62-5)以维拉斯奎兹的画作《罗克斯比的维纳斯》（The Rokesby Venus）为例，说明了更复杂的关系。一些人认为，这幅画本身就是一件艺术品，是叠加在委拉斯开兹原作之上的创作行为，而不是简单地将其视为破坏行为。盖尔对这种联系进行了分析，展示了多位艺术家、艺术作品、政治人物和观众是如何跨越时间和空间进行互动的。

Gell’s analysis has been criticized for its aesthetic and anthropological limitations (Bowden, 2004: 319-23). Despite this, it provides us with a starting-point for a materialist sociology of art and creativity, and readers will recognize in it many elements congruent with the materialist perspectives on agency/affect that we developed earlier in this book. As formulated, however, it fails for various reasons. First, although Gell was willing to ascribe agency to inanimate objects such as paintings or sculptures, he remained constrained by a conventional notion of agency, in which non-human objects such as artworks possessed only a ‘secondary’ or ‘second-class’ agency, ‘borrowed’ from ‘primary’ human actors, who were the only agents possessing intentionality (Gell, 1998: 36). It thus retained a foundational anthropocentrism that privileged human action over a wider affectivity of matter.

盖尔的分析因其美学和人类学局限性而受到批评（Bowden, 2004: 319-23）。尽管如此，盖尔的分析为我们提供了艺术与创造力唯物主义社会学的起点，读者会从中发现许多与我们在本书前文中提出的关于代理/影响的唯物主义观点相一致的元素。然而，由于种种原因，它的表述是失败的。首先，尽管盖尔愿意将代理权赋予绘画或雕塑等无生命的物体，但他仍然受制于传统的代理权概念，在这种概念中，艺术品等非人类物体只拥有 "次要的 "或 "二等的 "代理权，这种代理权是从 "主要的 "人类行为者那里 "借来的"，而人类行为者是唯一拥有意向性的代理者（Gell, 1998: 36）。因此，它保留了一种基础性的人类中心主义，将人类行为置于更广泛的物质情感之上。

Second, his analysis of possible interactions between elements produced what he saw as ‘illegitimately-formed expressions’ (1998: 36), in which an artwork played no part (for example, the power of an artist over a recipient, independent of an artwork), or in which an element had an agentic interaction with itself. For Gell, these were by definition not part of an art nexus, and were thereby excluded from discussion; yet a sociological imagination would recognize the potential significance of these wider material interactions (for instance between an artist and her public) for the practices and institutions of art and creativity.

其次，他对各要素之间可能的相互作用的分析产生了他所认为的 "非法形成的表达"（1998: 36），在这些表达中，艺术品没有发挥任何作用（例如，独立于艺术品之外的艺术家对接受者的权力），或者说，在这些表达中，某一要素与自身产生了代理互动。对于盖尔来说，这些根据定义不属于艺术关系的一部分，因此被排除在讨论之外；然而，社会学的想象力会认识到这些更广泛的物质互动（例如艺术家与其公众之间的互动）对于艺术和创造力的实践和机构的潜在意义。

Third and perhaps most critically, Gell’s approach to power was top down. While he reflected at length upon the wider relations of power extrinsic to the creative process (for instance, social status), which art objects might indicate, reflect or refract (1998: 157), his analysis lacked any conception of power or resistance operating within the art nexuses he described. Despite the recognition of an active or passive role for all human and non-human elements in the nexus, we are left wondering about what this agency does, above and beyond simply producing an art object. How is power distributed within a nexus, and how might it be resisted? A final related criticism is that the approach does not take into account development or temporal change in the agency of elements, indeed the theory feels static and lacking in dynamic qualities.

第三，或许也是最关键的一点，盖尔对权力的研究是自上而下的。虽然他对艺术品可能表明、反映或折射出的创作过程之外的更广泛的权力关系（例如社会地位）进行了详尽的反思（1998: 157），但他的分析缺乏对在他所描述的艺术关系中运作的权力或阻力的概念。尽管他承认所有人类和非人类元素在艺术网络中都扮演着主动或被动的角色，但我们不禁要问，除了生产艺术品之外，这些机构还能做些什么？权力是如何在关系中分配的？最后一个相关的批评意见是，这种方法没有考虑到各要素机构的发展或时间变化，事实上，这种理论给人的感觉是静态的，缺乏活力。

For all these reasons, as it stands, Gell’s approach does not supply an adequate basis for a materialist sociology of creativity. But might its relational underpinning and its openness to non-human action within creativity be developed without its residual anthropocentrism, and with a micropolitical understanding of power and resistance? We see as positives Gell’s willingness to recognize that there are multiple agencies at work within an art nexus (or assemblage), the critical importance of relationality between these multiple elements to understanding what is entailed in creativity, and also an emphasis upon the transformative (or ‘affective’) power of the art object itself. We can take these aspects as the basis for a materialist perspective on creativity, drawing upon the new materialist scholarship that we have explored in the earlier chapters to develop the position.

鉴于上述原因，盖尔的方法并不能为唯物主义创造力社会学提供充分的基础。但是，它的关系基础和对创造力中非人类行动的开放性，是否可以摒弃残余的人类中心主义，并以微观政治的方式理解权力和抵抗？我们认为，盖尔愿意承认在艺术关系（或组合）中有多个机构在起作用，这些多重因素之间的关系对于理解创造力的内涵至关重要，而且他还强调艺术品本身的变革（或 "情感"）力量，这些都是积极的方面。我们可以以这些方面为基础，借鉴我们在前面几章中探讨的新唯物主义学术思想，从唯物主义的角度来看待创造力。

Towards a materialist view of creativity

迈向创造力的唯物主义观点

The Deleuzian/Spinozist toolkit of assemblages, affects and ‘lines of flight’ that we introduced in Chapter 2 has been applied by various writers on creativity (Hickey- Moody, 2013; Jeanes, 2006; Osborne, 2003; Thrift, 2004; Whitaker, 2012). Indeed Deleuze wrote at length about the different creativities underpinning philosophy, science and the arts (Deleuze and Guattari, 1994; Jeanes, 2006: 128). We will not here recapitulate at length the ontology that we established as a basis for materialist sociology in the first section of this book, but instead suggest how key concepts may be used to provide a materialist basis for understanding creativity; readers may refer back to earlier discussions for more background. At this point we retain a focus upon artistic creativity, before shifting back in the latter part of this chapter to consider creativity more generally.

我们在第 2 章中介绍的德勒兹/斯宾诺莎主义关于组合、影响和 "飞行路线 "的工具包已被多位研究创造力的作家所采用（Hickey- Moody, 2013; Jeanes, 2006; Osborne, 2003; Thrift, 2004; Whitaker, 2012）。事实上，德勒兹曾详细论述了支撑哲学、科学和艺术的不同创造性（Deleuze and Guattari, 1994; Jeanes, 2006: 128）。在此，我们将不再详细复述我们在本书第一部分中作为唯物主义社会学基础而建立的本体论，而是建议如何使用关键概念为理解创造性提供一个唯物主义基础；读者可以参考之前的讨论，了解更多背景。在本章的后半部分，我们将继续关注艺术创造力，然后再回过头来考虑更广泛的创造力问题。

First, a materialist sociology of creativity will treat the various human bodies (artist, model and so on) and other entities such as artworks or art materials involved in artistic production and consumption as possessing no essential existence or attributes, except in their relations with other (similarly contingent and ephemeral) bodies, things, ideas or social institutions. Rather they gain these identities only in assemblage. ‘Creativity-assemblages’ of such relations will develop in unpredictable ways around creative actions and events, and have an existence, a life even, independent of human bodies - as such, it is the assemblage that is the unit of analysis in a sociology of creativity. Applying this to artistic creativity, we might conjecture a minimal ‘painting-assemblage’, comprising, at least:

首先，唯物主义创造力社会学将把参与艺术生产和消费的各种人体（艺术家、模特等）和其他实体（如艺术品或艺术材料）视为不具有任何本质存在或属性，除非它们与其他（同样具有偶然性和短暂性的）人体、事物、思想或社会机构发生关系。相反，它们只有在组合中才能获得这些身份。这种关系的 "创造力组合 "将以不可预测的方式围绕创造性行动和事件发展，并具有独立于人体的存在，甚至是生命--因此，组合才是创造力社会学的分析单位。将这一点应用于艺术创作，我们可以推测出一个最基本的 "绘画组合"，至少包括：

subject-matter - medium - canvas - paintbrush

主题 - 媒介 - 画布 - 画笔

although a creativity-assemblage will typically incorporate many more disparate relations, as we will see in the example that follows.

尽管创意组合通常会包含更多不同的关系，正如我们将在下面的例子中看到的那样。

Second, in this creativity-assemblage, no single element (for instance, an ‘artist’) possesses primary agency; instead we apply the concept of affect (meaning the capacity to affect or be affected), to reflect the ways in which assembled relations interact. Affects may be physical, psychological, emotional or social - so within a creativity-assemblage all kinds of affects may be at work, including how artist and paint mark a canvas, how a model’s image inspires an artist when drawing or painting, how artists develop a style or focus, and how audiences respond to artistic products such as music or film. Non-human materialities are affective - for example, the marks on a canvas will affect which next mark a painter makes; an artwork will affect its viewers in many differing ways, including how much a buyer might pay for it at auction.

其次，在这一创意组合中，没有任何单一元素（例如 "艺术家"）拥有主要代理权；相反，我们采用了 "影响"（意指影响或被影响的能力）这一概念，以反映组合关系相互作用的方式。影响可能是生理的、心理的、情感的或社会的--因此，在一个创意组合体中，各种影响可能都在起作用，包括艺术家和颜料如何在画布上留下痕迹，模特的形象如何在绘画时激发艺术家的灵感，艺术家如何形成自己的风格或重点，以及观众如何对音乐或电影等艺术产品做出反应。非人类物质也会产生影响--例如，画布上的痕迹会影响画家下一步的创作；一件艺术品会以多种不同的方式影响观众，包括买家可能会在拍卖会上为其支付多少钱。

Third, we can explore affect economies in terms of their micropolitical effects on the different relations in the creativity-assemblages - artists, subjects, art objects, audiences, and this is the means to differentiate creative and non-creative products. In Chapter 2, we distinguished between ‘singular’ and ‘aggregative’ affects, and this is important here. Singular affects or affect economies change relations in ways that ‘represent nothing, signify nothing’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984： 286) beyond the immediate - an example would be a single mark on a canvas, or a unique musical phrase. By contrast, aggregating affects or affect economies produce ‘stable forms, unifying ... organizing the crowds, (ibid: 287-8). An example of the latter might be an artist’s selection of a palette of colours that match her/his current style or portfolio of past work: this will affect not only the current work, but also contribute to a ‘body of work’ and perhaps a reputation.

第三，我们可以从情感经济对创意组合中的不同关系--艺术家、主体、艺术品、受众--的微观政治影响来探讨情感经济，这也是区分创意产品和非创意产品的手段。在第 2 章中，我们区分了 "单一 "和 "集合 "影响，这一点在此非常重要。单一影响或影响经济以 "不代表任何事物，也不表示任何事物"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984： 286）的方式改变着超越眼前的关系--例如画布上的一个印记或一个独特的乐句。相比之下，聚合的情感或情感经济产生 "稳定的形式，统一......组织人群"（同上：287-8）。后者的一个例子可能是艺术家选择与其当前风格或过往作品集相匹配的调色板：这不仅会影响当前的作品，还会有助于形成一个 "作品体"，或许还会影响其声誉。

Both singular and aggregative affects may be present in creativityassemblages, but while the latter imposes order upon what bodies can and cannot do, the former has no consequences beyond the immediate, and may indeed dis-aggregate bodies or things in the assemblage, opening up possibilities for becoming other. For example, a bold treatment of a subject - for instance, the abstract expressionist technique of Jackson Pollock, or a discordant sequence in a piece of classical music - can displace an art object from conventions or traditions, with a consequent effect on its audience. Singular affects thus have the potential to generalize relations in the assemblage, and produce a line of flight (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 9) away from a stable state, identity, artistic style, genre or convention, shifting artists and art objects toward a more ‘nomadic’ space of possibilities for action or desire. This sounds a lot like how artists, innovators and inventors describe the creative process, both in terms of the creative act (Deleuze, 2003: 71) and the effect of a creative product upon its audience (Deleuze and Guattari, 1994： 175-6).

在创意组合作品中，既可能存在单一的影响，也可能存在聚合的影响，但后者对身体能做什么和不能做什么强加了秩序，而前者则没有超越眼前的后果，而且确实可能使组合作品中的身体或事物失去聚合，为成为他者开辟了可能性。例如，对某一主题的大胆处理--如杰克逊-波洛克的抽象表现主义技法，或古典音乐中的不和谐音序--可以使艺术品脱离常规或传统，从而对观众产生影响。因此，奇异的影响有可能使组合中的关系普遍化，并产生一条逃离稳定状态、身份、艺术风格、流派或传统的路线（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988: 9），使艺术家和艺术对象转向一个更 "游牧 "的行动或欲望的可能性空间。这听起来很像艺术家、创新者和发明家对创作过程的描述，既包括创作行为（德勒兹，2003：71），也包括创作产品对受众的影响（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1994：175-6）。

We would suggest that these three assertions supply the framework for a materialist sociology of creativity. In a nutshell, this focuses upon assemblages of human and non-human relations rather than creators and outputs; on flows of affect within assemblages rather than notions of creative agency; on the affect economies and micropolitics of assemblages and their effect (rather than social structures and deterministic fields); and upon the affective capacities of creative products themselves. This materialist sociology de-privileges the individual creator and her/his ‘creativity’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1994： 164), and indeed creativity must no longer be considered as an agentic attribute of a body, but rather as an affective flow between assembled bodies, things and ideas. To recognize the potential of this approach, the following example explores an artistic creativity-assemblage in more detail.

我们认为，这三个论断为唯物主义创造力社会学提供了框架。简而言之，它关注的是人与非人关系的集合体，而不是创造者和产出；关注的是集合体内部的情感流动，而不是创造性机构的概念；关注的是集合体的情感经济和微观政治及其影响（而不是社会结构和决定性领域）；关注的是创造性产品本身的情感能力。这种唯物主义社会学取消了对个体创造者及其 "创造力 "的保护（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1994：164），事实上，创造力不应再被视为身体的代理属性，而应被视为集合体、事物和思想之间的情感流动。为了认识这种方法的潜力，下面的例子将更详细地探讨艺术创造力--组合。

Botticelli and Picasso: two art-assemblages

波提切利和毕加索：两种艺术组合

Using the ontology we have developed to explore artistic creativity, the simplest creativity-assemblage that could give rise to a painting may be summarized as:

利用我们为探索艺术创造力而开发的本体论，可以将产生一幅画的最简单的创造力组合概括为

painter - subject-matter - surface - medium (e.g. oil paint) - painting implement

画家--题材--表面--媒介（如油画颜料）--绘画工具

However, for an artist other than a pre-school child or a chimp, we would expect an assemblage such as:

然而，对于学龄前儿童或黑猩猩以外的艺术家来说，我们会期待这样的组合：

painter - subject-matter - surface - medium - painting implement - ideas 一 past events - technique

画家 - 主题 - 表面 - 媒介 - 绘画实施 - 创意 一 过去的事件 - 技巧

in which affects deriving from personal experiences, emotional responses, skills and creative ideas will create the conditions of possibility for what a painter can do, feel and desire, and the marks s/he makes on the painting surface.

在这种情况下，个人经历、情感反应、技能和创作理念所产生的影响，将为画家的所作所为、所感所想以及他/她在绘画表面所做的标记创造可能性条件。

Consider two very different representations of a female body, such as Botticelli’s Renaissance work The Birth of Venus (1486) and Picasso’s cubist Crouching Nude (1954). We may guess that both Botticelli and Picasso used female models as they painted, and that the light from their models cast similar images on these artists’ retinas, yet their subsequent creative productions have little in common. In the materialist perspective, we would say that both artists were caught up in creativity-assemblages that produced their capacities to paint their subjects. But for each, these capacities were produced by unique flows of affect that derived from their very different psychological, social and cultural relations in the creativityassemblage. For each artist, this assemblage might incorporate:

请看文艺复兴时期波提切利的作品《维纳斯的诞生》（1486 年）和毕加索的立体主义作品《蹲伏的裸体》（1954 年）这两幅截然不同的女性人体作品。我们可以猜测，波提切利和毕加索在作画时都使用了女性模特，模特身上的光线在这些艺术家的视网膜上投射出了相似的图像，但他们随后的创作却没有什么共同之处。从唯物主义的角度来看，我们会说这两位艺术家都陷入了创造力的漩涡--这些创造力产生了他们描绘主题的能力。但是，对于每一位艺术家来说，这些能力都是由独特的情感流产生的，而情感流来自于他们在创造力组合中截然不同的心理、社会和文化关系。对每位艺术家来说，这种组合可能包括：

canvas - paint - model - beliefs about women - ideas of beauty - artist's sexual or other responses - artistic traditions and vogues

画布--颜料--模特--对女性的看法--美的观念--艺术家的性反应或其他反应--艺术传统和观念

though these relations would be augmented by many other personal and social relations within the immediate contexts of artistic production. Botticelli’s Renaissance sensibility harked back to classical times, but with a new focus on beauty influenced by humanism. For Picasso, those influences plus Botticelli and the Renaissance were necessarily part of the assemblage, along with the subsequent artistic canon of classicism, Impressionism, post-Impressionism and modernism, and refracted via a 20th century sensibility fractured and brutalized by ideologies and war. The differing Botticelli and Picasso creativity-assemblages - which resulted in their very different works - defined what their creative bodies could do. To produce a cubist nude would be as much beyond a Botticelli-assemblage’s capacities as it would be impossible for a Picasso-assemblage to produce anything other than a self-conscious pastiche of a Renaissance painting.

尽管在艺术创作的直接背景下，这些关系还将得到许多其他个人和社会关系的补充。波提切利的文艺复兴情怀让人回想起古典时代，但在人文主义的影响下，他对美有了新的关注。对毕加索来说，这些影响加上波提切利和文艺复兴必然是组合的一部分，还有后来的古典主义、印象派、后印象派和现代主义等艺术典范，并通过 20 世纪因意识形态和战争而分裂和残暴的感性进行折射。波提切利和毕加索不同的创作组合--产生了他们截然不同的作品--界定了他们的创作主体所能做的事情。创作立体主义裸体画超出了波提切利创作组合的能力范围，而毕加索创作组合除了自觉地模仿文艺复兴时期的绘画之外，也不可能创作出其他作品。

This example illustrates the affectivities surrounding the creative production events that created these two different artworks. Key to the analysis of the differing creativity-assemblages that may be constituted around different creativity events is the focus upon the rhizomic flow of affect and desire that link relations, break those links, draw relations into new combinations, and fracture or renew assemblages. Contexts and traditions were only part of the flow that established Botticelli’s and Picasso’s capacities to paint: all the relations that accrete over a lifetime of work, social and sexual interactions, social and personal attitudes to women, their moods as they painted, plus physical characteristics of their materials and media also contributed to the creative-assemblages, both enabling and limiting the representations they could produce.

这个例子说明了围绕创造这两件不同艺术作品的创意生产事件所产生的情感。分析围绕不同创作事件可能构成的不同创作组合，关键在于关注情感和欲望的根状流动，这种流动将各种关系联系起来，打破这些联系，使各种关系形成新的组合，并使组合断裂或更新。在波提切利和毕加索的绘画能力中，背景和传统只是其中的一部分：在一生的创作过程中积累起来的所有关系、社会和性方面的互动、社会和个人对女性的态度、他们绘画时的心情，以及他们的材料和媒介的物理特性，都有助于创造性的组合，既促进又限制了他们所能创造的表现形式。

While this analysis frees us from any conception of creator as individual genius, it is crucial, however, to step back from the possible conclusion that creativity is simply determined by the assemblage of relations in which it takes place. Certainly, Botticelli’s or Picasso’s capacities were specified by the creativity-assemblages of which they were a part: for instance by relations and affects that derived from training and technique, knowledge and critical responses to art traditions, style, practice and repetition, or by the demands of their markets or patrons. But other relations in the mix contributed flows of affect that de-territorialized and produced lines of flight in these artists’ capacities to do, feel and desire when they stood in front of a model and canvas. Botticelli's and Picasso's artistic capacities - what they could do - emerged as they worked, in the specific assemblages of subject-matter, canvas, media and much more that constituted these painting events. Similarly, the capacities of the products (the paintings) and their audiences also emerge within subsequent events with their own specific affective flows. (For more on this analysis of assemblages, see our discussion of ‘relations of exteriority' in Chapter 4.) We would re-iterate that creativity, in this perspective, is not a human attribute, nor even a human capacity, but no more and no less than the unfolding flow of affect (or affect economy) that assembles both creativeproduction and creativity-reception events.

虽然这一分析使我们摆脱了将创作者视为天才个体的概念，但关键的是，我们要从可能得出的结论中后退一步，即创造力仅仅是由其所处的关系组合决定的。当然，波提切利或毕加索的能力是由他们作为其中一部分的创造力组合所决定的：例如，来自培训和技术、知识和对艺术传统、风格、实践和重复的批评性反应的关系和影响，或者来自市场或赞助人的要求。但是，当这些艺术家站在模型和画布前时，其他关系也会产生影响，使他们的行为能力、感受能力和欲望能力非地域化，并产生出各种线条。波提切利和毕加索的艺术能力--他们能做什么--随着他们的工作，在构成这些绘画活动的题材、画布、媒介等具体组合中显现出来。同样，产品（绘画作品）及其受众的能力也会在随后的活动中以其特定的情感流露出来。(关于这种组合分析的更多信息，请参阅我们在第 4 章中关于 "外部性关系 "的讨论）。我们要重申的是，从这个角度来看，创造力并不是人类的属性，甚至也不是人类的能力，而是将创造性生产和创造性接受事件组合在一起的不断发展的情感流（或情感经济）。

Four propositions for a sociology of creativity

创造力社会学的四个命题

Having dwelt at length upon the specific area of artistic creativity, we are now in a position to develop a more generalized analysis of creativity. We suggest that a materialist sociology of creativity may be founded upon four propositions.

在详细讨论了艺术创造力这一具体领域之后，我们现在可以对创造力进行更广泛的分析。我们认为，唯物主义创造力社会学可以建立在四个命题之上。

The first proposition is that creativity is an open-ended flow of affect that produces innovative capacities to act, feel and desire in assembled human and non-human relations. This proposition de-centres creativity from a human prime mover, or as an attribute of a human mind, and recognizes instead the affectivity of all the physical, cognitive, emotional, cultural and social relations in an event. Creativity emerges from a complex ecology of relations between things, bodies, ideas, memories and social formations within an assemblage, and how these affect (or are affected). Furthermore, creativity cannot be tied to a single moment of ‘creation', rather, the flow of affect that led up to that moment comprised a multitude of event-assemblages that began way back, and will continue far into the future as the creative product affects audiences and other subsequent creators.

第一个命题是，创造力是一种开放式的情感流动，它在人类和非人类的集合关系中产 生行动、感觉和欲望的创新能力。这一命题将创造力的中心从人类原动力或人类思维的属性中剥离出来，转而承认事件中所有物理、认知、情感、文化和社会关系的情感性。创造力产生于一个集合体中的事物、身体、思想、记忆和社会形态之间的复杂关系生态，以及这些关系如何影响（或被影响）。此外，创造力不能与单一的 "创造 "时刻联系在一起，相反，导致这一时刻的情感流由许多事件组合而成，这些事件组合从很早以前就开始了，并将随着创意产品对观众和其他后续创造者的影响而延续到未来。

As we saw in relation to artistic production, it is the affectivity within an assemblage that comprises artwork, artist, materials, audience, sponsors and other contexts that is productive. More generally, creative production (for example, development of a new scientific theory, a piece of software or a novel idea) is the outcome of the capacities of a multiplicity of assembled relations. These may include the physical properties of materials, the demands and needs of consumers, the physical and social infrastructure surrounding development, concepts and theories, and the skills, memories and experience of human bodies, drawn together by an affect economy within a creativityassemblage. This flow is part of, and contiguous with, the on-going affect economies that produce the social and natural world, lives and human history (but see the third proposition below).

正如我们在谈到艺术创作时所看到的，在一个由艺术品、艺术家、材料、观众、赞助商和其他背景组成的集合体中，情感才是生产性的。更广泛地说，创造性生产（例如，开发新的科学理论、软件或新颖的想法）是多种组合关系能力的结果。这些关系可能包括材料的物理特性、消费者的要求和需要、围绕发展的物质和社会基础设施、概念和理论，以及人体的技能、记忆和经验。这种流动是产生社会和自然世界、生活和人类历史的持续性情感经济的一部分，并与之相连接（见下文第三个命题）。

The second proposition is that creative products are themselves affects, which will produce further capacities in both human and non-human. This proposition recognizes the processual and unfinished character of creativity, and shifts attention to the rhizomic, processual flow of affectivity in the social and natural world that is productive of events, lives and history. It suggests it is mistaken to conceive of a painting, a theory or a new technology simply as an outcome or ‘consequence’ of a creative act. Rather, each of these outcomes may themselves be affective lines of flight that will carry off those with whom they assemble in new, unexpected directions.

第二个命题是，创造性产品本身就是情感，它将在人类和非人类中产生进一步的能力。这一命题承认创造力具有过程性和未完成性的特点，并将注意力转移到社会和自然世界中产生事件、生活和历史的情感的根植性和过程性流动。这表明，将一幅画、一种理论或一种新技术简单地视为一种创造性行为的结果或 "后果 "是错误的。相反，这些成果中的每一个本身都可能是情感的飞行路线，将与之相聚的人们带向新的、意想不到的方向。

Creativity should thus not be considered as an attribute, or even a ‘potential’ possessed by an individual or group of humans (this would be to fall back into an essentialist and anthropocentric conceptualization), but rather in terms of the capacities of its products. Creative products are defined by their own capacity to affect, and in turn enable capacities to emerge in human and non-human relations. So, for example, in the arts, ‘creativity’ is contingent upon the effects that art objects (paintings, performances) have as they emotionally, cognitively, spiritually or even physically affect their audiences (and those who produced them). More generally, creative or innovative products are those that open up new opportunities for action or interaction (for instance, a new software interface that enhances communication or commerce, or a theory that enhances understanding of a phenomenon or promotes positive social change).

因此，创造性不应被视为一种属性，甚至不应被视为一个人或一群人所拥有的 "潜能"（这将重新陷入本质主义和人类中心主义的概念化），而应被视为其产品的能力。创意产品是由其自身的影响能力所决定的，反过来又使能力在人类和非人类的关系中产生。因此，举例来说，在艺术领域，"创造性 "取决于艺术品（绘画、表演）在情感、认知、精神甚至身体上对受众（以及制作者）产生的影响。更一般地说，创造性或创新性产品是指那些为行动或互动开辟新机会的产品（例如，一个新的软件界面可以加强交流或商业，或一种理论可以加强对某种现象的理解或促进积极的社会变革）。

The third proposition is that we can differentiate creativity from other social or natural production in terms of the qualities of what is produced. This proposition builds on the previous one, to provide a way both to recognize creativity, and to establish a means to evaluate creativity and creative products.

第三个命题是，我们可以根据所生产产品的质量，将创意与其他社会或自然生产区分开来。这个命题建立在前一个命题的基础上，既提供了一种认识创造力的方法，也提供了一种评估创造力和创造性产品的方法。

All affect economies are ‘productive’ in the broadest sense (for instance, the affects in a doctor - patient - disease assemblage may produce a diagnosis and a treatment plan - see Chapter 8), and a few may be 'anti-creative' or destructive (for example, a robber - victim - weapon assemblage, that produces injury or death). As stated in the second proposition, for an assemblage to be creative will depend simply upon what its products can do, and this can be revealed by looking at the micropolitics of event-assemblages in which these products play a part. Based on our earlier analysis of aggregation and dis-aggregation, a product’s creative capacity may be assessed in terms of the extent to which it produces a rich and rhizomic flow of affect, increasing the frequency, strength and complexity of affects, branching and going off at tangents, rupturing and reaching dead-ends (Deleuze and Guattari, 1994: 165). The generation of affective flows makes a ‘creative’ product a potent generator of capacities in those that it affects. We can see this in both ‘grand’ creative products such as the theory of evolution or a moon rocket, and in something as prosaic as a new children’s game that inspires and engages them in de-territorializing, becoming-other play.

从广义上讲，所有情感经济都是 "生产性的"（例如，医生--病人--疾病组合中的情感可能会产生诊断和治疗方案--见第8章），少数情感经济可能是 "反创造性的 "或破坏性的（例如，强盗--受害者--武器组合会造成伤害或死亡）。正如第二个命题所述，一个集合体是否具有创造性，仅仅取决于它的产品能做什么，这一点可以通过研究这些产品在其中发挥作用的事件集合体的微观政治学来揭示。根据我们之前对聚合和分解的分析，产品的创造能力可以从它在多大程度上产生了丰富的、根茎状的情感流，增加了情感的频率、强度和复杂性，产生了分支和切口，破裂和到达死胡同来评估（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1994: 165）。情感流的产生使 "创造性 "产品成为其影响对象能力的有力生成器。我们既可以从进化论或登月火箭等 "伟大 "的创意产品中看到这一点，也可以从新的儿童游戏等平淡无奇的事物中看到这一点。

This understanding provides a means to assess creativity sociologically, in terms of the material outcomes of creatively-productive events, and can be used both to explore artistic creativity and creativity in other arenas. Products may be explored through the assemblages in which they are invested, and the richness and strength of the affects they generate, including their capacities to generate further creative events and affect economies. This counters the argument that almost any kind of productive event might be described as creative, degrading the meaning of the word (Osborne, 2003). It also allows for the potential for entirely ‘natural’ products (for instance a shell, a landscape feature eroded by wind and rain, or a fractal pattern) to be assessed as creative, because of the affects they produce in observers.

这种理解提供了一种从社会学角度评估创造力的方法，即从创造性生产活动的物质结果的角度来评估创造力，并可用于探索艺术创造力和其他领域的创造力。可以通过产品的组合及其产生的影响的丰富性和强度，包括其产生更多创造性事件和影响经济的能力来探索产品。有人认为，几乎任何一种生产性活动都可以被描述为创意活动，从而贬低了创意一词的含义（Osborne，2003 年）。这也使得完全 "自然 "的产品（例如贝壳、被风雨侵蚀的地貌特征或分形图案）有可能因其对观察者产生的影响而被评估为具有创造性。

The final proposition is that the creative power of a product is not fixed and final, but is entirely contingent upon how it assembles with other relations. This recognizes that a product’s affectivity is not an essential attribute, but will emerge in the relations it forms with human and non-human elements subsequent to its production.

最后一个命题是，产品的创造力并不是固定不变的，而是完全取决于它与其他关系的组合方式。这就承认，产品的情感性并不是一个基本属性，而是在其生产之后与人类和非人类元素形成的关系中产生的。

Consider, for instance, ‘Stonehenge’, a massive product of engineering and human vision that for those who built it may have had immense religious, ritual or empirical value (as a cosmic calculator, perhaps), now lost to a modern sensibility. For a small minority of contemporary humans such as the Druids and ‘new-agers’, the monument still supplies lines of spiritual flight; for the rest of us it is affective in quite limited though possibly still de-territorializing ways: as an object of wonder, a disconcerting but evocative link to our past, or as a basis for historical or scientific investigation. We can still speculate about the mysterious ‘creativity’ of Stonehenge’s architects, but our enthusiasm over its production is tempered by doubts over what it can or could actually do. Like a dog with a book, some crucial affectivity seems to have gone missing from the assemblage. More generally, what may be deemed creative in one setting may be run-of-the- mill or trivial in another.

以 "巨石阵 "为例，它是工程学和人类视觉的巨大产物，对于建造它的人来说，它可能具有巨大的宗教、仪式或经验价值（也许是作为宇宙计算器），但在现代人看来，它已经消失了。对于少数当代人，如德鲁伊教派和 "新新人类 "来说，纪念碑仍然是精神飞行的航线；对于我们其他人来说，它的影响是相当有限的，尽管可能仍然是去领土化的方式：作为一个惊奇的对象，一个令人不安但令人回味的与我们过去的联系，或者作为历史或科学调查的基础。我们仍然可以猜测巨石阵建筑师的神秘 "创造力"，但我们对巨石阵制作的热情却因对巨石阵能做什么或实际能做什么的怀疑而有所减弱。就像一只拿着书的狗，一些关键的情感似乎在组合中消失了。更笼统地说，在一个环境中被认为具有创造性的东西，在另一个环境中可能是乏善可陈或微不足道的。

Is ‘creativity’ special?

创意 "很特别吗？

The four propositions above set out a basis from which to think about creativity from a materialist perspective, and move the sociology of creativity from the narrow confines of the arts (that we used earlier as a way into the analysis) to address creativity more generally. We have shown how materialism de-centres creativity from any notion of a human creator, to focus on two associated aspects: the affect economy that surrounds creative production, and the affect economies of events within which creative products subsequently play a part. However, by situating our analysis of both of these aspects within the materialist ontology that we have been using to explore social production, a critical question has to be posed: What value is there, sociologically, in distinguishing between creative and other forms of material production?

上述四个命题为从唯物主义角度思考创造力奠定了基础，并将创造力社会学从狭隘的艺术范围（我们早先曾将其作为分析的一个途径）转向更广泛的创造力问题。我们已经展示了唯物主义是如何将创造力从任何人类创造者的概念中剥离出来，并将重点放在两个相关的方面：围绕创造性生产的情感经济，以及创造性产品随后发挥作用的事件的情感经济。然而，通过将我们对这两个方面的分析置于我们一直用来探索社会生产的唯物主义本体论中，我们必须提出一个关键问题：从社会学角度看，区分创意生产和其他形式的物质生产有何价值？

We have asserted from the start of this chapter that creative production shares the same ontology (assemblages and affects) as the general processes of production that are foundational to the world, social and natural. Production is a moment-to-moment ‘becoming-other’ (Ballantyne, 2007: 97), as the affects in an assemblage change relations’ capacities: what they can do. For example, in manufacturing, the worker and her tools change raw materials into an output product with specific capacities; in a classroom, a teacher’s explanation changes a student’s understanding, in turn producing new capacities to use knowledge to solve a problem.

我们从本章一开始就断言，创造性生产与作为世界、社会和自然基础的一般生产过程有着相同的本体论（组合和影响）。生产是一种时刻到时刻的 "成为他者"（Ballantyne, 2007: 97），因为组合中的影响改变了关系的能力：它们能做什么。例如，在制造业中，工人及其工具将原材料转化为具有特定能力的产品；在课堂上，教师的讲解改变了学生的理解，进而产生了新的能力，使其能够利用知识解决问题。

Our four propositions for a materialist sociology of creativity have acknowledged this continuity between production and creativity, but can we differentiate creative production in terms of the micropolitics of creativity-assemblages, both during creative production and during ‘creative reception’: the subsequent events involving creative products? In Chapter 2, we described two dynamics within which affects can alter the state of a relation in an assemblage. The first of these concerns the ways affects specify or generalize (territorialize and de-territorialize) a relation’s capacities. Specification is the means by which capacities are enabled or disabled by an affect - for instance, an affect in which a hand picks up a stone and thereby turns it into a tool for hammering; once cast aside the tool regains its generalized state as ‘stone’. We touched upon the second of these earlier - whether or not affects aggregate relations. Aggregation occurs when an affect draws relations into combination physically, psychologically or conceptually - categorizing an individual body as female, for instance. Other affects, however, are singular, and do not aggregate; on occasions they may dis-aggregate individual relations from previously aggregated collectivities. Production will entail various mixes of these movements of specification and generalization, aggregation and disaggregation.

我们关于唯物主义创造力社会学的四项主张承认了生产与创造力之间的这种连续性，但我们能否在创造力生产和 "创造性接受"（涉及创造性产品的后续事件）期间，从创造力--组合的微观政治学角度来区分创造性生产呢？在第 2 章中，我们描述了影响可以改变组合关系状态的两种动力。第一种动态涉及影响如何具体化或概括化（地域化和去地域化）一种关系的能力。具体化是一种情感使能力得以实现或丧失的方式--例如，在一种情感中，一只手拿起一块石头，从而把它变成了锤击工具；一旦把工具扔到一边，它又恢复了作为 "石头 "的一般化状态。我们在前面提到了其中的第二点--情感是否聚合关系。当一种情感从生理、心理或概念上把各种关系结合在一起时，就会发生聚合--例如，把一个人的身体归类为女性。然而，其他情感是单一的，不会聚合在一起；在某些情况下，它们可能会将个体关系从之前聚合的集体中分离出来。在生产过程中，这些具体化和概括化、聚合和分解的运动会产生不同的组合。

To explore how creative production may diverge from generalized production, consider the following event:

为了探讨创造性生产如何偏离一般生产，请看下面的事件：

Sarah calls her bank. She speaks to Joseph and asks him to transfer a specific sum of money to the account of Indira, to pay for the car that Sarah is buying from her. Joseph undertakes this transfer for Sarah.

莎拉打电话给她的银行。她与约瑟夫通话，请他向英迪拉的账户转账一笔特定金额，用于支付莎拉向她购买汽车的费用。约瑟夫帮莎拉完成了转账。

We may analyse this as an assemblage, containing at least these relations:

我们可以将其分析为一个集合体，至少包含这些关系：

Sarah - bank - money - bank account - telephone - Joseph - Indira 一 car

Sarah - bank - money - bank account - telephone - Joseph - Indira 一 car

Various affects link these relations, and this event produces outcomes: a financial transaction occurs; Sarah has less cash in her account but gains the capacity to buy a car; Indira is rid of her car, and gains the capacity to spend or save the money; Joseph performs a banking work-task. This event contributes to social production (both locally in terms of car buying and more broadly in terms of sustaining a market economy and a banking system), and may set in train a rhizome of many subsequent events that lead off in many directions.

各种影响将这些关系联系起来，这一事件产生了各种结果：发生了金融交易；莎拉账户中的现金减少了，但却获得了买车的能力；英迪拉摆脱了汽车，获得了花钱或存钱的能力；约瑟夫完成了银行工作任务。这一事件促进了社会生产（在当地是指买车，在更广泛的意义上是指维持市场经济和银行系统），并可能引发许多后续事件，这些事件又会向许多方向发展。

We can contrast this example of social production with an event in which both the processes of creative production and the capacities of the product (what it can do) may be considered novel. Innovation is often highly valued in organizations, but as Kirton (1994) has pointed out, sometimes adaptation can be equally creative. Consider the application of a pharmaceutical drug (licensed for one use) to an entirely new and distinct purpose, with valued and sought-after results for those using it (for instance, the medicine norethisterone - originally developed to treat breast cancer, but which is now also used to delay menstruation for lifestyle reasons). The event-assemblage that led to this adaptive use comprised: the drug, the manufacturers, the original biochemists, women using the drug, the menstrual cycle, and so forth. Its innovative re-application supplied female users with a means to delay onset of a menstrual period until they ceased the drug, once a holiday or other event had occurred.

我们可以把这个社会生产的例子与创造性生产的过程和产品的能力（它能做什么）都可能被认为是新颖的事件进行对比。创新通常在组织中受到高度重视，但正如科顿（Kirton，1994 年）所指出的，有时适应也同样具有创造性。例如，炔诺酮（norethisterone）--最初是为治疗乳腺癌而研发的，但现在出于生活方式的原因也被用于推迟月经）。导致这种适应性使用的事件组合包括：药物、制造商、最初的生物化学家、使用药物的女性、月经周期等。它的创新性再应用为女性使用者提供了一种手段，一旦出现假期或其他事件，她们就可以推迟月经来潮，直到停药为止。

Micropolitically, there is a qualitative difference between these events. In the first case, the event produces a routine financial transaction which simply has the effect of re-specifying the money as now belonging to Indira. Nor does the product (the transaction) 一 while highly useful to Sarah and Indira (and to Joseph in keeping him employed) 一 have any novel or extraordinary consequences: it allows the car to be re-specified as belonging to Sarah, and it further aggregates all these elements of the assemblage into wider market and banking assemblages. We would argue that on both counts, this is not a ‘creative’ act of production.

从微观政治角度看，这些事件之间存在质的区别。在第一种情况下，该事件产生了一个常规的金融交易，其效果仅仅是将钱重新指定为现在属于英迪拉。尽管产品（交易）对萨拉和英迪拉（以及约瑟夫的就业）非常有用，但它也没有产生任何新颖或特别的后果：它使汽车被重新指定为属于萨拉，并进一步将所有这些组合元素聚合到更广泛的市场和银行组合中。我们认为，从这两方面来看，这都不是一种 "创造性 "的生产行为。

In the second case, the affects in this assemblage produced a generalization of the drug from a specified patient group and specification to a new user group. For the users the drug provided a radical line of flight from the menstrual cycle, opening up new capacities by delaying menstruation, and a dis-aggregation of an individual user from the hormonal cycle that affects most women between menarche and menopause. For women suffering debilitating and painful or inconveniently-timed periods, use of the drug might provide a line of flight providing new opportunities for action. On both counts, we would argue that this event is qualitatively distinct from the first, and might be considered an example of creative production.

在第二种情况下，这种组合中的影响产生了药物从特定病人群体到新使用者群体的普遍性。对使用者来说，这种药物提供了一条彻底摆脱月经周期的途径，通过推迟月经来开辟新的能力，并使使用者个人脱离影响大多数初潮至更年期妇女的荷尔蒙周期。对于经期衰弱、痛经或经期不便的妇女来说，使用这种药物可能会为她们提供一条出路，为她们的行动提供新的机会。从这两方面来看，我们认为这一事件在性质上有别于前者，可以被视为创造性生产的一个例子。

This offers a means to define creative production in terms of the kinds of affectivity that it produces, opening up possibilities for bodies, collectivities and things to become-other - to launch them upon a line of flight to other states or intensities. This would suggest that assemblages containing creative products will tend to have affect economies that generalize rather than specify, and disaggregate rather than aggregate. This would not necessarily be the case with assemblages not involving creative products. This provides sociology with a means both to mark out ‘the creative’ from other production, and to evaluate the ‘creativity’ that a product displays. As such it addresses the requirement set out by the sociologists of the arts, such as Born and Prior reviewed earlier. However, we want to conclude our discussion of creativity by looking at its contribution to a key feature of sociology: change and continuity.

这就提供了一种方法，根据创意生产所产生的情感类型来定义创意生产，为身体、集体和事物成为他者提供了可能性--使它们飞向其他状态或强度。这就表明，包含创意产品的集合体往往会产生影响经济，这种影响经济是概括性的而不是具体的，是分解性的而不是集合性的。而不涉及创意产品的组合则未必如此。这就为社会学提供了一种手段，既可以将 "创意 "从其他生产中区分出来，也可以对产品所展示的 "创意 "进行评估。因此，它满足了 Born 和 Prior 等艺术社会学家提出的要求。不过，在结束对创造力的讨论之前，我们还想看看它对社会学的一个关键特征--变化和连续性--的贡献。

Creativity and social change

创造力与社会变革

We began this chapter by recognizing the ubiquity of production, whether that involves ‘natural’ or ‘social’ processes (in new materialist ontology, there is no distinction between these realms). In the previous section we established a micropolitical differentiation between creative and non-creative, although rather than setting up a binary opposition, it is perhaps more appropriate to regard production as a continuum, with creative production marked out by its capacities to produce de-territorialization (generalization) and lines of flight. We want to look now at the sociological consequences of events that have such effects on bodies and social formations, and consider the part that creative production plays in fostering change.

本章一开始，我们就认识到生产的无处不在，无论是 "自然 "过程还是 "社会 "过程（在新唯物主义本体论中，这些领域之间没有区别）。在上一节中，我们建立了创造性与非创造性之间的微观政治区分，不过，与其建立二元对立，不如将生产视为一个连续体，创造性生产以其产生去地域化（一般化）和飞行路线的能力为标志。现在，我们想看看对身体和社会形态产生这种影响的事件的社会学后果，并考虑创造性生产在促进变革中所起的作用。

Though it might seem almost too obvious to be worth asserting that novelty contributes to change, it is important to recognize that in materialism’s flat ontology there can be no recourse to ideas of social structures, systems or mechanisms to explain how change occurs (see Chapter 4). The micropolitical analysis we have conducted reveals how innovation and creativity can contribute to change, at every level from personal identity (DeLanda, 2006: 50) to the broad shape of societies and cultures. We would suggest that the de-territorializing and/or disaggregating affect economies associated with creativity generate new capacities and assemblages that can have rhizomic and far-reaching consequences. Creative, innovative or simply novel events have the capacity to de-stabilize the habitual or routine, to open up possibilities that things could be otherwise, and to bring relations into new or unexpected associations.

尽管新颖性有助于变革这一观点似乎过于明显，不值得断言，但我们必须认识到，在唯物主义的平面本体论中，无法诉诸社会结构、系统或机制的观点来解释变革是如何发生的（见第4章）。我们进行的微观政治分析揭示了创新和创造力如何在从个人身份（DeLanda, 2006: 50）到社会和文化的广泛形态等各个层面促进变革。我们认为，与创造力相关的去领土化和/或分解影响经济会产生新的能力和组合，从而产生根瘤式的深远影响。创造性、创新性或仅仅是新颖的事件有能力使习惯性或常规性的东西不再稳定，开辟事物可能以其他方式存在的可能性，并将各种关系带入新的或意想不到的关联中。

While physical creative products (everything from a new phone app to an assistive technology such as a wheelchair) may be particularly productive at changing physical capacities, novel ideas and theories have a similar capacity in terms of generalizing and dis-aggregating social and cultural constructs and formations. Deleuze and Guattari (1994: 18) argued that concepts are ‘becomings’ that disconnect habitual relationships and make new connections; as such they are the contribution that philosophy (and we would add, social theory) makes to the material transformation of the world. This, in part, provides a justification for the new materialist assertion that social constructs are part of materiality.

有形的创意产品（从新的手机应用程序到轮椅等辅助技术）在改变身体能力方面可能特别有效，而新颖的思想和理论在概括和分解社会与文化建构和形态方面也具有类似的能力。德勒兹和瓜塔里（Deleuze and Guattari，1994: 18）认为，概念是 "成为"（becoming），它切断习惯关系，建立新的联系；因此，概念是哲学（我们还要加上社会理论）对世界物质变革的贡献。这在一定程度上为新唯物主义关于社会建构是物质性的一部分的论断提供了依据。

However, ranged against these physical, psychological and social consequences of creative products are powerful affects (operating in all these realms) that do the opposite, that tend to establish habituated capacities that sustain continuities and established formations and traditions. These latter forces produce and reproduce those aggregating affect economies that sociology conventionally has called nationalism, imperialism, institutional racism, patriarchy and so on, and sustain the organizations and institutions operating within these contexts. They also include the cultural formations that Deleuze and Guattari (1988: 373) termed ‘royal’, ‘State’ or ‘major’ forms in science, in art and in philosophy (see also Massumi 1992： 4-50, Osborne 2003： 511). These ‘State’ forms specify and aggregate what may be done, and what may be thought; in science the objective is to establish reproducible laws that define and organize matter, these laws institutionalize and capture the very creative spark upon which science depends (Jeanes, 2006： 130); the same can happen in the arts when institutionalization means that imitation and profitability replace passion (Fox, 2015a).

然而，与创造性产品的这些生理、心理和社会后果相对应的是强大的影响（在所有这些领域中运作），它们起着相反的作用，倾向于建立习惯化的能力，以维持连续性和既定的形式和传统。这些后一种力量产生并复制了社会学通常所称的民族主义、帝国主义、制度性种族主义、父权制等聚合性影响经济，并维持着在这些背景下运作的组织和机构。它们还包括德勒兹和瓜塔里（Deleuze and Guattari，1988: 373）在科学、艺术和哲学中称之为 "皇家"、"国家 "或 "主要 "形式的文化形态（参见 Massumi 1992: 4-50, Osborne 2003: 511）。这些 "国家 "形式规定并汇集了可以做的事和可以想的事；在科学中，目的是建立可复制的法则来定义和组织物质，这些法则将科学赖以生存的创造性火花制度化并加以捕捉（Jeanes, 2006： 130）；当制度化意味着模仿和盈利取代激情时，同样的情况也会发生在艺术中（Fox, 2015a）。

We will have more to say about this in the final section of this book when we consider sociological research, activism and policy. For now, suffice it to say that - based upon the materialist analysis in this chapter - creativity has a contribution to make to an alternative ‘minor’ or ‘nomadic’ form of science, art or philosophy (Deleuze and Guattari, 1986; 1988： 369; 1994： 113) that rejects the aim of ‘reproducing’, favouring instead a commitment to ‘following’ the singular interconnections between relations, and the lines of flight that these produce. As a subject that straddles these three areas, sociology must ensure that creative thought and actions are central to a sociological imagination.

在本书的最后一部分，当我们考虑社会学研究、行动主义和政策时，我们将对此有更多的论述。现在，我们只需指出--基于本章的唯物主义分析--创造性可以为科学、艺术或哲学的另一种 "次要 "或 "游牧 "形式做出贡献（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1986；1988：369；1994：113），这种形式摒弃了 "复制 "的目标，转而致力于 "追随 "各种关系之间的奇异联系，以及这些关系所产生的飞行路线。作为一门横跨这三个领域的学科，社会学必须确保创造性思维和行动成为社会学想象力的核心。

Summary

摘要

In this chapter we have set out a materialist approach to studying creativity sociologically, shifting from an anthropocentric focus on human creators, toward a creativity assemblage that recognizes it as the product of an affective flow between human and non-human relations. We have used the materialist toolkit developed in earlier chapters to explore the micropolitics of creative production and make sense of what creative products do, and the capacities they produce. By linking creativity to broader social production, we have acknowledged the intense sociological significance of creativity as both a way to enrich life and human history, but also as a motor for change and renewal. Sociology can

在本章中，我们提出了从社会学角度研究创造力的唯物主义方法，从以人类为中心关注人类创造者，转向将创造力视为人类与非人类关系之间情感流动的产物的创造力组合。我们使用前几章中开发的唯物主义工具包来探索创意生产的微观政治学，并对创意产品的作用及其产生的能力加以理解。通过将创造力与更广泛的社会生产联系起来，我们认识到创造力作为丰富生活和人类历史的一种方式，同时也是变革和复兴的动力，具有重要的社会学意义。社会学可以

use understanding of the micropolitics of creativity to suggest which kinds of material, psychological and social relations (confluent within an assemblage) might lead to what kinds of production; what is conducive to creativity and what limits its manifestation. Creativity becomes not just a prized feature of social life, but a force that may be used proactively to facilitate social change and challenge oppression or inequality. It is both social and material, and in both aspects is fully amenable to, and ripe for, sociological exploration.

利用对创造力微观政治的理解，提出哪种物质、心理和社会关系（汇合在一个集合体中）可能导致哪种生产；什么有利于创造力，什么限制了创造力的表现。创造力不仅是社会生活的一个重要特征，也是一种可被积极用于促进社会变革、挑战压迫或不平等的力量。它既是社会的，也是物质的，在这两方面都完全可以进行社会学探索，而且时机已经成熟。

Further reading

更多阅读

Hickey-Moody, A. (2013) Youth, Arts and Education: Reassembling Subjectivity Through Affect. London: Routledge, Chapter 5.

Hickey-Moody, A. (2013) Youth, Arts and Education：通过情感重新组合主体性》。伦敦：Routledge, Chapter 5.

Jeanes, E.L. (2006) Resisting creativity, creating the new. A Deleuzian perspective on creativity. Creativity and Innovation Management, 15(2): 127-134.

Jeanes, E.L. (2006) Resisting creativity, creating the new.关于创造力的德勒兹观点。创意与创新管理》，15（2）：127-134.

Osborne, T. (2003) Against ‘creativity’, a philistine rant. Economy and Society, 32(4): 507-525.

Osborne, T. (2003)《反对 "创造性"，一个市侩的咆哮》。经济与社会》，32（4）：507-525.

Prior, N. (2011) Critique and renewal in the sociology of music, Bourdieu and beyond. Cultural Sociology, 5(1): 121-138.

Prior, N. (2011) Critique and renewal in the sociology of music, Bourdieu and beyond.Cultural Sociology, 5(1)：121-138.

6 Sexuality: Desire, Intensification,Becoming

6 性：欲望、强化、成为

Introduction

简介

In this chapter, we consider how sexuality may be understood from within a materialist perspective, and take issue with some of the conventional perspectives on sexuality, drawing on two ontological issues raised in the first section of this book. First, we question (and reject) the anthropocentric privileging of the human body and subject as the locus of sexuality, posing a profound challenge to the Western (liberal, humanist) understanding of sexuality. Second, we dissolve the traditional mind/matter dualism in social theory (Braidotti, 2013： 4-5), to explore sexuality - and the micropolitics that surround it - from within an ontology that asserts a central role for matter (Coole and Frost, 2010： 19).

在本章中，我们将考虑如何从唯物主义的视角来理解性行为，并借鉴本书第一部分中提出的两个本体论问题，对有关性行为的一些传统观点提出质疑。首先，我们质疑（并反对）人类中心主义将人类身体和主体作为性的中心，这对西方（自由主义、人文主义）对性的理解提出了深刻的挑战。其次，我们消解了社会理论中传统的精神/物质二元论（Braidotti，2013：4-5），从主张物质发挥核心作用的本体论（Coole and Frost，2010：19）出发，探讨性问题以及围绕性问题的微观政治。

To explore sexuality from a materialist perspective, we shall ask some new questions. How do we understand desire? How do we theorize sexuality as a site of intensification of experience and also of intense political contestations, globally and at home? Central to our analysis will be our proposition of the ‘sexuality-assemblage’ (Alldred and Fox, 2015b; Fox and Alldred, 2013), that shifts the location of sexuality from individual bodies or subjectivities.

为了从唯物主义的角度探讨性问题，我们将提出一些新的问题。我们如何理解欲望？我们如何从理论上将性作为一种强化体验的场所，以及全球和国内激烈的政治角逐的场所？我们分析的核心将是我们的 "性-组合 "命题（Alldred and Fox, 2015b; Fox and Alldred, 2013），它将性的位置从个体身体或主体性转移开来。

Sexuality from biomedicine and religion to the cultural turn

从生物医学和宗教到文化转向的性问题

Sexual desire, sexual arousal and sexual pleasure seem amongst the most personal, interior aspects of the experience of having a body, and so frequently focused 'outwards'，on to external objects of desire. Perhaps unsurprisingly - as a consequence - it has appeared self-evident to many (including biologists, psychologists, doctors and therapists) that sexuality is an integral attribute of an organism, be it plant, animal or human. Sexuality has served as a marker of individuality, and sexual identities have been used positively and negatively to assert social position. Historically, those whose sexualities have diverged from normative practices (heterosexual, monogamous, non-promiscuous, consensual) have been labelled bad, mad or ill, and punished/analysed/treated accordingly by religions, the law, medicine, psychotherapy and other social agents (Alldred and Fox, 2015a). Contemporary claims that culture or religions have repressed sexuality are similarly founded in a view of individuals whose true (sexual) natures have been suppressed, but whose sexualities may be released or emancipated by Western liberalism or secularization (Rasmussen, 2012).

性欲、性唤起和性快感似乎是拥有身体的体验中最个人化、最内在的方面，因此经常 "向外 "关注外部的欲望对象。因此，在许多人（包括生物学家、心理学家、医生和治疗师）看来，性是生物体不可分割的属性，无论是植物、动物还是人类，这一点也许并不奇怪。性是个性的标志，性身份被积极或消极地用于维护社会地位。从历史上看，那些性取向偏离规范做法（异性恋、一夫一妻制、非滥交、自愿）的人被贴上坏、疯或病的标签，并受到宗教、法律、医学、心理疗法和其他社会媒介的相应惩罚/分析/治疗（Alldred and Fox, 2015a）。当代关于文化或宗教压抑性行为的说法同样建立在这样一种观点之上，即个人的真实（性）本性受到压抑，但西方自由主义或世俗化可能会释放或解放他们的性行为（Rasmussen，2012）。

These perspectives on sexualities are founded in ‘essentialism’, and upon ‘relations of interiority’ (DeLanda, 2006: 9) that ascribe fixed or at least stable properties or attributes to bodies and things (see Chapter 4). As such these views have come in for criticism by anti-essentialist social scientists, in particular from strands within post-structuralism, post-colonial studies, feminist and queer theory, later psychoanalytic approaches and critical psychology (Flax, 1990; Henriques et al., 1998; Jagose, 1996; Sedgwick, 1990; Spivak, 1988). Foucault’s (1981, 1987, 1990) historical studies undermined a view of sexuality as prior, unproblematic and apolitical, and revealed how an individualized understanding of sexuality was differently understood at various points throughout history.

这些关于性行为的观点建立在 "本质主义 "和 "内在性关系"（DeLanda，2006 年：9）的基础之上，这些观点将固定的或至少是稳定的特性或属性赋予身体和事物（见第 4 章）。因此，这些观点受到了反本质主义社会科学家的批评，特别是来自后结构主义、后殖民地研究、女权主义和同性恋理论、后来的精神分析方法和批判心理学的批评（Flax, 1990; Henriques et al.）福柯（1981 年、1987 年、1990 年）的历史研究破坏了性是先验的、没有问题的和非政 治的观点，揭示了对性的个性化理解在历史的不同时期是如何被不同地理解的。

So, for instance, from the 18th century until quite recently, specific discourses on female and childhood sexualities, human reproduction and the nature of sexual instincts together shaped a view of sexuality as potentially disruptive to the social order (Foucault, 1981: 103-5), whereas in the preChristian era, sexual activity was itself regarded as potentially physically and mentally harmful and debilitating, particularly for men (Foucault, 1987: 118). Queer theory has built on post-structuralist analyses (Butler, 1990, 1999; Eng et al., 2005; Grosz, 1994; Puar, 2007), replacing an emphasis on desire (which may constrain or regulate identity) with ‘pleasure’, which is diffuse, intense and opens up possibilities (Allen and Carmody, 2012: 462; Butler, 1999: 11; Jagose, 2010: 523-4), and highlighting how gender identity and a notion of an essential sexual subject are ‘performatively’ fabricated from acts, gestures and desires (Butler, 1990: 136).

因此，举例来说，从 18 世纪直到最近，关于女性和童年性行为、人类繁衍和性本能本质的具体论述共同塑造了一种性观念，认为它可能会破坏社会秩序（福柯，1981 年：103-5），而在前基督教时代，性活动本身就被视为可能会对身心造成伤害和削弱，尤其是对男性而言（福柯，1987 年：118）。同性恋理论建立在后结构主义分析的基础之上（Butler, 1990, 1999; Eng et al、2005；Grosz, 1994；Puar, 2007），用 "快感 "取代了对欲望的强调（欲望可能会限制或规范身份），"快感 "是弥散的、强烈的，并开启了各种可能性（Allen and Carmody, 2012: 462；Butler, 1999: 11；Jagose, 2010: 523-4），并强调了性别身份和基本性主体的概念是如何从行为、姿态和欲望中 "表演性地 "编造出来的（Butler, 1990: 136）。

These more critical readings of sexual ontology displace focus from physiology and psychology, and establish a ‘sexual subject’ socially constituted by forces in a body’s immediate and general contexts. However, they do not in themselves counter the human-centredness or anthropocentrism that sustains a view of the human body as the location of sexuality, as manifested by sexual desires, attractions, embodied responses and experiences. Thus psychology and sexology have made links between physiology, neurology and sexual experiences (Diamond, 2004; Hines, 2006: 119; Hird, 2000: 356), while commentaries upon the ‘human sexual response’ and the medicalization of sexual ‘disorders’ have established sexuality as an attribute of the human body (Garfinkel, 1984： 123； Gatens, 1996a: 5ff.; Gordo-Lopez, 1996: 171; Potts, 2004: 21). Sociologists have been more circumspect concerning sexual ontology, although Giddens (1992: 31) stated bluntly that the body is ‘plainly enough ... the domain of sexuality’.

这些对性本体论的批判性解读将焦点从生理学和心理学上转移开来，并确立了由身体的直接和一般环境中的力量所构成的 "性主体"。然而，它们本身并没有反驳以人为本或人类中心主义，这种观点认为人体是性的所在，表现为性欲望、性吸引、身体反应和性体验。因此，心理学和性学将生理学、神经学和性经历联系起来（戴蒙德，2004 年；海因斯，2006 年：119；赫德，2000 年：356），而关于 "人类性反应 "和性 "失调 "医学化的评论则将性确立为人体的一种属性（加芬克尔，1984 年：123；加滕斯，1996 年a：5 及以下；戈多-洛佩斯，1996 年：171；波茨，2004 年：21）。虽然吉登斯（1992：31）直言不讳地指出身体是 "足够明显的......性的领域"，但社会学家对性本体论的态度更为谨慎。

Another outcome of sexual anthropocentrism has been to define quite narrowly what counts as sexuality and sexual identity, for instance through the simplistic classification of sexualities in terms of their gendered objects of desire as hetero, homo or bi-sexual (Lambevski, 2004: 306). Meanwhile the sciences and social sciences have reified Foucault’s (1981) societal problematizations of sexuality, establishing individualistic norms for gender roles, child sexuality, sexual identity, monogamy and gendered mental health. Biomedicine and health technologies have also contributed to a narrow view of sexuality, for example in the development of treatments for ‘erectile dysfunction’ (Potts, 2004) and aesthetic plastic surgery, while consumerism and communication technologies have added to the commodification of pornified bodies and body-parts (Gordo- Lopez and Cleminson, 2004: 106).

性人类中心主义的另一个结果是，对性和性身份的定义相当狭隘，例如，根据欲望对象的 性别将性简单地划分为异性恋、同性恋或双性恋（Lambevski，2004 年：306）。与此同时，科学和社会科学将福柯（1981 年）关于性的社会问题重新整合，为性别角色、儿童性行为、性身份、一夫一妻制和性别心理健康制定了个人主义规范。生物医学和保健技术也助长了狭隘的性观念，例如，"勃起功能障碍"（Potts，2004 年）和美容整形手术的发展，而消费主义和通信技术又加剧了色情身体和身体部位的商品化（Gordo-Lopez 和 Cleminson，2004 年：106）。

For these reasons, the sociology of sexualities is ripe for re-thinking in terms of the post-anthropocentric and posthuman materialist ontology that we developed in the earlier chapters of the book. In the next section we will explore this materialist take on sexuality, and consider how this may translate into a strategy for empirical research that produces novel sociological insights into sexualities, untrammelled by either anthropocentric or deterministic biases. Later in the chapter we will ask what this perspective means for how we understand human sexualities more generally.

基于这些原因，从我们在本书前几章中提出的后人类中心主义和后人类唯物主义本体论的角度重新思考性社会学的时机已经成熟。在下一节中，我们将探讨这种关于性的唯物主义观点，并考虑如何将其转化为一种实证研究策略，从而在不受人类中心主义或决定论偏见束缚的情况下，对性行为提出新的社会学见解。在本章稍后部分，我们将探讨这一观点对我们如何更广泛地理解人类性行为的意义。

Materialism and the ‘sexuality-assemblage’

唯物主义与 "性爱组合

Some but not all of the materialist authors we have focused upon in this book have specifically addressed sexuality. Braidotti’s (2011, 2013) posthuman philosophy and ethics of engagement steps beyond the dualisms of nature/culture, man/woman, and human/non-human, to recognize the inherent self-organizing properties of matter itself (Braidotti, 2013: 35), opening up all kinds of possibilities for ‘becoming’ (2013: 190), including possible sexualities. In this posthuman vein, sexuality is a ‘complex, multi-layered force that produces encounters, resonances and relations of all sorts’ (2011: 148). Sexuality is a central element in Deleuze and Guattari’s (1984) collaboration Anti-Oedipus, which claims that 'sexuality is everywhere'(1984： 293) - in a wide range of interactions between bodies and what affects them physically, cognitively or emotionally, in fields as disparate as finance, law and social movements.

我们在本书中重点讨论的唯物主义作家中，有一些（但不是全部）专门讨论了性问题。布赖多蒂（2011，2013）的后人类哲学和参与伦理超越了自然/文化、男人/女人、人类/非人类的二元对立，承认物质本身固有的自组织属性（布赖多蒂，2013：35），为 "成为"（2013：190）开辟了各种可能性，包括可能的性行为。在这种后人类的脉络中，性是一种 "复杂的、多层次的力量，产生各种邂逅、共鸣和关系"（2011: 148）。在德勒兹和瓜塔里（1984 年）合作的《反俄狄浦斯》中，性是一个核心要素，他们声称 "性无处不在"（1984： 293）--在身体与影响身体、认知或情感的事物之间的广泛互动中，在金融、法律和社会运动等不同领域。

The materialist perspectives that underpin these assessments situate sexuality not as an attribute of a body (albeit one that is consistently trammelled by social forces) but as relational and posthuman. In what follows we draw upon the discussion of sexuality in Deleuze and Guattari's work (1984： 291-4), and recent theoretical and research-oriented studies of sexuality informed by materialist ontology (Beckman, 2011; Fox and Alldred, 2013; Gatens, 1996a; Grace, 2009; Grosz, 1994; Lambevski, 2005; Renold and Ringrose, 2008, 2011; Ringrose, 2011). We shall begin our effort to develop a materialist sociology of sexualities using the now-familiar conceptual toolkit of assemblages, affects, capacities and micropolitics that we developed in Chapter 2.

这些评估所依据的唯物主义观点认为，性不是身体的属性（尽管它一直受到社会力量的束缚），而是关系性和后人类性。在下文中，我们将借鉴德勒兹和瓜塔里著作（1984： 291-4）中关于性行为的讨论，以及近期以唯物主义本体论为基础的性行为理论和研究（贝克曼，2011；福克斯和阿尔尔德雷德，2013；加滕斯，1996a；格雷斯，2009；格罗斯，1994；兰贝夫斯基，2005；雷诺德和林格罗斯，2008，2011；林格罗斯，2011）。我们将利用在第二章中提出的组合、影响、能力和微观政治学等现已熟悉的概念工具包，开始努力发展唯物主义性社会学。

An ‘assemblage' approach to sexuality requires that we attend to ‘the relations between bodies, their configurations within specific assemblages and the dynamic of the interrelations of their intensive capacities' (Gatens, 1996b： 170). Assemblages connect multitudinous relations from physical, biological, cultural and abstract realms, while the flows of affect between and among these relations produce bodily desires and capacities. Thus, a sexuality-assemblage comprises not just human bodies but the whole range of non-human - physical, biological, social and cultural, economic, political or abstract - relations with which they interact (Lambert, 2011： 138)： as such sexuality-assemblages bridge ‘micro' and ‘macro', private and public, intimacy and polity.

对性行为的 "组合 "方法要求我们关注 "身体之间的关系、身体在特定组合中的配置以及身体密集能力的动态相互关系"（加滕斯，1996b：170）。集合体连接着来自物理、生物、文化和抽象领域的多种关系，而这些关系之间的情感流动产生了身体的欲望和能力。因此，性集合体不仅包括人类身体，还包括与之互动的所有非人类关系--物理、生物、社会和文化、经济、政治或抽象关系（兰伯特，2011：138）：因为性集合体是 "微观 "与 "宏观"、私人与公共、亲密关系与政体之间的桥梁。

In this view it is not an individual body but the sexuality-assemblage that is productive of phenomena associated with the physical and social manifestations of sex and sexuality, and that establishes the capacities of individual bodies to do, feel and desire. Consequently, sexuality-assemblages can be understood as the machines that produce all aspects of sexualities, including sexual desires, sexual identities and sexual conduct. It is the sexuality-assemblage that creates the conditions of possibility for sexual desire and sexual responses, and shapes the eroticism, sexual codes, customs and conduct of a society's members (Fox and Alldred, 2013), as well as the identity categories of sexuality such as ‘hetero', ‘homo' and so forth (Linstead and Pullen, 2006： 1299). All the capacities of bodies to do and feel in relation to sexualities (to be attracted or aroused, to kiss or fuck or come; to fall in love or leave before morning, to be hetero or homo, camp or butch, and so forth) are products of flows of affect within sexuality-assemblages.

这种观点认为，产生与性和性行为的身体和社会表现相关的现象，并确立个体身体的行为、感觉和欲望能力的，不是个体身体，而是性集合体。因此，性组合可以被理解为产生性的各个方面的机器，包括性欲望、性身份和性行为。正是性集合体为性欲和性反应创造了可能性条件，塑造了社会成员的情色、性规范、性风俗和性行为（福克斯和阿尔尔德雷德，2013 年），以及 "异性恋"、"同性恋 "等性身份类别（林斯特德和普伦，2006 年：1299）。身体与性行为相关的所有行为和感受能力（被吸引或被唤醒、接吻、性交或高潮；坠入爱河或天亮前离开；异性恋或同性恋、野营或男性化等等），都是性行为组合中情感流动的产物。

We can begin this analysis of sexuality as assemblage, to illustrate its relation- ality and the flows of affect between the multitude of psychological, emotional and social relations it may comprise, using the example of a sexual kiss.

我们可以以性之吻为例，开始分析作为集合体的性行为，以说明它的关系性及其可能包含的多种心理、情感和社会关系之间的情感流动。

Assembling a kiss

组装一个吻

Consider a ‘kissing event’ involving two bodies: ‘A’ and ‘B’. At its simplest, we could represent this as:

考虑一个涉及两个身体："A "和 "B "的 "接吻事件"。最简单的，我们可以将其表示为

A's lips - B's lips

A 的嘴唇 - B 的嘴唇

While the affects within this assemblage are in part physical, sensually stimulating the tissues of lips and mouths, perhaps producing arousal and pleasure, there are typically many more relations in the kissing-assemblage than just two sets of lips. The flow of affect may link the physical event (the kiss) to many other relations: personal and cultural contexts; past events, memories and experiences; codes of conduct and so forth. So a kissing-assemblage could comprise (at least):

虽然这种组合中的情感部分是肉体的，是对嘴唇和口腔组织的感官刺激，也许会产生兴奋和快感，但在接吻组合中，除了两片嘴唇之外，通常还有更多的关系。情感的流动可能会将身体事件（接吻）与许多其他关系联系起来：个人和文化背景；过去的事件、记忆和经历；行为准则等等。因此，一个接吻组合可以（至少）包括：

A's lips - B's lips - past experiences and circumstances - social and sexual norms - A and B's personal attributes (e.g. physical characteristics, personality, job, smells and tastes) - dating conventions - immediate material contexts

A 的嘴唇 - B 的嘴唇 - 过去的经历和环境 - 社会和性规范 - A 和 B 的个人属性（如身体特征、个性、工作、气味和口味） - 约会惯例 - 直接的物质环境

The affective flow associated with a kiss links these relations rhizomically (for instance, between some characteristic of A or B, a memory of a past lover and a stereotype of masculinity or femininity), producing capacities in A and B to do, to think, to feel and to desire. These capacities and desires in turn produce further affects that may lead to sexual arousal, mutual attraction, desires for intimacy, and positive or perhaps negative emotional reactions in one or both parties. Such capacities may extend the sexual encounter beyond a mere kiss to other sexual interactions that draw into the assemblage all kinds of relations, including previous sexual and non-sexual events, cultural codes of sexual conduct, physical relations of arousal and orgasm, public decency laws and so on. These affective flows may eventually assemble A and B within a sexual relationship, in which the assemblage might comprise all the accumulated interactions, emotions, experiences - from commitment to rejection, social networks, cultural norms and epiphenomena of sexuality; perhaps also family-life and child-rearing. In this way a kiss is profoundly productive, not only of desires or intimacies, but also of the social world.

与亲吻相关的情感流动将这些关系根植地联系起来（例如，在甲或乙的某些特征、对过去恋人的回忆和对男性或女性的刻板印象之间），在甲和乙身上产生行动、思考、感觉和欲望的能力。这些能力和欲望反过来又会产生进一步的影响，可能导致性兴奋、相互吸引、对亲密关系的渴望，以及一方或双方积极或消极的情绪反应。这种能力可能会将性接触从单纯的接吻扩展到其他的性互动，从而将各种关系，包括以前的性和非性事件、性行为的文化规范、唤醒和高潮的身体关系、公共道德法律等，都纳入到组合中。这些情感流最终可能会将 A 和 B 组合在性关系中，在这种关系中，组合可能包括所有累积的互动、情感、经验--从承诺到拒绝、社会网络、文化规范和性的附带现象；或许还有家庭生活和养育子女。因此，一个吻不仅对欲望或亲密关系，而且对社会世界都具有深远的意义。

We can use this brief illustration to set out more formally what this assemblage perspective on sexualities means. First, the sexuality-assemblage asserts the fundamental relationality of sexualities. Rather than taking a body as the ‘possessor’ of a sexuality, a multiplicity of relations coalesce around even the simplest of sexual events, as we have just seen in the kiss illustration. An erotic kiss draws together not just two pairs of lips but also physiological processes, personal and cultural contexts, aspects of the setting, memories and experiences, sexual codes and norms of conduct, and potentially many other relations particular to that event. Louis Armstrong may have sung that ‘a kiss is just a kiss’ (in the song ‘As Time Goes By’), but for the materialist sociologist, this is certainly not the case.

我们可以通过这个简短的说明，更正式地阐述这种关于性的集合视角的含义。首先，"性行为组合 "主张性行为的基本关系性。正如我们刚才在接吻图示中看到的那样，即使是最简单的性事件，也凝聚着多重关系，而不是将身体视为性的 "拥有者"。情欲之吻不仅仅是两对嘴唇，还包括生理过程、个人和文化背景、环境的各个方面、记忆和经验、性规范和行为准则，以及可能与该事件有关的许多其他关系。路易斯-阿姆斯特朗（Louis Armstrong）可能唱过 "一个吻只是一个吻"（在歌曲《As Time Goes By》中），但对于唯物主义社会学家来说，情况肯定不是这样。

Second, a sexuality-assemblage must be analysed not in terms of human or other agency, but by considering the assembled relations’ ability to affect or be affected (Deleuze, 1988: 101). Within a sexuality-assemblage, human and nonhuman relations affect (and are affected by) each other to produce material effects, including sexual capacities and desires, sexual identities and the many ‘discourses’ on sexualities; these affects are qualitatively equivalent regardless of whether a relation is human or non-human.

其次，对性组合的分析不能从人类或其他机构的角度出发，而是要考虑组合关系影响或被影响的能力（德勒兹，1988 年：101）。在性集合体中，人类和非人类关系相互影响（和被影响），从而产生物质效应，包括性能力和性欲望、性身份和许多关于性的 "论述"；无论关系是人类还是非人类，这些影响在质量上是相同的。

A theory of sexuality clearly needs to address issues of desire. Desire has been conventionally understood as a gap, lack or void waiting to be filled by the acquisition of a desired object, be that a lover, a tasty meal or a new purchase (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984： 25-6). However, some of the materialist scholars we have been employing in this book are strongly critical of this view of desire, and how it has been used in psychology and psychoanalysis to normalize certain sexual behaviours (for instance, heterosexuality, monogamy) and pathologize others. While Deleuze and Guattari acknowledged that desire can be a lack, their ‘positive desire’ (Bogue, 1989： 89) was not acquisitive but instead productive of action, ideas, interactions, and thence reality (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984： 26-7).

性理论显然需要解决欲望问题。传统上，欲望被理解为一种缺口、匮乏或空虚，等待着通过获得想要的对象来填补，无论是爱人、美味佳肴还是新买的东西（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984：25-6）。然而，我们在本书中引用的一些唯物主义学者对这种欲望观提出了强烈的批评，批评心理学和精神分析学如何利用这种欲望观将某些性行为（如异性恋、一夫一妻制）正常化，将另一些性行为病态化。虽然德勒兹和瓜塔里承认欲望可能是一种匮乏，但他们的 "积极欲望"（Bogue，1989：89）并不是获取性的，而是行动、思想、互动的生产力，进而是现实的生产力（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984：26-7）。

Importantly for the study of sexuality, in this ontology, desire is itself an affect (rather than some essential or culturally-shaped quality of a body). Desire produces specific capacities to act or feel in a body or bodies, be it arousal, attraction, sexual activity, rejection or whatever. It makes other affects flow in assemblages (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988： 399); it is the creative capacity of a body to act, feel or otherwise engage with other bodies and the physical and social world (Jordan, 1995： 127), and consequently the force that drives becoming-other (Braidotti, 2013： 134). This way of thinking about desire turns sexual desiring from a yearning for an ‘object of desire’ (whether a human body, a ‘fetish’ object such as a silk stocking or shoe, or an abstraction such as ‘love’ or ‘faithfulness’) into a productive force capable of transforming bodies, social formations and ideas.

对于性学研究来说，重要的是，在这种本体论中，欲望本身就是一种情感（而不是身体的某种本质或文化特质）。欲望在一个或多个身体中产生特定的行为能力或感觉，无论是唤醒、吸引、性活动、拒绝或其他。它使其他情感在组合中流动（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：399）；它是身体行动、感受或以其他方式与其他身体以及物理和社会世界接触的创造性能力（乔丹，1995：127），因此也是推动成为他人的力量（布莱多蒂，2013：134）。这种对欲望的思考方式将性欲望从对 "欲望对象"（无论是人体、丝袜或鞋子等 "恋物癖 "对象，还是 "爱 "或 "忠诚 "等抽象概念）的渴望转化为一种能够改变身体、社会形态和观念的生产力。

The micropolitics of sex and sexualities

性与性行为的微观政治学

This emphasis on affect economies (Clough, 2004) and the changes they produce in relations and assemblages, provides a dynamic focus for the study of sexuality-assemblages. We may ask what a body can do within its relational assemblage, what it cannot do, and what it can become. To study the micropolitics of the sexuality-assemblage, we can use the two affective movements we have discussed in earlier chapters: ‘specification/generalization’ (territorialization/ de-territorialization) and ‘aggregation/non-aggregation’. Sexual arousal, attraction, preferences and conduct can be understood in terms of these micropolitical effects on bodies within sexuality-assemblages, though we can never be certain what may be the outcome of a particular sexuality event/ assemblage. So an erotic kiss from an established partner might lead to physiological, cognitive and emotional specification of their relationship (as a passion still burning, perhaps as commitment, perhaps monogamous and so on). Yet that same kiss - say from a new lover, might open up a radically de-territorializing (generalizing) ‘line of flight’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 277), propelling a body into possibilities such as polyamory, a ‘new’ sexual identification or a new life begun elsewhere.

对情感经济（Clough，2004 年）及其在关系和组合中产生的变化的强调，为性组合研究提供了一个动态的焦点。我们可以问，身体在其关系组合中能做什么，不能做什么，又能成为什么。为了研究性组合的微观政治学，我们可以使用我们在前几章中讨论过的两种情感运动："特定/泛化"（领土化/去领土化）和 "聚合/非聚合"。性唤起、性吸引、性偏好和性行为都可以从这些微观政治效应的角度来理解，尽管我们永远无法确定特定的性活动/性组合会产生什么样的结果。因此，一个来自固定伴侣的情色之吻可能会导致生理、认知和情感上对他们之间关系的具体化（如激情仍在燃烧，也许是承诺，也许是一夫一妻制等等）。然而，同样的一个吻--比如说来自一个新情人的吻--可能会开启一条彻底去地域化（概括化）的 "飞行路线"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：277），将一个身体推向多角恋、"新的 "性认同或在别处开始的新生活等可能性。

Aggregating affects act similarly on multiple bodies, organizing or categorizing them to create converging identities or capacities. As an aspect of human existence, sexuality seems replete with aggregations. Ideas and concepts such as love, monogamy, chastity or sexual liberation, prejudices and biases, conceptual categories such as ‘women’, ‘heterosexual’, ‘perverted’ or ‘Masochist’, along with the discourses on human sexuality documented by Foucault (1981: 103-5) all aggregate bodies. These micropolitical aggregations produce (among other outputs) the social relations between bodies traditionally summarized and prob- lematized as ‘patriarchy’, ‘heteronormativity’ and ‘hegemonic masculinity’. By contrast, non-aggregative or ‘singular’ affects (for instance, a gift from a lover, or a smile from a stranger) produce a one-off outcome or capacity in just one body, with no significance beyond itself, and without aggregating consequences. Singular affects may be micropolitical drivers of de-territorialization, enabling bodies to resist aggregating or constraining forces, and opening up new capacities to act, feel or desire.

聚合效应同样作用于多个身体，对其进行组织或分类，从而形成聚合的身份或能力。作为人类生存的一个方面，性似乎充满了聚合。爱、一夫一妻制、贞洁或性解放等思想和概念，偏见和成见，"女性"、"异性恋"、"变态 "或 "受虐狂 "等概念范畴，以及福柯（1981：103-5）记录的有关人类性行为的论述，都是身体的聚合。这些微观政治聚合产生了（除其他产出外）身体之间的社会关系，传统上被概括为 "父权制"、"异性恋 "和 "霸权男性"，并将其归纳为 "父权制"、"异性恋 "和 "霸权男性"。相比之下，非聚集性或 "单一 "情感（例如，爱人的一份礼物或陌生人的一个微笑）只在一个身体中产生一次性的结果或能力，没有超越其本身的意义，也没有聚集性的后果。单一情感可能是去地域化的微观政治驱动力，使身体能够抵制聚集或限制力量，并开启新的行动、感受或欲望能力。

Together, these micropolitical processes provide the basis for a materialist exploration of sexuality. In this perspective, how sexuality manifests has little to do with personal preferences or dispositions, and everything to do with how bodies, things, ideas and social institutions assemble. Sexuality is hence ‘an impersonal affective flow within assemblages of bodies, things, ideas and social institutions, which produces sexual (and other) capacities in bodies’ (Fox and Alldred, 2013: 769). Territorializing forces produce body comportments, identities and subjectivities, ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’; and shape sexual desires, attractions, preferences and proclivities according to the particular mix of relations and affects in an assemblage. Sexual codes are culture-specific aggregating affects that establish the limits of what individual bodies can do, feel and desire in specific sociocultural settings, and shape the eroticism, sexual codes, customs and conduct of a society’s members, and into specific categories of sexual identity (Barker, 2005, Linstead and Pullen, 2006: 1299). Sexual development may be seen as the progressive complexification of a sexuality-assemblage during childhood and adolescence, shaped by these micropolitical forces (cf. Duff, 2010).

这些微观政治过程共同为对性的唯物主义探索提供了基础。从这个角度看，性欲如何表现与个人喜好或倾向关系不大，而与身体、事物、观念和社会制度如何组合在一起息息相关。因此，性是 "在身体、事物、观念和社会机构的组合中的一种非个人情感流动，它在身体中产生性（和其他）能力"（Fox and Alldred, 2013: 769）。地域化力量产生了身体组合、身份和主体性、"男性气质 "和 "女性气质"；并根据组合中的特定关系和情感组合，塑造了性欲望、吸引力、偏好和癖好。性规范是特定文化的聚合影响，它确定了个人身体在特定社会文化背景下可以做什么、感觉什么和渴望什么的界限，并塑造了社会成员的情欲、性规范、习俗和行为，以及特定的性身份类别（Barker，2005 年；Linstead 和 Pullen，2006 年：1299）。在这些微观政治力量的影响下，性发展可被视为童年和青春期性组合的逐步复杂化（参见 Duff，2010 年）。

This micropolitics of sexuality is the main focus for a new sociological research focus, for example, offering a new take on ideas such as sexual ‘repression’ or ‘liberation’. In anthropocentric social theory, sexuality has often been regarded as an attribute of a body or an identity such as ‘heterosexual’, ‘homosexual’ or ‘bisexual’ based on gendered sexual preferences (Lambevski, 2005). Within the materialist perspective developed here, sexuality must be both understood and researched differently, at the level of the assemblage. As has been noted, a sexuality-assemblage is not a stable entity, but one that is constantly in flux, awash with flows of affect that aggregate and dis-aggregate relations, that territorialize bodies this or that way, but may conceivably also release them into a singular, de-territorializing sexual line of flight.

性的微观政治学是新的社会学研究重点的主要焦点，例如，它为性 "压抑 "或 "解放 "等观念提供了新的视角。在以人类为中心的社会理论中，性通常被视为身体的一种属性或一种身份，如基于性别的性偏好的 "异性恋"、"同性恋 "或 "双性恋"（Lambevski，2005 年）。根据本文提出的唯物主义观点，必须从组合的层面对性行为进行不同的理解和研究。如前所述，性-集合体并不是一个稳定的实体，而是一个不断变化的实体，充斥着聚合和分解关系的情感流，这些情感流以这种或那种方式将身体领土化，但也可能将它们释放到一个单一的、去领土化的性飞行路线中。

Table 6.1 offers a comparison between the conventional anthropocentric view of sexualities and this relational and post-anthropocentric model.

表 6.1 比较了传统的人类中心主义性观念与这种关系模式和后人类中心主义模式。

We radically re-conceptualize sexuality, following Deleuze and Guattari (1984: 294) as the flow of affect in a sexuality-assemblage. Sexuality, as a powerful affective force, consequently has two manifestations. First, it is a de-territorializing (generalizing), multiplying, branching flow of affect between and around bodies and other relations. As such it has the potential to produce any and all capacities in bodies: different sexual desires, attractions and identities, and those not normally considered sexual at all: this ‘nomadic’ and ‘rhizomic’ sexuality has nothing to do with reproduction or even genitality (Bogue, 2011: 34), and consequently may produce ‘subversive and unforeseeable expressions of sexuality’ (Beckman, 2011: 11).

按照德勒兹和瓜塔里（1984：294）的观点，我们从根本上将性重新定义为性组合中的情感流动。性作为一种强大的情感力量，因此有两种表现形式。首先，它是一种在身体和其他关系之间和周围的去地域化（泛化）、多重化、分支化的情感流动。因此，它有可能在身体中产生任何和所有能力：不同的性欲望、吸引力和身份，以及那些通常根本不被视为性的能力：这种 "游牧 "和 "根茎 "性与生殖或甚至生殖器无关（Bogue，2011：34），因此可能产生 "颠覆性和不可预见的性表达"（Beckman，2011：11）。

However, as manifested in actual daily events, the flow of affect in the sexuality-assemblage is continuously subject to restrictions and blockages (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 293), often produced by aggregating affects that codify, categorize and organize the assemblage and its relations. Channelled in this way, sexuality loses its ‘nomadic’ potential, producing a relatively narrow range of sexual capacities linked to conventional and normative desires. Despite this, new affects still have the capacity to re-establish a rhizomic flow, creating possibilities for a line of flight. It follows that the sexualities thus produced in most cultures are conventional and prescriptive (Beckman, 2011: 9; Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 294). While flows of affect in the sexuality assemblage can produce an endless variety of sexual capacities in bodies, aggregating forces may constrain sexuality into very limited manifestations. We will return to consider the significance of this later in this chapter, but for now, we will illustrate the application of this materialist sociology of sexuality-assemblages to research young men’s sexualities.

然而，正如在实际的日常事件中所表现的那样，性--组合中的情感流不断受到限制和阻 碍（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984 年：293），这些限制和障碍往往是通过将组合及其关系编 码、分类和组织起来的情感聚合而产生的。通过这种方式，性失去了其 "游牧 "的潜力，产生了与传统和规范欲望相关的相对狭窄的性能力。尽管如此，新的情感仍有能力重新建立根茎流动，为飞行路线创造可能性。因此，在大多数文化中产生的性行为都是传统的和规范性的（贝克曼，2011：9；德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984：294）。虽然性组合中的情感流可以在身体中产生无穷无尽的性能力，但聚合力可能会将性限制在非常有限的表现形式中。我们将在本章稍后部分再考虑这一点的意义，但现在，我们将举例说明这种性组合的唯物主义社会学在研究年轻男性的性行为中的应用。

The sexualities of young men

青年男子的性行为

The sexualities of adolescent boys and young men have been a focus for a range of sociological studies. According to interactionist sociology, sexualities are ‘learnt’ progressively via a repertoire of socially-mediated attitudes, values, sexual scripts and behaviours that are transmitted to the bodies and minds of young men and women (Connell, 1987: 161; Frosh et al., 2002: 4, Schalet, 2011: 2). In Mac an Ghaill’s (1994: 91) study of the socialization of sexuality among teen boys, an imperative to act like heterosexual men circumscribed both their everyday behaviour and conversational topics (which included penis size, uncontrollable urges and sexual potency). Frosh et al. (2002： 50-52) found that boys were active, interpretive and critical subjects, who continually re-invented their sexual and gendered identities as they interacted with peers and others, while Bale (2011) noted that masturbation, accessing online pornography and interactions with a peer group actively influenced the development of teen boys’ sexualities.

青春期男孩和青年男子的性特征一直是一系列社会学研究的重点。根据互动社会学的观点，性特征是通过一系列以社会为媒介的态度、价值观、性脚本和行为逐步 "学习 "而来的，而这些态度、价值观、性脚本和行为则传递到青年男女的身体和思想中（Connell，1987：161；Frosh et al.，2002：4；Schalet，2011：2）。在 Mac an Ghaill（1994: 91）对少男性社会化的研究中，必须表现得像异性恋男子一样，这限制了他们的日常行为和谈话话题（包括阴茎大小、无法控制的冲动和性能力）。Frosh 等人（2002：50-52）发现，男孩是活跃的、具有解释性和批判性的主体，他们在与同龄人和其他人的互动中不断重新塑造自己的性身份和性别身份。

Post-structuralist concerns with institutional power relations and associated systems of thought/discourses provide further insights into young men and sexuality. Pascoe’s (2005) ethnography of a high school noted a ‘fag discourse’ that served to structure the social and power relations between boys. Nayak and Kehily (2006: 465) argued that teen boys aimed performatively to reproduce an idealized ‘perfect boy’ manifesting a straight masculinity, while Moscheta et al. (2013) found that young men who traded sex sought either to subvert or conserve normative sexuality discourses.

后结构主义对制度权力关系和相关思想/话语体系的关注，为我们提供了更多关于年轻男性和性行为的见解。帕斯科（Pascoe，2005 年）在对一所高中进行人种学研究时，发现了一种 "同性恋话语"，这种话语构建了男孩之间的社会和权力关系。Nayak 和 Kehily（2006: 465）认为，十几岁的男孩旨在以表演的方式再现理想化的 "完美男孩"，表现出直率的男子气概，而 Moscheta 等人（2013）则发现，进行性交易的年轻男性试图颠覆或维护规范的性话语。

In many of these studies, a ‘hegemonic’ (or dominant) masculinity (Connell, 1987) has been discerned, reflected in ‘compulsory heterosexuality, misogyny and homophobia’ (Frosh et al., 2002: 76; Mac an Ghaill, 1994: 96). It manifests within a culture that regards male violence and competitiveness as normal, appropriate and acceptable (Holland et al., 1998: 151; Kimmel, 2008: 217ff.), and denies attributes of dependency, nurturing and feeling associated with femininity (Lees, 1993: 306; see also Holland et al. (1998: 160), and our discussion of Paul Willis’ (1977) ‘lads’ in Chapter 4). More recent formulations have developed this analysis, recognizing the complex power relations that surround masculinity (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005： 847-8).

在许多此类研究中，"霸权"（或占主导地位）的男性气质（Connell, 1987）已被发现，并反映在 "强制性异性恋、厌女症和同性恋恐惧症 "中（Frosh et al.）它体现在一种将男性暴力和竞争视为正常、适当和可接受的文化中（Holland et al. 1998: 151; Kimmel, 2008: 217ff.），并否认与女性气质相关的依赖、养育和情感属性（Lees, 1993: 306; 另见 Holland et al. (1998: 160), 以及我们在第 4 章中对 Paul Willis' (1977) 'lads' 的讨论）。最近的一些表述发展了这一分析，认识到了围绕男性气质的复杂的权力关系（Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005： 847-8）。

This focus upon masculinity (understood as the concatenation of individual and collective behaviours, attitudes and subjectivities associated with ‘being a man’) has relegated sexuality, sexual desire and the physicality of sexual practices to the status of largely-unexamined backcloths to processes of socialization and/or identity-construction (Beasley, 2015： 570). Desires, attractions and sexual behaviours are individualized, to be studied as attributes of specific human bodies, and constitutive of (individual) human subjects (Foucault, 1981： 157).

对男子气概（被理解为与 "作为一个男人 "相关的个人和集体行为、态度和主体性的结合）的关注将性、性欲和性行为的身体性降至社会化和/或身份建构过程中基本未被审视的背景地位（比斯利，2015：570）。欲望、吸引力和性行为是个性化的，是作为特定人类身体的属性来研究的，是（个人）人类主体的构成（福柯，1981：157）。

To develop a materialist sociology of young men’s sexualities, we sought (Alldred and Fox, 2015b) to focus upon the material aspects of sexuality. We analysed data from two studies - the first a multi-methods study of sex and relationship education (SRE) in UK secondary schools conducted by Alldred and David (2007), which included individual and group interviews with teenage boys in school and alternative educational settings; the other a secondary analysis of a dataset of 31 interviews with male students, employed and unemployed young men living in London, originally collected by de Visser and Smith (2007) as part of a study of masculinity.

为了发展关于年轻男性性行为的唯物主义社会学，我们试图（Alldred and Fox, 2015b）关注性行为的物质方面。我们分析了两项研究的数据--第一项是 Alldred 和 David（2007 年）对英国中学的性与关系教育（SRE）进行的多方法研究，其中包括在学校和其他教育环境中对十几岁男孩进行的个人和小组访谈；另一项是对生活在伦敦的男性学生、就业和失业青年的 31 个访谈数据集进行的二次分析，该数据集最初由 de Visser 和 Smith（2007 年）收集，作为男性气质研究的一部分。

We began by trawling the datasets to mine the relations in these sexualityassemblages. The ethnographic observation of teen boys’ sex and relationship education classes revealed a sexuality-assemblage that incorporated peers, girls, siblings, teachers, condoms, second-hand cars, the school’s SRE curriculum, the Teenage Pregnancy Strategy (a policy in England and Wales at that time) and the school environment as affective relations. The second dataset provided insights into sexuality-assemblages when young men were at university, at work or unemployed, with many being sexually active, ranging from occasional sexual encounters to steady relationships, and for one respondent, marriage. For ‘Najib’, a 20 year old student, relations in the assemblage included women, men in his peer group, his self-image, physical attractiveness, his ethnicity, marriage, past sexual experiences and concerns with hygiene. Another student ‘Neil’ was in a steady relationship, and his sexuality-assemblage included not only his girlfriend, but also his family, male friends, past girlfriends, the university, music, the gym, his body shape, alcohol, pubs, male and female sexuality.

我们首先对数据集进行了搜索，以挖掘这些性组合中的关系。通过对少男的性与关系教育课进行人种学观察，我们发现在性爱组合中包含了同伴、女孩、兄弟姐妹、老师、避孕套、二手车、学校的性与关系教育课程、少女怀孕战略（当时英格兰和威尔士的一项政策）以及学校环境等情感关系。第二个数据集提供了对年轻人在大学、工作或失业时的性组合的洞察，其中许多人性生活活跃，从偶尔的性接触到稳定的关系，还有一位受访者结婚了。对于 20 岁的学生 "纳吉布 "来说，组合中的关系包括女性、同龄群体中的男性、他的自我形象、身体吸引力、种族、婚姻、过去的性经历以及对卫生的担忧。另一名学生 "尼尔 "有稳定的恋爱关系，他的性爱组合不仅包括他的女朋友，还包括他的家人、男性朋友、过去的女朋友、大学、音乐、健身房、他的体形、酒精、酒吧、男性和女性的性行为。

However, of more interest than simply listing these relations in sexualityassemblages are the fluxes, stabilities and instabilities produced by the affect economies within them. The second phase of our analysis focused upon these movements, and the micropolitics of assemblage intra-action they reveal. We sought out the specifications (territorializations) that produced relatively stable capacities in young men, the generalizations (de-territorializations) that undermined these and established different sexual or other capabilities, the aggregations that grouped or unified aspects of young men and sexuality, and the singular affects that occasionally offered new capacities and possibilities for sexuality or subjectivity.

然而，比起简单罗列性爱组合中的这些关系，我们更感兴趣的是其中的情感经济所产生的流动性、稳定性和不稳定性。我们第二阶段的分析重点是这些运动，以及它们所揭示的集合内部行动的微观政治学。我们探寻了在年轻男性中产生相对稳定能力的规范（地域化），破坏这些规范并建立不同性能力或其他能力的概括（去地域化），将年轻男性和性的各个方面组合或统一的集合，以及偶尔为性或主体性提供新能力和可能性的单一情感。

Data from both sources provide examples of capacity specification by physical/biological, psychological and sociocultural affects in the sexualityassemblages. For the teenage boys, physical relations such as bodily maturation, height, voices that had ‘broken’ and facial hair territorialized childish bodies into adolescence and adulthood. These physical affects combined with competitive and hierarchical displays of machismo or intimidation within the peer group to further territorialize and effectively rank their bodies (and their girlfriends and their cars) in terms of physical capacities.

来自这两个来源的数据提供了一些例子，说明在性行为组合中，生理/生物、心理和社会文化影响对能力的具体规定。对于十几岁的男孩来说，身体的成熟、身高、"破音 "的声音和面部毛发等身体关系将幼稚的身体地域化为青春期和成年期。这些身体关系与同龄人群体中的竞争和等级制的大男子主义或恐吓表现结合在一起，使他们的身体（以及他们的女朋友和汽车）在身体能力方面进一步领土化和有效地等级化。

For the older group, a similar specification occurred, though produced from the differing affect economies assembled in university and workplace settings. The social assemblages these young men inhabited comprised same-sex friendship groups, sporting activities, clubs and bars, alcohol, and social events where the main objective appeared to be for heterosexual men to ‘pull’ women, and vice versa. Micropolitically, these interactions produced limited sexualities in the young men, focused more upon competition between male peers than upon interaction with sexual partners. One student, ‘Scott’, described his efforts to be ‘the person who’s had a lot of sexual partners ... who attracts the best looking girl in the bar’. Like the teenage boys, their own bodies and those of the women they encountered were ranked in terms of physical looks, to produce informal hierarchies of who might have sex with whom.

对于年龄较大的群体来说，也出现了类似的情况，尽管他们在大学和工作场所的环境中产生了不同的影响经济。这些年轻人所处的社会组合包括同性友谊团体、体育活动、俱乐部和酒吧、酒精和社交活动，这些活动的主要目的似乎是让异性恋男性 "拉 "住女性，反之亦然。从微观上讲，这些互动在年轻人中产生了有限的性，更多的是男性同龄人之间的竞争，而不是与性伴侣的互动。一位名叫 "斯科特 "的学生说，他努力成为 "有很多性伴侣的人......吸引酒吧里最漂亮的女孩"。就像这些十几岁的男孩一样，他们自己的身体和他们所遇到的女性的身体都被按照外貌进行排序，从而形成了谁可以和谁发生性关系的非正式等级制度。

These specifications of sexuality interacted with aggregating and nonaggregating affects in the two studies. Aggregative specifications drew both the teenage boys and the older group into narrow sexuality-assemblages. For example, the school-excluded teen boys were aggregated by the physical and social affects into a masculinist sexuality-assemblage that valorized heterosexuality, homophobia and misogyny, as reflected in the ‘banter’ and horseplay witnessed during the study. Physical maturation, actual or purported heterosexual experience, competitive homophobic posturing and (hetero)sexualized joking sustained them within this assemblage, aggregating their sexuality into what some scholars describe as ‘compulsory heterosexuality’ and ‘hegemonic masculinity’ (Holland et al., 1998: 149; Mac an Ghaill, 1994: 96; Rich, 1980).

在这两项研究中，这些性特征规格与聚合和非聚合影响相互作用。聚合性影响将青少年男孩和年龄较大的群体纳入狭隘的性行为组合中。例如，被学校排除在外的十几岁男孩被身体和社会影响聚合成一个大男子主义的性行为集合体，这种集合体重视异性恋、同性恋恐惧症和厌女症，这反映在研究过程中看到的 "戏谑 "和马戏中。身体的成熟、实际的或声称的异性恋经历、竞争性的恐同姿态和（异）性化的玩笑使他们在这一组合中持续存在，将他们的性行为整合成一些学者所描述的 "强制性异性恋 "和 "霸权男性气质"（Holland et al.，1998: 149；Mac an Ghaill, 1994: 96；Rich, 1980）。

Similarly, the physical and social specifications in the older group were often powerfully aggregative, and the data offered examples of aggregation into a specific sexual orientation, an attraction to a specific physical body-type or ethnicity, or into close monogamous relationships. ‘Paul’, a student and keen sportsman described how his physical, psychological and emotional needs were aggregated within a monogamous heterosexual relationship, and acknowledged he played rugby for reasons of body-appearance and to ‘keep his girlfriend happy’. ‘Lester’, an unemployed 18-year old, expressed the pressures to find a girlfriend he had felt, both from his peers and his own expectations for his life. The transitions these sexual encounters represented territorialized him as both adult and man.

同样，老年组的身体和社会规格往往具有强大的聚合力，数据提供了聚合成特定性 取向、对特定身体类型或种族的吸引力，或聚合成亲密的一夫一妻制关系的例子。保罗 "是一名学生，热衷于运动，他描述了在一夫一妻制的异性恋关系中，他的生理、心理和情感需求是如何聚合在一起的，并承认他打橄榄球是为了身体外观和 "让女朋友开心"。莱斯特 "是一名 18 岁的失业青年，他表达了同龄人和自己对生活的期望给他带来的找女朋友的压力。这些性接触所代表的转变使他既是成年人又是男人。

I suppose it is quite an important marker your first girlfriend, or your first pull, or the first time you get laid. I suppose it is quite important as, like, a yeah ‘Now I am ... more than I was yesterday’, just because of that. It’s kind of a rite of passage, maybe.

我想这是你初恋女友、第一次被拉、第一次上床的重要标志。我想这是相当重要的，就像 "现在我......比昨天更强了"，就是因为这一点。这也许是一种成人仪式吧。

Not all sexual specifications were aggregative, however. Sometimes singular affects deriving from sexual encounters produced unique capacities in particular bodies, including emotions, personal perspectives on sexuality and opportunities for nurturing others. Nineteen-year old student ‘Ross’ found new capacities for sexual intimacy from a relationship:

然而，并非所有的性规范都是集合性的。有时，性接触所产生的单一影响会在特定的身体中产生独特的能力，包括情感、对性的个人观点以及培养他人的机会。19 岁的学生 "罗斯 "从一段关系中发现了新的性亲密能力：

I’m always looking for, um, you know, someone who I, sort of, could completely fall for ... and spend a lot of time with ... Ah, it’s nice to just have someone there. You know, I mean ... someone who’s, sort of, not going to judge you and, sort of, who knows you really well. And who, ah, sort of, accepts you for who you are I suppose I sort of find that

我一直在寻找，嗯，你知道，一个我可以完全爱上的人......花很多时间在一起......有个人在身边真好你知道，我是说......一个不会对你评头论足，而且非常了解你的人。而且，他还能接受你的为人，我想我是这么觉得的

if you’re really head over heels with someone and you’re sleeping with them, there’s this, sort of, like a really, really intimate feeling.

如果你真的对某人一往情深，并且和他上了床，就会有一种非常非常亲密的感觉。

Some of these singular affects were not only non-aggregative, but produced capacity generalization, opening up new possibilities for action and interaction in both groups we studied. School is a place where children’s bodies (including or perhaps especially their sexualities) are sidelined or even erased as part of the disciplinary regime (Paechter, 2006: 122), so SRE classes are unusual as - instead of ignoring bodies - sexual desire and arousal become the topic for education (Alldred and David, 2007: 96). Our analysis suggested that in these situations, sexual bodies also supplied a resource for resisting, whereby educational agendas might be disrupted by displays of pubescent male sexuality, banter, sexist and homophobic jokes and horseplay. For disaffected adolescent boys excluded from school, the embodied pleasures of male sexual desire and arousal were an alternative both to the tedium of the classroom and to the values and educational discourses that had produced them as outcasts, excluded pupils, and sometimes failed educational subjects. While this behaviour was a specification into limited sexualities, it was at the same time a generalizing line of flight away from their unsuccessful educational identities into alternative ‘adult’ sexual identities.

在我们所研究的两个群体中，其中一些单一的影响不仅不具有聚集性，而且还产生了能力泛化，为行动和互动开辟了新的可能性。在学校，儿童的身体（包括或特别是他们的性特征）被边缘化，甚至被抹杀，成为纪律制度的一部分（Paechter，2006：122），因此，性教育课程是不寻常的，因为性欲和性兴奋不再被忽视，而是成为教育的主题（Alldred 和 David，2007：96）。我们的分析表明，在这些情况下，性身体也提供了一种抵制资源，教育议程可能会被青春期男性的性行为、戏谑、性别歧视和同性恋笑话以及嬉戏打乱。对于被学校开除的心怀不满的青春期男孩来说，男性性欲和性兴奋带来的愉悦，既是乏味课堂的替代，也是价值观和教育话语的替代，这些价值观和教育话语使他们成为被遗弃者、被排斥的学生，有时甚至是失败的教育对象。虽然这种行为是对有限性身份的具体化，但同时也是一种普遍化的逃离，从他们不成功的教育身份转变为另一种 "成人 "性身份。

Amongst the older group, the data also revealed occasional generalization of capacities. Student ‘Neil’ hesitantly revealed how a sexual relationship had produced for him new capacities that mitigated threats and risks in his daily life.

在年龄较大的群体中，数据还偶尔显示出能力的普遍化。学生 "Neil "迟疑地透露，性关系如何为他带来了新的能力，从而减轻了日常生活中的威胁和风险。

You can talk to your girlfriend unlike the way you can talk to pretty much any other person. Like, there’s just ... there’s a bond that forms ... like you can literally just say what’s, whatever is on your mind. And, ah ... and just, I don’t know, that feeling of trust as well, that someone actually is thinking about you all the time ... and you’re thinking about them.

你可以和你的女朋友聊天，就像你可以和其他任何人聊天一样。就像......有一种纽带会形成......就像你真的可以把心里想的任何事都说出来。而且，啊......还有，我不知道，那种信任的感觉，有人真的一直在想着你......你也在想着他们。

We have summarized here some of the complex mix of animate and inanimate relations that assemble around sexual behaviours, regimes and identities, as analysed by Alldred and Fox (2015b). For young men, body and sexuality capacities are specified by myriad affects in the sexuality-assemblage deriving variously from physiology, from social interactions with peers or sexual partners, with institutions such as schools or clubs, and by things such as cars, condoms and alcohol. At the same time, we have seen how, on occasions, sexual capacities and sexual behaviour can be the means to instigate a line of flight. A materialist analysis of the relations in sexuality-assemblages, of the affects between these relations, and of the micropolitics these produce in bodies has supplied new insights into the micropolitics of young men’s sexualities. However, it also poses some more fundamental issues concerning what is understood as ‘sexuality’, which we shall now consider.

正如 Alldred 和 Fox（2015b）所分析的那样，我们在此总结了围绕性行为、制度和身份的有生命和无生命关系的复杂组合。对于年轻男性来说，身体和性能力是由性能力组合中的无数影响因素所决定的，这些影响因素有的来自生理，有的来自与同龄人或性伴侣的社会交往，有的来自学校或俱乐部等机构，还有的来自汽车、避孕套和酒精等物品。同时，我们也看到，在某些情况下，性能力和性行为是如何成为煽动逃亡的手段的。通过对性-组合关系、这些关系之间的影响以及这些关系在身体中产生的微观政治进行唯物主义分析，我们对年轻人的性微观政治有了新的认识。然而，它也提出了一些有关 "性 "理解的更基本的问题，我们现在就来探讨这些问题。

‘Sexuality is everywhere’?

性无处不在"？

As we have seen throughout this book, specification/territorialization and gen- eralization/de-territorialization of bodies and other things are ubiquitous and inevitable features of social life, a consequence of the endless interactions between relations that take place in events, moment by moment. However, in the light of the analysis of young men’s sexualities, we want to spend a little more time considering the significance of aggregating and singular affects upon human sexuality.

正如我们在本书中所看到的，身体和其他事物的具体化/属地化和属地化/非属地化是社会生活中无处不在且不可避免的特征，是事件中每时每刻发生的各种关系之间无休止互动的结果。然而，根据对青年男子性行为的分析，我们希望花更多的时间来思考聚合和单一影响对人类性行为的意义。

Sexualities seem to be peculiarly prone to aggregations. Bodies may be aggregated by psychological, social and cultural inscription into a hetero, bi or homosexual orientation; into a structured social formation such as monogamy, celibacy or promiscuity; by cultural codes surrounding sexual conduct (Foucault, 1981: 103-5); by popular media and pornographic representations of men and women (Bale, 2011); or by systems of ‘knowledge’ that define sexualities according to medical, legal, scientific or psychological concepts (Alldred and Fox, 2015a). We saw these aggregations at work in the case study of young men’s sexualities (Alldred and Fox, 2015b) - our analysis revealed sexualities that were highly conventional and narrowly defined; everywhere aggregated and specified by cultural norms of sexual behaviour and expectations imbued with patriarchal and heteronormative biases; by daily interactions between the sexes (be this a misogynistic teen peer group or a ritualized dating game); and by the genitalization of sexuality.

性似乎特别容易聚集。身体可能会被心理、社会和文化归纳为异性恋、双性恋或同性恋取向；被归纳为一夫一妻制、独身主义或滥交等结构化的社会形态；被围绕性行为的文化规范所聚合（福柯，1981 年：103-5）；被流行媒体和色情作品中的男女形象所聚合（Bale，2011 年）；或被根据医学、法律、科学或心理学概念定义性行为的 "知识 "系统所聚合（Alldred and Fox，2015a）。我们在对年轻男性的性特征进行的案例研究（Alldred and Fox，2015b）中看到了这些聚合的作用--我们的分析揭示了高度传统和狭义定义的性特征；处处都有充满父权和异性恋偏见的性行为和期望的文化规范的聚合和具体化；两性之间的日常互动（无论是厌恶女性的青少年同龄群体还是仪式化的约会游戏）；以及性的生殖器化。

However, a materialist analysis also enables us to recognize in sexualities and sexual encounters a means to harness powerful singular affects. Even among the many aggregating forces in young men’s sexuality-assemblages there were singular affects that had the capacity to break bodies and subjectivities free from those aggregations. More broadly, singular affects may derive from physical or emotional intimacy, from embodied and psychological pleasures, or by transgressing the aggregating social codes of sexual conduct mentioned a moment ago. These singular affects can stand not only in place of aggregation but may even disrupt an aggregated affect economy, radically generalizing body capacities into a sexual line of flight (Renold and Ringrose, 2008: 316).

然而，唯物主义分析也让我们认识到，在性行为和性接触中，有一种手段可以利用强大的单一影响。即使在年轻人的性爱组合的众多聚合力量中，也存在着能够将身体和主体性从这些聚合力量中解脱出来的奇异情感。从更广泛的意义上讲，奇异的情感可能来自身体或情感上的亲密接触，来自身体和心理上的愉悦，也可能来自对刚才提到的聚合性社会行为准则的超越。这些奇异的情感不仅可以取代聚合，甚至还可以破坏聚合的情感经济，从根本上将身体能力概括为性飞行路线（Renold and Ringrose, 2008: 316）。

This micropolitical analysis offers a more optimistic perspective on sexualities than often found in sociology, either in perspectives that emphasize the dominance of forms of masculinity characterized by homophobia, misogyny and compulsory heterosexuality, or in the work of Foucault and followers, which has regarded sexual pleasure as progressively encircled by power and systems of knowledge - ‘discourses’ (Foucault, 1981; Kitzinger, 1987). Though we must conclude from empirical studies that sexuality is typically highly constrained, in our materialist reading there is always the possibility for it to become other.

这种微观政治分析为性问题提供了一个比社会学中常见的更为乐观的视角，无论是强调以仇视同性恋、厌恶女性和强制性异性恋为特征的男性主导形式的视角，还是福柯及其追随者将性快感视为逐渐被权力和知识体系--"话语"（福柯，1981 年；基辛格，1987 年）--所包围的视角。虽然我们必须从实证研究中得出结论，性通常是高度受限的，但在我们的唯物主义解读中，性总是有可能成为另一种存在。

The value of a materialist approach rests in its understanding of sexuality as an impersonal, micropolitical flux of multiple desires and intensifications within which bodies and subjectivities are assembled. It is this flow that produces the capacities in bodies that are described as ‘sexual’, but that also supplies endless possibilities for becoming. According to this analysis, beyond the depleted sexualities that we disclosed earlier among adolescent boys and young men (and we have no reason to suppose it is not also a feature of other groups), there always lurks another side to sexuality. It suggests the possibility for new desires, pleasures and capacities, ruptures and resistances that shift bodies way beyond the kinds of conceptions of sexes, genders and sexualities that inform many contemporary sexualities in the West.

唯物主义方法的价值在于它将性理解为一种非个人的、微观政治的、由多种欲望和强化组成的流动，身体和主体性在其中组合。正是这种流动产生了被描述为 "性 "的身体能力，同时也提供了成为 "性 "的无限可能性。根据这一分析，除了我们早先在青春期男孩和青年男子中揭示的耗竭的性能力之外（我们没有理由认为这不是其他群体的特征），性能力总是潜伏着另一面。它暗示了新的欲望、快乐和能力、破裂和反抗的可能性，这些都会使身体发生变化，远远超出西方当代许多性观念中关于性、性别和性的概念。

Some of the materialist scholars whose work we have followed in this book have commented upon this micropolitics of sexuality. Braidotti (2013： 98-99) has seen in sexuality a vital and powerful force of de-territorialization that must be explored in all its multiple and ‘perverse’ forms. Deleuze and Guattari (1984： 49) argued that sexuality is not a ‘dirty little secret’ but a ‘fantastic factory of Nature and production’; consequently ‘sexuality is everywhere’： a productive force to be seen operating in political movements, business, the law, indeed in all social relations (1984： 293). As such, sexuality has the potential to produce any and all capacities in bodies： different sexual desires, attractions and identities, and those not normally considered sexual at all. This ‘nomadic sexuality’ (Bogue, 2011： 40) has nothing to do with reproduction or even genitality, but with the ‘proliferating, destabilizing connections and lines of flight’ (2011： 32), that may produce ‘subversive and unforeseeable expressions of sexuality’ (Beckman, 2011： 11).

我们在本书中关注的一些唯物主义学者对这种性的微观政治进行了评论。Braidotti（2013：98-99）认为，性是去领土化的一种重要而强大的力量，必须探索其所有多重和 "反常 "的形式。德勒兹和瓜塔里（1984：49）认为，性不是 "肮脏的小秘密"，而是 "自然与生产的梦幻工厂"；因此，"性无处不在"：在政治运动、商业、法律，甚至在所有社会关系中，性都是一种生产力（1984：293）。因此，性有可能在身体中产生任何和所有能力：不同的性欲望、吸引力和身份，以及那些通常根本不被视为性的能力。这种 "游牧性"（Bogue，2011：40）与生殖甚至生殖器无关，而是与 "增殖的、不稳定的联系和飞行路线"（2011：32）有关，它可能产生 "颠覆性的、不可预见的性表达"（Beckman，2011：11）。

We alluded to this nomadic and ‘rhizomic’ understanding of sexuality earlier - a non-human sexuality that is not possessed by a body but is an affective flow between affected relations. But while such propositions offer a novel philosophical perspective, they also pose a challenge for a materialist sociology of sexualities. What does it mean to say that sexuality is everywhere? If sexuality has been drawn too narrowly, and extends beyond the conventional associations with sexual arousal and release, or with reproduction or a limited number of specific sexualities defined by gendered desires, what then is ‘sexual’, what ‘non-sexual’? Or if the distinction is entirely arbitrary, then why speak of ‘sexualities’ at all?

我们在前面提到了对性的这种游牧式和 "根瘤式 "理解--一种非人类的性，它不被身体所拥有，而是受影响关系之间的情感流动。不过，尽管这种命题提供了一种新颖的哲学视角，但同时也对唯物主义性社会学提出了挑战。性无处不在的说法意味着什么？如果 "性 "的定义过于狭隘，超出了传统意义上的性唤起和性释放、生殖或由性别欲望定义的有限几种特殊性的范畴，那么什么是 "性"，什么是 "非性"？或者说，如果这种区分完全是武断的，那么为什么还要谈论 "性 "呢？

One resolution might be to seek out features that could be considered ‘sexual’ in events and assemblages that are usually not regarded as sexual. The intensifications (arousal, orgasm, passion) associated with ‘sexual’ affects exist alongside a multiplicity of other body intensifications, which may derive from events ranging from yoga stretches, watching a sunset, or even an ‘ah-ha’ moment when reading a poem or a sociology text. Suitable candidates for such a re-designation of events from ‘non-sexual’ to ‘sexual’ might be interactive physical activities such as dancing or massage; shopping for a new dress or a new car; sports (doing or watching); alcohol, drugs or chocolate that produce a bodily ‘hit’; climbing a hill on a sunny day; a promotion or other work achievement. All of these, and many other activities (including some of a distinctly darker hue) might be considered for inclusion in a re-drawing of sexuality’s boundaries, as they all - to greater or lesser extents - mediate bodily intensifications between human and human, human and non-human.

解决方法之一可能是在通常不被视为 "性 "的事件和组合中寻找可被视为 "性 "的特征。与 "性 "影响相关的强化（唤醒、高潮、激情）与其他多种身体强化并存，这些强化可能来自瑜伽拉伸、观看日落，甚至是阅读诗歌或社会学文章时的 "啊哈 "时刻。从 "非性 "到 "性 "的事件重新定义的合适候选者可能是互动性的身体活动，如跳舞或按摩；购买新衣服或新车；运动（做或看）；酒精、毒品或巧克力产生的身体 "冲击"；在阳光明媚的日子爬山；晋升或其他工作成就。所有这些活动，以及许多其他活动（包括一些色调明显阴暗的活动），都可以考虑纳入重新划定的性界限，因为它们都或多或少地在人与人、人与非人之间起到了身体强化的中介作用。

An interesting and relevant example is Josie Austin’s (2016) materialist exploration of how one young woman experienced her sexuality through the embodied pleasures of dancing. Austin’s 17-year-old respondent ‘Sarah’ had made a decision to abstain from conventional sexual activity because of her and her family’s religious views, which strongly opposed sex outside marriage. However, this personal commitment conflicted with the sexualized culture among her peer-group, leading Sarah to seek alternative outlets for her sexuality. This manifested in a consuming enthusiasm for dance, to the extent that she filmed herself dancing alone in her bedroom, and also performed sensual and rhythmic dance routines to popular music in front of her classmates. Dance, Austin argued (2016: 283), provided Sarah with a capacity to embrace her sexuality as a positive rather than a negative, de-territorializing her body from the forces of her religious upbringing, and enabling her to feel ‘sexy’ and ‘naughty’. Sarah described dancing with others as follows:

乔西-奥斯汀（Josie Austin）（2016 年）以唯物主义的视角探讨了一位年轻女性如何通过舞蹈的愉悦体验自己的性。奥斯汀笔下 17 岁的受访者 "莎拉 "决定不参加传统的性活动，因为她和她的家人的宗教观点强烈反对婚外性行为。然而，这种个人承诺与她同龄群体中的性文化产生了冲突，导致莎拉为自己的性欲寻找其他出路。这表现在她对舞蹈的极大热情上，她拍下了自己独自在卧室里跳舞的画面，还在同学面前随着流行音乐表演性感而富有节奏感的舞蹈。奥斯汀认为（2016: 283），舞蹈为莎拉提供了一种能力，使她能够将自己的性行为视为一种积极而非消极的行为，使她的身体摆脱宗教教养的束缚，并使她能够感受到 "性感 "和 "顽皮"。莎拉对与他人共舞的描述如下

when you’re dancing you feel like you are [laughs] […] it is like sex in a way […] you’re kind of feeling sexy, I don’t know, it’s hard to explain. […] it kind of like gives you that like vibe and that pleasure of like of knowing that you’re both enjoying it, you’re both enjoying dancing to the music and moving and stuff, you’re touching each other and like the sweat and everything.

当你跳舞的时候，你会觉得自己就像在跳舞[笑][......]在某种程度上就像在做爱[......]你会有一种性感的感觉，我不知道，这很难解释。[......]它就像给了你那种氛围和快感，让你知道你们都很享受，你们都很享受随着音乐跳舞、移动等等，你们互相接触，就像汗水和一切。

Some of the intensifications that dancing in private produced in Sarah’s body (as documented by Austin) were of a quite conventional sexual character, as the sensuality of dance movements, the beat of the music and the sight of her own reflection together provided a route to mild arousal or a backcloth to sexual fantasies (2016: 286). However, other body intensifications occupied a different register from the usual sexual capacities of attraction, arousal or release. Sarah talked of her dancing-body being ‘fully connected’ to the music or to other dancers, with conventional notions of ‘sexiness’ fading, to be replaced with a transcendent sense of becoming (2016: 288). Emotionally she became one with the music, feeling lost in the dance and capable of doing anything in that moment.

正如奥斯汀所记录的那样，私下跳舞在莎拉身体中产生的一些强化作用具有相当传统的性特征，因为舞蹈动作的性感、音乐的节拍以及她看到自己倒影的视线共同为轻度唤醒提供了途径，或为性幻想提供了背景（2016：286）。然而，其他的身体强化与通常的性吸引、性唤起或性释放的能力不同。莎拉谈到她的舞蹈身体与音乐或其他舞者 "完全相连"，传统的 "性感 "概念逐渐消失，取而代之的是一种超然的成为感（2016：288）。在情感上，她与音乐融为一体，感觉迷失在舞蹈中，在那一刻可以做任何事。

Much of how Sarah described these embodied intensifications seems qualitatively similar to the intensifications associated with sexual encounters. We are reminded too of descriptions of the powerful intensifications associated with music in the Jamaican dancehall scene (Henriques, 2010), or with recreational drug use (Fitzgerald, 1998: 52). Yet while this similarity suggests that - for Sarah - events involving dance (and filming herself dancing in a sensual way) produced body intensifications not dissimilar from more conventional sexual intensifications, it would require an (aggregative) analytical leap to make the claim that dance is more generally part of ‘the sexual’.

莎拉对这些体现性强化的描述在本质上似乎与性接触的强化相似。这也让我们联想到牙买加舞厅音乐（Henriques, 2010）或娱乐性吸毒（Fitzgerald, 1998: 52）所带来的强烈刺激。尽管这种相似性表明--对莎拉来说--涉及舞蹈的事件（以及拍摄她以感官方式跳舞）所产生的身体强化与更传统的性强化并无二致，但要宣称舞蹈是更普遍的 "性 "的一部分，则需要（综合）分析上的飞跃。

While acknowledging the continuities between sexual and non-sexual intensifications, we would argue that simply re-defining the boundaries of the sexual misses the full potential for a materialist sociology of sexualities. A focus upon sexuality-assemblages (rather than individual bodies) establishes a basis for rethinking sexuality as post-anthropocentric and posthuman, to step beyond the confines that physical, social, cultural and political aggregations impose upon what bodies can do, feel and desire. The point is not to simply shift the basis for these aggregations, but rather to assert that we have absolutely no idea what a human body can do sexually, no way of knowing what are the limits of sexualities.

在承认性强化与非性强化之间的连续性的同时，我们认为，仅仅重新界定性的界限，并不能充分发挥唯物主义性社会学的潜力。对性的集合体（而非个体身体）的关注，为重新思考作为后人类中心主义和后人类的性奠定了基础，以超越物理、社会、文化和政治集合体对身体所能做的、感觉到的和渴望的限制。问题的关键并不在于简单地改变这些集合的基础，而是要断言，我们完全不知道人体在性方面能做什么，也无从知道性的极限是什么。

We can indeed conjecture that sexuality is everywhere, integral in the encounters between humans and between human and non-human stuff. But perhaps the task for the materialist sociologist is instead to use empirical data and micropolitical analysis to disclose the affect economies that produce the limited and impoverished sexualities that exist, and the processes that establish these limits. So for example, Fox and Bale (forthcoming) argue that the repetitive and stereotypical sexual practices portrayed in pornography and sexualized media imposed narrow and circumscribed definitions of what sex and sexuality comprise, ‘grooming’ young and old alike into unimaginative sexualities (for more on this, see Chapter 10). But such sociological analysis also has the potential to reveal the possibilities for dis-aggregations and generalizations of sexualities, sexual identities and sexual stereotypes and norms; to open bodies up to nomadic and rhizomic intensifications of desire, whether in events conventionally regarded as sexual or non-sexual; and to ‘embrace an ethics of experiment with intensities’ (Braidotti, 2013: 190) in relation to sexualities.

我们确实可以推测，性无处不在，是人类之间以及人类与非人类之间的遭遇的组成部分。但也许唯物主义社会学家的任务是利用经验数据和微观政治分析来揭示产生有限而贫乏的性的情感经济，以及建立这些限制的过程。例如，福克斯和贝尔（Fox and Bale）（即将出版）认为，色情作品和性化媒体中重复和刻板的性实践强加了对性和性行为的狭隘和限制性定义，将年轻人和老年人 "培养 "成缺乏想象力的性行为（更多内容请参见第 10 章）。但是，这种社会学分析也有可能揭示对性、性身份、性刻板印象和性规范进行分解和概括的可能性；为欲望的游牧和根茎强化开放身体，无论是在传统上被视为性或非性的事件中；以及 "接受与性有关的强度实验伦理"（Braidotti, 2013: 190）。

Summary

摘要

The materialist perspective on sexuality that we developed in this chapter offers an understanding of what seems (in anthropocentric sociology) to be an attribute and an identity of an individual body or human subject, as instead an impersonal, nomadic flux of multiple desires and materialities. While this sexual flux produces intensities, flows and desires in bodies, the latter are also progressively specified, aggregated and restricted by many other affectivities in the sexuality-assemblage, often deriving from the sociocultural baggage that surrounds contemporary sexualities. This should not, however, be taken as a re-statement of a ‘repressive hypothesis, of sexuality (Foucault, 1981), in which a once-free body has been ground into submission by the forces of culture: in this ontology body capacities are always relational and contextual.

我们在本章中提出的关于性的唯物主义观点，提供了这样一种理解，即（在人类中心主义社会学中）似乎是个体身体或人类主体的属性和身份的东西，其实是由多种欲望和物质组成的非个人的、游牧的流动。虽然这种性流动产生了身体的强度、流动和欲望，但后者也逐渐被性组合中的许多其他情感所具体化、聚合和限制，这些情感往往来自于围绕当代性的社会文化包袱。然而，这不应被视为 "性压抑假说"（福柯，1981 年）的重述，在这种假说中，曾经自由的身体被文化的力量压制得屈服：在本体论中，身体能力始终是关系性的、语境性的。

The value of a non-anthropocentric approach to the sociological study of sexualities lies in the opportunity to shift attention away from accounts of sexual identities. Instead the focus turns to the micropolitics of sexualities. The objective now is to explore the human and non-human elements and affective flows in sexuality assemblages, the aggregative and the singular affects, and the capacities for action, feeling and desire that affective flows produce. We have shown how this may be done for something as simple as a kiss, or as complex as the sexualities of young men.

在性社会学研究中采用非人类中心主义方法的价值在于有机会将注意力从对性身份的描述上转移开来。取而代之的是将重点转向性行为的微观政治学。现在，我们的目标是探索性组合中的人类和非人类元素及情感流、聚合和单一情感，以及情感流产生的行动、感觉和欲望能力。我们已经展示了如何对简单如一个吻或复杂如年轻人的性行为进行研究。

Materialist sociology thus offers a new politics of sexualities, in which the aggregative actions of power can be challenged and dis-aggregating possibilities fostered. It poses challenges to foundational assumptions that link sexualities to families and reproduction, to fixed sexual identities and even to specific parts of the body - an out-dated sexual landscape (Braidotti, 2013: 189) that needs to move on. If sexuality and sexual pleasure are to become parts of human existence that are neither continually suppressed nor mired in innuendo, humour or phobias, then they must do so in all their transgressive rawness, recognizing the possibilities for sexuality, for embodied and interpersonal pleasures, and for sexual lines of flight that do not aggregate bodies and individuals into narrow and limited manifestations and from the constraints of particular sexual identities.

因此，唯物主义社会学提供了一种新的性特征政治学，在这种政治学中，权力的聚合行动可以受到挑战，分解的可能性可以得到促进。它对将性行为与家庭和繁衍、固定的性身份甚至身体的特定部位联系在一起的基础假设提出了挑战--这种过时的性景观（Braidotti, 2013: 189）需要继续发展。如果性和性快感要成为人类生存的一部分，既不被持续压制，也不被影射、幽默或恐惧症所困扰，那么它们就必须以其所有的超越性的原始面貌出现，承认性、身体和人际愉悦的可能性，以及不将身体和个人归结为狭隘和有限的表现形式、不受特定性身份限制的性飞行路线的可能性。

Further reading

更多阅读

Alldred, P. and Fox, N.J. (2015b) The sexuality assemblages of young men: a new materialist analysis. Sexualities, 18(8): 905-920.

Alldred, P. and Fox, N.J. (2015b) The sexuality assemblages of young men: a new materialist analysis.Sexualities, 18(8)：905-920.

Holmes, D., O’Byrne, P. and Murray, S.J. (2010) Faceless sex: glory holes and sexual assemblages. Nursing Philosophy, 11(4): 250-259.

Holmes, D., O'Byrne, P. and Murray, S.J. (2010) Faceless sex: glory holes and sexual assemblages.护理哲学》，11（4）：250-259.

Lambevski, S.A. (2005) Bodies, schizo vibes and hallucinatory desires - sexualities in movement. Sexualities, 8(5): 570-586.

Lambevski, S.A. (2005) Bodies, schizo vibes and hallucinatory desires - sexualities in movement.Sexualities, 8(5)：570-586.

7 Emotions: Embodiment, Continuity and Change

7 种情感：体现、延续和变化

Introduction

简介

In the previous chapters we examined two aspects of social life that have often been treated in the social sciences as individual attributes of humans: their creativity and their sexuality. In both cases, we have shown how a materialist assessment provides an alternative reading, in which the relationality of these phenomena is revealed. This analysis has led us to radically re-think creativity and sexuality, addressing the former in terms of the capacities of creative products to produce lines of flight, and the latter as part of an affective flow between bodies and the environment productive of particular bodily intensifications. We now want to turn to another topic that is often conceptualized as personal and ’internal' to the body - emotions. This is a topic that has exercised the sociological imagination because of their supposedly unique linking of mind (culture) and body (biology) to produce what might be called ‘felt thoughts’.

在前几章中，我们探讨了社会科学中经常被视为人类个体属性的社会生活的两个方面：创造力和性。在这两个方面，我们展示了唯物主义评估如何提供了另一种解读，揭示了这些现象的关系性。这种分析使我们从根本上重新思考了创造力和性欲，前者是从创造性产品产生飞行路线的能力的角度来探讨的，而后者则是身体与环境之间情感流动的一部分，产生了特定的身体强化。现在，我们想谈谈另一个通常被视为个人和身体 "内部 "的话题--情感。这是一个激发了社会学想象力的话题，因为情感将心灵（文化）和身体（生物学）联系在一起，产生了所谓的 "有感觉的思想"。

We think that emotions warrant a chapter in this book on materialist sociology for two reasons. The first concerns the connections that emotions make between the worlds of nature and culture, which (as we considered in Chapter 3 when we looked at environment) have so often been regarded in social theory as distinct and mutually exclusive. The second reason is because until recently, sociology has underplayed the part emotions play in social production and social change, a lack of attention now being addressed by scholars of the so-called ‘affective turn’ in social theory (for instance, Blackman, 2012; Blackman and Venn, 2010; Clough, 2008; Jasper, 2011). These writers suggested that, alongside reasoned choices and decisions, what humans feel has a part to play in producing the world, from the progression of a conversation to the shaping of global politics and economics. Emotions, in short, are all around us. As Jasper (1998: 398) has argued:

我们认为，情感值得在这本关于唯物主义社会学的书中专辟一章，原因有二。第一个原因涉及情感在自然世界和文化世界之间建立的联系，而在社会理论中，自然世界和文化世界（正如我们在第 3 章探讨环境时所考虑的那样）常常被视为截然不同、相互排斥的两个世界。第二个原因是，直到最近，社会学还低估了情感在社会生产和社会变革中所扮演的角色，而所谓的社会理论 "情感转向 "的学者们（例如，Blackman, 2012; Blackman and Venn, 2010; Clough, 2008; Jasper, 2011）正在解决这一问题。这些作家认为，除了理性的选择和决定之外，人类的感受也在创造世界的过程中发挥着作用，从对话的进展到全球政治和经济的形成。简而言之，情感就在我们身边。正如 Jasper (1998: 398) 所说：

Emotions pervade all social life, social movements included. The most prosaic daily routines, seemingly neutral, can provoke violent emotional responses when interrupted Not only are emotions part of our responses to events, but they also - in the form of deep affective attachments - shape the goals of our actions.

情绪充斥着所有社会生活，包括社会运动。最平淡无奇的日常生活看似中性，但一旦被打断，就会激起剧烈的情绪反应。情绪不仅是我们对事件的反应的一部分，而且还以深层情感依恋的形式塑造着我们的行动目标。

Our aim is to offer a balanced view of emotions, neither to sideline them as an evolutionary oddity that in contemporary rationalist human culture is increasingly irrelevant, nor to assert that emotions are in some ways ‘special’ because they appear to ‘transcend’ mind/body dualism (Bendelow and Williams, 1998: xiii). We are interested in how emotions contribute to social production, certainly, and we will examine this from within the materialist ontology we have developed in this book. But unlike some sociological commentaries that have seen emotions as remarkable because of a confluence between biology and culture that produces ‘felt’ or ‘embodied’ thoughts, we will explore them as part of a continuum of affectivity that links human bodies to their physical and social environment. We will begin this re-assessment of emotions by making a connection between emotion and ‘affect’ (used in our Spinozist conception as ‘something that affects or is affected’), to advance a sociology of embodied affectivity that acknowledges emotions as a part, but only a part, of a more generalized interaction between humans and the environment.

我们的目的是提供一种平衡的情感观，既不把情感视为进化论的怪胎，在当代理性主义的人类文化中越来越无关紧要，也不断言情感在某种程度上是 "特殊的"，因为它们似乎 "超越 "了身心二元论（Bendelow and Williams, 1998: xiii）。当然，我们感兴趣的是情感如何促进社会生产，我们将在本书所发展的唯物主义本体论的框架内研究这一点。但与某些社会学评论不同的是，这些评论认为情绪之所以引人注目，是因为生物与文化的交汇产生了 "感觉到的 "或 "具身的 "思想，而我们将把情绪作为情感连续体的一部分来探讨，情感连续体将人类身体与其物理和社会环境联系在一起。在重新评估情感的过程中，我们将首先把情感与 "影响"（在斯宾诺莎的概念中，"影响 "是指 "影响或被影响的事物"）联系起来，从而推进体现情感的社会学，承认情感是人类与环境之间更广泛互动的一部分，但也仅仅是一部分。

So we will look not at what emotions are, but what they do (Ahmed, 2004: 4), shifting analytic focus away from fascination with minds and bodies interacting, to a fundamentally sociological (and research-amenable) exploration of emotions in terms of how bodies, things, social institutions and abstractions affect and are affected by each other. This will provide a materialist sociology that regards emotions not as distinctive in connecting mind and body, but part of a continuum of affectivity that links human bodies to their physical and social environment (Tamboukou, 2003: 211; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011: 145). This affectivity, as we have argued at some length earlier in the book, produces unfolding lives, societies and history, and we will explore how emotions are caught up in both social continuity and social change later in the chapter.

因此，我们要研究的不是情绪是什么，而是情绪在做什么（Ahmed, 2004: 4），将分析重点从对身心互动的迷恋转移到从根本上从社会学（和研究角度）探讨身体、事物、社会机构和抽象概念如何相互影响和被影响的角度来研究情绪。这将提供一种唯物主义社会学，将情感视为连接身心的独特方式，而非连接人体与其物理和社会环境的情感连续体的一部分（Tamboukou, 2003: 211; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011: 145）。正如我们在本书前文所详细论述的，这种情感性产生了不断发展的生活、社会和历史，我们将在本章后半部分探讨情感是如何被卷入社会延续和社会变革之中的。

Sociology and the study of emotions

社会学与情感研究

Emotions have long been of interest to sociologists. Psychology and neurology focused on the ‘what’ and the ‘why’ of emotions, suggesting variously that they are a motivational force, that they trigger or guide reasoning, and that they underpin behaviour, personality and social relationships (Izard, 1991: 1-3). Sociology, by contrast has been more concerned with the ‘how’ of emotions, and has explored the interplay between social environment, mind and body (Hochschild, 1983: 220; Turner, 2001), with various accounts of the relative importance of these dimensions (Belli et al., 2010). One hundred years ago, Durkheim’s description of ‘collective effervescence’ during both religious and everyday gatherings established emotions as a social phenomenon that contributed to the shaping of human social action (Durkheim, 1976: 218). Some of the few sociological concepts to have translated successfully into mainstream usage notably concern emotions: ‘stigma’ (Goffman, 1968) - the social shaming of those regarded as deviant because of some personal characteristic, and ‘moral panic’ (Cohen, 1973, 2002; McRobbie and Thornton, 1995: 559) - a population-level emotional response to a perceived threat to social order (which we explore later in this chapter).

长期以来，情绪一直是社会学家关注的问题。心理学和神经学关注情绪的 "是什么 "和 "为什么"，它们提出了不同的观点：情绪是一种动力，情绪会触发或引导推理，情绪是行为、人格和社会关系的基础（Izard, 1991: 1-3）。相比之下，社会学更关注情绪的 "如何"，并探讨了社会环境、心灵和身体之间的相互作用（Hochschild, 1983: 220; Turner, 2001），对这些方面的相对重要性有不同的说法（Belli et al.）一百年前，杜克海姆（Durkheim）对宗教和日常聚会中 "集体沸腾 "的描述，确立了情感作为一种社会现象，对人类社会行动的形成做出了贡献（Durkheim, 1976: 218）。少数成功转化为主流用法的社会学概念主要涉及情绪：成见"（戈夫曼，1968 年）-- 由于某些个人特征而被视为异类的人受到的社会羞辱，以及 "道德恐慌"（科恩，1973 年，2002 年；麦克罗比和桑顿，1995 年：559 年）-- 民众对社会秩序所受威胁的一种情绪反应（我们将在本章后面进行探讨）。

However, more generally, the trend within sociology and social policy to establish a scientific and rationalist understanding of society has tended to sideline the significance of emotions for social order and disorder (Fish, 2005; Jasper, 1998: 397-8; Shilling, 2002; Tamboukou, 2003: 210). The eventual ‘re-discovery’ of emotions focused upon how emotions were managed socially, and to what ends (Hochschild, 1983; Williams and Bendelow, 1998a). For instance, studies of flight attendants (Hochschild, 1983) and nurses (James, 1989) revealed the ‘emotional labour’ at the heart of these workers’ daily skillset - skills that were exploited to support their respective clients.

然而，从更广泛的意义上讲，社会学和社会政策的发展趋势是对社会进行科学和理性的理解，这往往会忽略情绪对社会秩序和混乱的重要意义（Fish, 2005; Jasper, 1998: 397-8; Shilling, 2002; Tamboukou, 2003: 210）。对情绪的最终 "重新发现 "集中在社会如何管理情绪，以及管理的目的是什么（Hochschild, 1983; Williams and Bendelow, 1998a）。例如，对空姐（Hochschild，1983 年）和护士（James，1989 年）的研究揭示了 "情感劳动 "在这些工作者日常技能组合中的核心地位--这些技能被用来支持他们各自的客户。

Conventional sociological wisdom suggests that emotions are responses to cues in the social or physical environment (for instance, an event, an interaction or a person), that have a particular meaning or value to an individual or group (Barbalet, 2002: 3; Hochschild, 1983: 220; Jaggar, 1992: 153; Williams and Bendelow, 1998a: 137). So, for example, an item in the news may provoke a physical emotion such as anger, fear or distress in a reader/viewer, because its content has particular significance or relevance for that person. The challenge for sociology has been to offer a perspective that moves beyond psychology, to address satisfactorily both physiological and social aspects of emotion (Williams and Bendelow, 1996: 34).

传统的社会学观点认为，情绪是对社会或自然环境中的线索（如事件、互动或人）的反 应，对个人或群体具有特殊的意义或价值（Barbalet, 2002: 3; Hochschild, 1983: 220; Jaggar, 1992: 153; Williams and Bendelow, 1998a: 137）。因此，举例来说，一条新闻可能会激起读者/观众的愤怒、恐惧或痛苦等生理情绪，因为其内容对该人具有特殊意义或相关性。社会学面临的挑战是提供一种超越心理学的视角，以令人满意地解决情感的生理和社会方面的问题（Williams and Bendelow, 1996: 34）。

One solution - usually typified as ‘social constructionist’ - was to explore empirically the social organization, manifestation and management of emotions and emotionality, side-stepping issues concerning the physiology of emotional responses. Because emotions vary culturally and socially in how they are expressed, constructionists argue that sociological focus should be upon relationships between emotions and the moral order, discourses about emotions and ‘how various emotion vocabularies are used’ (Freund, 1990: 453).

一种解决方案--通常被称为 "社会建构主义"--是避开情绪反应的生理学问题，从经验上探索情绪和情绪性的社会组织、表现和管理。由于情绪的表达方式因文化和社会而异，建构主义者认为，社会学的重点应放在情绪与道德秩序之间的关系、关于情绪的论述以及 "各种情绪词汇是如何使用的"（Freund, 1990: 453）。

From a constructionist view, emotions are bodily experiences whose expression is tied to cultural contexts (Belli et al., 2010: 261) or to socialization (Turner and Stets, 2005： 2-3). For example, constructionists explain emotional differences between men and women in terms of their different socializations into gendered roles (Duncombe and Marsden, 1993; Jaggar, 1992： 159-60). Because of this link to cultural contexts, emotions may be manipulated to achieve particular social goals, for instance in social movements (Bensimon, 2012; Jasper, 1998) or the workplace (Lee-Treweek, 1996; Niven et al., 2009). Hochschild’s studies of emotion management among workers such as flight attendants (1983) and in working parents (1989) are the best-known applications of this constructionist model.

从建构主义的观点来看，情绪是一种身体体验，其表达与文化背景（Belli et al., 2010: 261）或社会化（Turner and Stets, 2005: 2-3）有关。例如，建构主义者从不同的社会化性别角色来解释男女之间的情感差异（Duncombe and Marsden, 1993; Jaggar, 1992： 159-60）。由于这种与文化背景的联系，情感可能会被操纵以实现特定的社会目标，例如在社会运动（Bensimon，2012；Jasper，1998）或工作场所（Lee-Treweek，1996；Niven 等人，2009）。Hochschild 对空姐等工作者（1983 年）和在职父母（1989 年）的情绪管理研究是这一建构主义模式最著名的应用。

A second perspective upon the sociology of emotions has been informed by approaches including interactionism, phenomenology and existentialism, and by a growth of sociological interest in embodiment (Freund, 1990; Williams and Bendelow, 1996). This thread sought to make sense of why and how certain environmental or social circumstances lead to emotional responses. Advocates focused their data upon ‘a conception of the human body as a lived structure of ongoing experience’ (Williams and Bendelow, 1998a： 137), with an ‘actively feeling, embodied person as its control focus’ (Freund, 1990： 470). These theorists have often drawn (explicitly or implicitly) upon individualistic approaches in biology, psychology, psychoanalysis and phenomenology, including cognitive, evolutionary and biopsychosocial theory to substantiate their models (Bendelow, 2009; Berezin, 2002： 37; James and Gabe, 1996： 8; Williams and Bendelow, 1996： 30).

情感社会学的第二个视角来自互动论、现象学和存在主义等方法，以及社会学对体现的兴趣的增长（Freund，1990；Williams 和 Bendelow，1996）。这条主线试图阐明某些环境或社会环境为何以及如何导致情绪反应。倡导者将他们的数据集中在 "人体作为持续体验的生活结构的概念"（Williams and Bendelow, 1998a： 137）上，并以 "积极感受、具身的人作为其控制焦点"（Freund, 1990： 470）。这些理论家经常（或明或暗地）借鉴生物学、心理学、精神分析学和现象学中的个人主义方法，包括认知、进化和生物心理社会理论，来证实他们的模型（Bendelow，2009；Berezin，2002：37；James and Gabe，1996：8；Williams and Bendelow，1996：30）。

In such accounts, biology, psychology and social context are inextricably intertwined, not least by an assumption that emotionality has some benefit for individuals or for the human species, for instance, to create social solidarity, signal danger, or protect individuals or groups against threats (Hochschild, 1983： 220; Lyon, 1996： 69-70; Massey, 2002; Williams and Bendelow, 1998b： 138). Most models assert that a discrepancy or dissonance between ‘what we see and what we expect to see’ (Hoschchild, 1983： 221; Turner, 2001： 134) produces corporeal or cognitive discomfort (or feelings of pleasure where there is congruity), or suggest that emotional responses indicate that the body is suffering distress (Bendelow, 2009), powerlessness (Freund, 1990： 466) or anxiety that others perceive the self negatively (Goffman, 1969： 246; Scheff, 2005： 147).

在这些论述中，生物学、心理学和社会背景密不可分地交织在一起，尤其是假定情绪化对个人或人类物种有某种益处，例如，可以建立社会团结、发出危险信号或保护个人或群体免受威胁（Hochschild，1983：220；Lyon，1996：69-70；Massey，2002；Williams and Bendelow，1998b：138）。大多数模型都认为，"我们所看到的与我们期望看到的 "之间存在差异或不协调（Hoschchild, 1983： 221；Turner, 2001： 134）；Turner，2001：134）产生身体或认知上的不适（或在一致的情况下产生愉悦感），或认为情绪反应表明身体正遭受痛苦（Bendelow，2009）、无力感（Freund，1990：466）或他人对自我负面看法的焦虑（Goffman，1969：246；Scheff，2005：147）。

While constructionist accounts of emotions may be criticized for downplaying biology, interactionist perspectives suffer from a contrary weakness, biological or psychological reductionism. Yet there is a fundamental similarity between these sociological perspectives： both tie conceptions of emotions to the individual human body and human subject (Navaro-Yashin, 2009： 9; Tamboukou, 2003： 211). This anthropocentrism is clear from how these accounts describe emotions; hence, emotions are a ‘bodily experience’ (Belli et al., 2010: 261) or ‘the most personal realms of an individual’s experiences’ (Freund, 1990: 453). As Sara Ahmed (2004： 8-10) puts it, emotions are conceived in these individualistic approaches either as something escaping from the interior of a body, or the product of exterior forces seeping in. This conception of emotions, Tamboukou (2003： 211) argues, was historically and culturally constituted as part of ‘the emergence of “the man” as the object of psycho-scientific discourses’.

建构主义对情绪的描述可能会被批评为淡化生物学，而互动主义观点则存在相反的弱点，即生物学或心理学还原论。然而，这些社会学观点有一个基本的相似之处：它们都将情绪概念与个体人体和人类主体联系在一起（Navaro-Yashin，2009：9；Tamboukou，2003：211）。这种人类中心主义在这些论述对情绪的描述中显而易见；因此，情绪是一种 "身体体验"（Belli et al.，2010: 261）或 "个人经历中最个人化的领域"（Freund, 1990: 453）。正如萨拉-艾哈迈德（Sara Ahmed）（2004：8-10）所说，在这些个人主义方法中，情感要么被视为从身体内部逸出的东西，要么被视为外部力量渗入的产物。Tamboukou（2003：211）认为，这种情感概念是历史和文化形成的，是 "人 "作为心理科学论述对象的出现 "的一部分。

With these critiques in mind, we want to set out a materialist and posthuman analysis of emotions, which will question both the emphasis in sociological accounts of emotions as bodily phenomena, and their supposed ‘uniqueness’ as a link between the social environment and human biology (Williams and Bendelow, 1998a： 137). We will start this re-evaluation by looking at the ways that emotions have been linked to affects in the humanities, cultural theory and certain social sciences.

有鉴于此，我们希望对情绪进行唯物主义和后人类分析，质疑社会学将情绪视为身体现象的论述，以及情绪作为社会环境与人类生物学之间联系的所谓 "独特性"（Williams and Bendelow, 1998a： 137）。我们将通过考察人文学科、文化理论和某些社会科学中将情绪与情感联系起来的方式来开始这一重新评估。

Emotions and affect

情绪和情感

In recent years, some social scientists and arts and humanities scholars have suggested that we are in the midst of an ‘affective turn’ (Anderson, 2009： 78; Clough, 2008; Leys, 2011; Papoulias and Callard, 2010; Thrift, 2004). This move has been both a challenge to a dominant post-structuralist trend in the humanities and social sciences that has elevated language and social structure over biology (Papoulias and Callard, 2010： 30-1), and a means to promote ‘a common ontology linking the social and the natural, the mind and body, the cognitive and affective’ (Blackman and Venn 2010： 7). So, for example, Nigel Thrift (2004) has set out the agenda for a ‘spatial politics’ of affects and emotions in geography that explores how affectivity contributes to politics and citizenship. For the philosopher Brian Massumi (2002), affect links human bodies and brains to their environments in ways not reducible to language and reason, challenging contemporary views about consciousness and human intentionality. Ahmed (2004： 4) has suggested that we should look at emotions affectively, to ask what actions they perform and what effects follow from them.

近年来，一些社会科学家以及艺术和人文学者提出，我们正处于 "情感转向 "之中（Anderson, 2009：78；Clough, 2008；Leys, 2011；Papoulias and Callard, 2010；Thrift, 2004）。此举既是对人文和社会科学领域占主导地位的后结构主义趋势的挑战，这种趋势将语言和社会结构置于生物学之上（Papoulias and Callard, 2010：30-1），也是促进 "连接社会与自然、心灵与身体、认知与情感的共同本体论 "的一种手段（Blackman and Venn, 2010：7）。例如，奈杰尔-特里夫特（Nigel Thrift，2004 年）提出了地理学中情感和情绪的 "空间政治 "议程，探讨情感如何促进政治和公民权。在哲学家布赖恩-马苏米（Brian Massumi，2002 年）看来，情感将人类的身体和大脑与环境联系在一起，其方式无法还原为语言和理性，对当代关于意识和人类意向性的观点提出了挑战。艾哈迈德（Ahmed，2004：4）建议我们从情感的角度来看待情感，询问情感执行了哪些行动，产生了哪些影响。

This latter proposition is closely associated with the materialist approaches that we are using in this book, which has sought to shift from essentialism to this kind of focus on production and capacities. If anthropocentric perspectives in the sociology of emotions have been predicated upon the centrality of human action, a materialist ontology that steps back from a conventional agency/structure distinction can supply traction for a sociology of what emotions do. It suggests a sociological project to look at how emotions affect bodies, but also inspires a wider exploration of what they do within collectivities, social processes and social institutions, and the interactivity (in both material and interpretive registers) between human bodies and other physical, social and abstract entities in their physical and social environment (Tamboukou, 2003: 211; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011: 145), an interactivity that produces lives, societies and history. Accordingly, as we look at emotions and what they do, we shall apply the materialist concepts of assemblages, affects, specification/territorialization and lines of flight that we developed in earlier chapters.

后一个命题与我们在本书中使用的唯物主义方法密切相关，这种方法试图从本质主义转向对生产和能力的关注。如果说情感社会学中的人类中心主义视角是以人类行为的中心地位为前提的，那么从传统的机构/结构区分中后退的唯物主义本体论则可以为情感社会学提供牵引力。它提出了一个研究情绪如何影响身体的社会学项目，同时也启发我们更广泛地探索情绪在集体、社会进程和社会机构中的作用，以及人类身体与其物理和社会环境中的其他物理、社会和抽象实体之间的互动性（在物质和解释方面）（Tamboukou, 2003: 211; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011: 145），这种互动性产生了生活、社会和历史。因此，当我们研究情绪及其作用时，我们将运用我们在前几章中提出的唯物主义概念，即集合、情感、规范/属地化和飞行路线。

An ontology that explores affectivity seems peculiarly appropriate to this task, as sometimes (mostly in psychology and related disciplines) the terms ‘emotion’ and ‘affect’ have been used synonymously (Wetherell, 2012: 3). However, foundational to our analysis is the broader sense of affect we have developed - as something that affects or is affected - rather than any kind of one-to-one equating of emotions and affects. And we will focus upon assemblages of human and non-human relations rather than upon individual ‘emotional’ bodies; on flows of affect within assemblages rather than notions of agency attached to humans; and on specifications and generalizations of capacities to do and feel rather than deterministic social structures and fields.

探讨情感的本体论似乎非常适合这项任务，因为有时（主要是在心理学和相关学科中）"情感 "和 "影响 "这两个词被当作同义词使用（Wetherell, 2012: 3）。然而，我们分析的基础是我们对 "情感 "的广义理解--即影响或被影响的事物--而不是将情感与 "情感 "一对一地等同起来。我们将关注人类和非人类关系的集合体，而非单个的 "情感 "体；关注集合体中情感的流动，而非附加在人类身上的能动性概念；关注行为和感受能力的具体化和概括，而非决定性的社会结构和领域。

Affects, as we noted in Chapter 2, can be understood as ‘becomings’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 256) that augment or diminish the capacities of relations (for instance, for Jane to love Amy, or anger to mobilize citizens). But Deleuze and Guattari (1988: 400) also described affects as ‘projectiles’, which produce further affects within assemblages - as one affect produces capacities of relations to do, desire or (importantly, in a discussion of emotions) feel, these capacities in turn create subsequent affective flows. For example, watching a film about injustice may produce anger (an ‘emotional’ capacity), a desire to donate money or time to a campaign, and an identity as a campaigner, all of which in turn will lead to further affects, ad infinitum.

正如我们在第二章中所指出的，情感可以被理解为 "成为"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：256），它增强或削弱了关系的能力（例如，简爱艾米，或愤怒动员公民）。但德勒兹和瓜塔里（1988: 400）也将情感描述为 "射弹"，它在集合体中产生更多的情感--当一种情感产生了关系的能力去做、去渴望或（重要的是，在关于情感的讨论中）去感受，这些能力反过来又创造了后续的情感流。例如，观看一部关于不公正的电影可能会产生愤怒（一种 "情感 "能力）、为运动捐钱或捐时的愿望以及作为运动者的身份，所有这些反过来又会产生更多的情感，如此循环往复。

This dynamic understanding of affects and how they produce capacities is key to how we will theorize emotions. While emotions may be the product or outcomes of affects (for instance, a person feeling shame following a real or perceived shortcoming such as a failed examination), they may also be affects in their own rights, which produce capacities in bodies (such as ‘love’ for family or friends producing capacities for heroic action to protect them from danger). This dual character connects emotions firmly into affective flows in eventassemblages (Deleuze, 1988: 50-1), but also supplies the means to theorize how emotions may be ‘becomings’ that contribute to unfolding lives, societies and history (Thrift, 2004: 61).

这种对情感及其如何产生能力的动态理解，是我们如何将情感理论化的关键。虽然情绪可能是情感的产物或结果（例如，一个人因考试失败等真实或感知到的缺点而感到羞耻），但情绪本身也可能是情感，在身体中产生能力（例如，对家人或朋友的 "爱 "产生保护他们免受危险的英雄行动能力）。这种双重特征将情感与事件组合中的情感流紧密联系在一起（德勒兹，1988：50-1），同时也提供了一种方法来理论化情感如何成为 "成为"，从而促进生活、社会和历史的发展（Thrift，2004：61）。

Readers will recall that within an assemblage (for instance, a ‘sexuality-assemblage’ such as we explored in Chapter 6), there will be multiple flows of affects; however, only part of this flow will concern what a body can feel and how it affects other bodies or objects as a consequence of feelings or emotions (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 400). So while ‘emotions’ may be both outcomes and producers of affects, the broader conceptualization of affects in materialist sociology requires that emotions be understood as a sub-category of affects. Consequently, while emotions and feelings may be affects (that produce states of bodies or minds), only a minority of affects are emotions or feelings. This formulation recognizes that emotions may contribute to the affect economies of many assemblages, but does not require them as necessary elements of an affective flow. That said, emotions may be very important in producing changes in states of bodies, collectivities, or social organizations. The intense affective capacity of emotions (Massumi, 1996: 228) may implicate them in many lines of flight, from ‘falling in love’ to engagement in social protest against injustice. We will address this in more detail later, when we explore the part emotion can play in social change.

读者会记得，在一个集合体中（例如，我们在第 6 章中探讨的 "性集合体"），会有多种情感流；然而，这种情感流只有一部分涉及一个身体能感受到什么，以及它如何影响其他身体或对象，作为感觉或情感的结果（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988 年：400）。因此，尽管 "情绪 "既可能是情感的结果，也可能是情感的生产者，但唯物主义社会学中更广泛的情感概念化要求将情绪理解为情感的一个子类别。因此，虽然情绪和情感可能是情感（产生身体或心理状态），但只有少数情感是情绪或情感。这种表述承认情绪可能有助于许多组合的情感经济，但并不要求它们成为情感流的必要元素。尽管如此，情绪对于改变身体、集体或社会组织的状态可能非常重要。情绪的强烈情感能力（Massumi, 1996: 228）可能会将它们牵涉到从 "坠入爱河 "到参与对不公正的社会抗议等许多方面。稍后，当我们探讨情感在社会变革中的作用时，我们将更详细地讨论这个问题。

To explore and develop this sociology of emotions in terms of this understanding of the relationship between emotions and affects, let us consider a couple of examples of how emotions contribute to social production. The first example addresses the subject of romantic love; the second examines the potentially related topic of erectile dysfunction!

为了从这种对情绪与情感之间关系的理解来探讨和发展这种情绪社会学，让我们举几个例子来说明情绪是如何促进社会生产的。第一个例子是关于浪漫爱情的，第二个例子是关于勃起功能障碍的！

The love - assemblage

爱 - 组合

Love is a social form, phenomenon and emotion that has been subjected to much social scientific analysis and debate (Belli et al., 2010; Jackson, 1993). However, our approach to a sociology of love will not - as a conventional sociology might - look to experiential data, discourses or social structures for insights, but instead will consider the ‘love-assemblage’.

爱情是一种社会形式、社会现象和社会情感，已经过许多社会科学分析和辩论（Belli et al.）然而，我们的爱情社会学研究方法不会像传统社会学那样，从经验数据、话语或社会结构中寻找启示，而是会考虑 "爱情组合"。

A love-assemblage comprises those human and non-human relations that assemble as a consequence of the affective flows between them, and from which emerges the specifications and lines of flight that inter alia produce ‘love’ and other social, psychological and physical consequences. Here are some of the relations in a love-assemblage, as revealed in an extract from an interview with the young philosophy student Neil (whom we also encountered in Chapter 6), from our study of young men’s sexualities (Alldred and Fox, 2015). He said:

爱的组合包括人类和非人类之间的关系，这些关系是它们之间情感流动的结果，并由此产生了产生 "爱 "和其他社会、心理和生理后果的规格和飞行路线。以下是我们对年轻男性的性行为研究（Alldred and Fox, 2015）中对年轻哲学系学生尼尔（我们在第 6 章中也遇到过他）的访谈摘录所揭示的爱情组合中的一些关系。他说

... I fell in love with this girl. It was like our first love kind of thing It’s like,

...我爱上了这个女孩就像我们的初恋一样

it’s like a, it’s like a kind of bubble amongst the ah ... I don’t know, because the world’s pretty ... I don’t want to say dark, because that’s a bit unfair. But it’s not ... it’s kind of like ... scary sometimes ... when you think about how much shit is going on on the earth, and how many wars and all that. And I think loving ...one other person is a, it’s a good way of just, kind of, finding a meaning. You know, it feels like it’s not all for nothing, and that there is a point.

它就像一个，它就像一个气泡，在......我不知道，因为这个世界很...我不想说黑暗 因为这有点不公平但它并不......它有点像......有时很可怕......当你想到地球上发生了多少糟糕的事情，有多少战争等等。我觉得爱......一个人是一种很好的方式，可以找到一种意义。你知道，这让人觉得这一切并不是徒劳无功，而是有意义的。

From this and other parts of the interview, Neil’s ‘love-assemblage’ can be populated with relations and affects. Along with Neil and his girlfriend were other relations: to the events in Neil’s life that he might share; to world events; to a meaning for his life; and to his conception of a bubble secure and safe from circumstances; also to his male friends; to other girls he met but with whom he felt unable to have sexual relations; to former girlfriends, and to conceptions of male and female sexuality. But of course, we may also conjecture many other relations: the public and private places and spaces where lovers meet; the food, drink and other consumables that form a backcloth to their interaction, perhaps a ring or other relationship memorabilia. Then there are social norms and codes of love, relationships and ‘going out’ in Western culture, even of ‘chivalry’; cultural models of masculinity and femininity; the commercialization and commodification of love; institutions and ideals of marriage and so forth. How these disparate relations affect each other critically determines if what emerges is a ‘love-’ assemblage, as opposed to a ‘hate-’, ‘creativity-’, ‘health-’ assemblage, or whatever.

从访谈的这一部分和其他部分来看，尼尔的 "爱的组合 "中充满了各种关系和影响。除了尼尔和他的女友之外，还有其他一些关系：与尼尔生活中他可能分享的事件的关系；与世界事件的关系；与他的生活意义的关系；与他对一个安全的、不受环境影响的泡沫的概念的关系；与他的男性朋友的关系；与他遇到的其他女孩的关系，但他觉得无法与她们发生性关系；与以前的女友的关系，以及与男性和女性的性观念的关系。当然，我们还可以推测出许多其他关系：恋人见面的公共和私人场所和空间；构成他们互动背景的食物、饮料和其他消费品，也许还有戒指或其他关系纪念品。还有西方文化中关于爱情、关系和 "外出 "的社会规范和准则，甚至是 "骑士精神"；男性和女性的文化模式；爱情的商业化和商品化；婚姻制度和理想等等。这些不同的关系如何相互影响，决定了所产生的是 "爱 "的组合，还是 "恨"、"创造力"、"健康 "等的组合。

Drawing on the principles for a materialist ontology already established in this book, we can identify three aspects of what part emotions play in assemblages and affective flows, and in territorializing capacities and desires.

根据本书中已经确立的唯物主义本体论原则，我们可以从三个方面来确定情感在组合和情感流动中，以及在领土化能力和欲望中所扮演的角色。

First, an assemblage is produced and held together by affects. As in any other assemblage, we may uncover many different kinds of affects in a loveassemblage, producing all sorts of different capacities for action, desire or feeling. Some affects may be physical (for instance, a kiss or a hug from a lover can produce sensations in the recipient, which in turn may produce a further physical effect such as sexual arousal, perhaps alongside cognitive or emotional capacities). Affects can specify/territorialize desires, perhaps producing a decision to go out to an event or a ‘romantic’ meal, or create a subject-position (as boyfriend, partner, couple), or even to end the affair. Social and cultural affects such as norms of sexual behaviour or concepts such as ‘romance’ or monogamy will affect bodies in the assemblage. Some affects will produce a capacity in a body to feel, what is commonly called an emotional response such as love, sadness, jealousy or sexual desire (Deleuze, 1990: 246). All these capacities are themselves affects, representing the potential that a body has to act. As bodily capacities (to love, to care, and so forth), ‘emotions’ are thus produced in the same way as, and entangled with, other capacities.

首先，组合是由情感产生并维系在一起的。与其他组合体一样，我们可能会在爱情组合体中发现许多不同种类的影响，从而产生各种不同的行动、欲望或感觉能力。有些影响可能是身体上的（例如，爱人的一个吻或一个拥抱会在接受者身上产生感觉，进而产生进一步的身体影响，如性兴奋，也许还有认知或情感能力）。情感可以使欲望具体化/属地化，也许会产生外出参加活动或享用 "浪漫 "晚餐的决定，或者创造一个主体位置（作为男友、伴侣、情侣），甚至结束这段恋情。社会和文化影响，如性行为规范或 "浪漫 "或一夫一妻制等概念，都会影响到组合中的身体。有些影响会在身体中产生感受能力，即通常所说的情感反应，如爱、悲伤、嫉妒或性欲（德勒兹，1990: 246）。所有这些能力本身就是影响，代表着身体行动的潜能。因此，作为身体能力（爱、关心等），"情感 "与其他能力以同样的方式产生，并与其他能力纠缠在一起。

Second, the affects in a love-assemblage flow. Because affects produce capacities in assembled relations, these capacities will result in single or multiple further affects, producing the affective flow in the assemblage. As emotions are themselves affects in the love-assemblage, they can alter, augment or reduce the lovers’ capacities or desires, and consequently shape the potential for these bodies to affect other relations in the assemblage, contributing to the flow of affect. Emotions thus sit alongside physical actions, memories and ideas as part of the rhizomic flow of affects that may coerce, discipline, habituate, subjectify, provide meanings or otherwise territorialize bodies and the social world. Those such as love, anger or fear may be powerful motivators of action (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 240), while even a ‘weaker’ feeling associated with a kiss or a gift may lead to a decision to go to a movie, to have sex or get married. Because such flows are the means of production of bodies, the social world and human history (Thrift, 2004: 61), it is via this affective flow that emotions contribute to social production.

其次，爱情组合中的情感是流动的。由于情感在组合关系中产生能力，这些能力将导致单个或多个进一步的情感，从而在组合关系中产生情感流动。由于情感本身就是爱情组合中的情感，它们可以改变、增强或削弱恋人们的能力或欲望，从而形成这些身体影响组合中其他关系的潜力，促进情感的流动。因此，情感与身体行为、记忆和思想并列，是情感根瘤流的一部分，可以胁迫、约束、习惯化、主体化、提供意义或以其他方式使身体和社会世界地域化。爱、愤怒或恐惧可能是行动的强大动力（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：240），而即使是与一个吻或一份礼物相关的 "较弱 "情感，也可能促使人们决定去看电影、发生性关系或结婚。由于这种流动是身体、社会世界和人类历史的生产方式（Thrift, 2004: 61），情感正是通过这种情感流动促进社会生产的。

Third, a love-assemblage that incorporates bodies, things, social forms and abstract concepts cuts across natural and social worlds, and also across micro- and macro-levels, public and private, institutional and autonomous realms (Beckman, 2011: 10). So, for example, a love assemblage may link the bedroom to the boardrooms of Valentine’s Day card companies; the clubs and pubs where attachments form, morph and evaporate; the legislatures and courts where the cultural limits on love are demarcated from stalking, sexual harassment and worse; the manufacturers and retailers of alcohol, beauty products and sex aids; even the pages of academic and medical journals and books that discuss sexuality or emotions. While this undermines any sense that emotions (as part of affective flows) are exclusively private, embodied phenomena, it also establishes the part they play within the flow of affect that produces cultures, social movements and the sweep of history, and also the very physiological way in which the social may engage with the physicality of bodies.

第三，包含身体、事物、社会形式和抽象概念的爱情组合跨越自然和社会世界，也跨越微观和宏观、公共和私人、制度和自主领域（贝克曼，2011：10）。因此，举例来说，爱情集合体可以将卧室与情人节贺卡公司的会议室联系在一起；在俱乐部和酒吧中，依恋关系形成、演变和消失；在立法机构和法院中，爱情的文化界限与跟踪、性骚扰和更恶劣的行为划清界限；在酒类、美容产品和性辅助工具的制造商和零售商之间；甚至在讨论性或情感的学术和医学期刊和书籍的页面上。虽然这有损于情感（作为情感流的一部分）完全是私人的、身体的现象这一观点，但它也确立了情感在产生文化、社会运动和历史的情感流中所扮演的角色，以及社会可能与身体的物理性接触的生理方式。

These elaborations establish a perspective on emotions that both constrains and massively enhances understanding of how they contribute to social life. In a love-assemblage, on one hand, a lover’s feelings/emotions are merely one component in the wider affectivity that circulates through her/his body and life. Emotion is not a ‘missing link’ (as claimed by some theorists) between the biological and the social: actually such links must be ubiquitous and commonplace in assemblages in which bodies are affected or affect: physically, psychologically, socially or as reflexive subjects. Just because an emotion is ‘felt’ does not single it out from other ways bodies are affected by other bodies, things or ideas. On the other hand, emotions (alongside other affects) perform an important role within the flows that produce a lover, her/his unfolding life, and all the other relations that coalesce around her/his actions, feelings, desires and interactions. The significance of an emotion is not as a bodily response to an event, but as a capacity to affect.

这些阐述确立了一种关于情感的视角，这种视角既限制又极大地增强了人们对情感如何促进社会生活的理解。一方面，在爱情组合中，恋人的感觉/情绪只是贯穿其身体和生活的更广泛情感的一个组成部分。情感并不是生物与社会之间的 "缺失环节"（正如某些理论家所宣称的那样）：实际上，在身体受到影响或影响的组合中，这种环节必然是无处不在、司空见惯的：身体上的、心理上的、社会上的或作为反思主体的。仅仅因为情绪是 "感觉到的"，并不能将其与身体受其他身体、事物或观念影响的其他方式区分开来。另一方面，情绪（与其他情感一起）在产生恋人、恋人不断发展的生活以及围绕恋人的行为、情感、欲望和互动的所有其他关系的流动中扮演着重要角色。情感的意义不在于对事件的身体反应，而在于影响的能力。

Re-framing emotion as an element of affectivity draws a sociology of emotion back firmly to the wider processes of production of bodies and social life. Affects have the power to switch bodies ‘from one mode to another in terms of attention, arousal, interest, receptivity, stimulation, attentiveness, action, reaction, and inaction’ (Clough, 2004: 15). In this economy of affects, assemblages of bodies, subjectivities and experiences flow together with social movements and organizations, political doctrines and geo-economics, and emotions may be important elements of these affect economies. This can be illustrated by a second example not unrelated to love, from Fox and Ward’s (2008) study of Viagra and erectile dysfunction (ED). This study reveals how bodies, technologies, markets and biomedicine assemble around a sexual capacity. One brief extract from an interview with a study respondent known as ‘George’ can provide a flavour of this economy.

将情感重新构建为情感的一个要素，使情感社会学牢牢地回到了更广泛的身体和社会生活的生产过程中。情感具有将身体 "从注意、唤醒、兴趣、接受、刺激、专注、行动、反应和不行动的一种模式切换到另一种模式 "的力量（Clough，2004：15）。在这种情感经济中，身体、主体性和经验的组合与社会运动和组织、政治理论和地缘经济一起流动，情感可能是这些情感经济的重要元素。福克斯和沃德（Fox and Ward，2008 年）对伟哥和勃起功能障碍（ED）的研究提供了第二个与爱情无关的例子。这项研究揭示了身体、技术、市场和生物医学是如何围绕性能力进行组合的。从对一位被称为 "乔治 "的研究对象的访谈中，我们可以简要地了解这种经济。

I was panicking because of not being able to maintain my erection ... sometimes it went down totally, (which) was really disappointing my partner. From that moment I guess I got performance anxiety. My best friend at the office introduced me to Viagra a week after he saw my attitude change at the office due to my noticeable depression. Thanks to Viagra, I feel I am gaining my manhood again, but now I’m lazy of doing sex without the blue pill. I am now becoming a big fan of Viagra, and afraid of having sex without (it).

我因为无法保持勃起而感到恐慌......有时会完全勃不起来，（这）真的让我的伴侣很失望。从那时起，我想我得了 "表现焦虑症"。我在办公室最好的朋友在看到我在办公室的态度因明显的抑郁而改变后，介绍我服用伟哥一周。多亏了伟哥，我感觉自己又找回了男子气概，但现在我已经懒得在没有蓝色药丸的情况下做爱了。我现在成了 "伟哥 "的忠实粉丝，害怕没有 "伟哥 "的性生活。

The flow of affects in George’s assemblage may readily be discerned: his erectile (in)capacity with his partner produced emotions - performance anxiety, and then feelings of depression that altered his behaviour. Seeing this led his colleague to suggest George used Viagra. The Viagra treatment had multiple affects, producing new physical capacities, a new subjectivity (as a Viagra-enhanced man), and further emotions: joy at his new-found erectile function and then a new performance anxiety: of attempting sex without pharmaceutical assistance.

在乔治的作品中，我们可以很容易地看出情感的流动：他与伴侣之间的勃起（不）能力产生了情绪--表现焦虑，然后是抑郁情绪，这些情绪改变了他的行为。看到这一点，他的同事建议乔治使用伟哥。伟哥治疗产生了多重影响，产生了新的生理能力、新的主体性（作为伟哥增强的男人）以及更多的情绪：对新发现的勃起功能的喜悦，然后是新的表现焦虑：在没有药物帮助的情况下尝试性。

The affective flow thus progressively transformed elements within the ED-assemblage. But within this affect economy were not only George, his partner, his penis, his colleague and the Viagra tablet, but also the pharmaceutical company that produced it; biomedical and scientific knowledge; the social relations of capitalist accumulation; government regulation and licensing of medicines; the flow of money between health services, manufacturers and consumers, and so forth (Fox and Ward, 2008: 862). Affects between George, Viagra and all these other elements in the assemblage linked bedroom and multinational corporation; sexual performance and financial performance; while emotions (performance anxiety, depression, self-esteem, admiration for the drug and more performance anxiety) played key parts in sustaining the flow that produced this unfolding sequence of events.

因此，情感流逐渐改变了 ED 组合中的各种元素。但在这种情感经济中，不仅有乔治、他的伴侣、他的阴茎、他的同事和伟哥药片，还有生产伟哥的制药公司；生物医学和科学知识；资本主义积累的社会关系；政府对药品的监管和许可；医疗服务、制造商和消费者之间的资金流动等等（Fox and Ward, 2008: 862）。乔治、伟哥和组合中的所有其他元素之间的关系将卧室和跨国公司、性表现和财务表现联系在一起，而情绪（表现焦虑、抑郁、自尊、对药物的钦佩以及更多的表现焦虑）在维持产生这一系列事件的流动中发挥了关键作用。

These two illustrations suggest how a materialist sociology of emotions connects into the wider affective sociological imagination that we have been developing in this book. It also establishes the means to analyse theoretically and empirically how emotions and desires may contribute to the on-going production of social life. Emotions are no longer oddities - throw-backs to a pre-rational social world - but fundamentally implicated in all aspects of social continuities and changes, from social divisions and inequalities, through work and citizenship to social movements and change (Clough, 2004： 19-20), and in the possibilities for lines of flight out of repression and oppression (Tamboukou, 2003： 222).

这两个例子说明，唯物主义情感社会学如何与我们在本书中展开的更广泛的情感社会学想象相联系。它还为从理论和实证角度分析情感和欲望如何促进社会生活的持续产生提供了方法。情感不再是奇特的东西，不再是对前理性社会世界的回溯，而是从根本上牵涉到社会延续和变革的方方面面，从社会分化和不平等，到工作和公民权，再到社会运动和变革（Clough，2004：19-20），以及摆脱压抑和压迫的可能性（Tamboukou，2003：222）。

By looking at emotions in terms of affects and assemblages of human/ non-human relations, what this chapter has established so far is that emotions contribute to the production of social life, but crucially - as part of the general flow of affect that circulates between bodies, the physical and the social world. For the sociologist, the interest shifts from speculations about cognitive or neurochemical processes, or the biological or evolutionary purposes of emotionality (Dalgleish, 2004; Turner and Stets, 2005： 6) to consider how emotions and affects transform bodies and the world. Emotions are sociologically significant not because they are ‘special’, but because of their potency as products and producers of affect within the assemblages that create the social world. It is this latter characteristic that makes them sociologically interesting, particularly when it comes to social change.

通过从情感和人类/非人类关系组合的角度来看待情感，本章迄今为止所确立的观点是，情感有助于社会生活的产生，但至关重要的是，情感是在身体、物质世界和社会世界之间循环的总体情感流的一部分。对于社会学家来说，兴趣已经从对认知或神经化学过程的猜测，或情感的生物或进化目的（Dalgleish，2004；Turner and Stets，2005：6）转移到对情绪和情感如何改变身体和世界的思考上。情绪之所以具有社会学意义，不是因为它们 "特殊"，而是因为它们在创造社会世界的组合中作为情感的产物和生产者所具有的效力。正是这后一个特点使它们具有社会学意义，尤其是在涉及社会变革时。

Emotions, social continuity and social change

情感、社会连续性和社会变革

Having established a materialist sociology of affective flow in which emotions play a part, we want to return to where this chapter began, to examine afresh the many (perhaps all) areas of social life that possess an emotional component, but now informed by a holistic approach to generalized affect rather than one constrained by an anthropocentric focus predicated upon emotions as embodied responses to environmental stimuli. Though emotions have not been widely credited by sociologists as significant factors in social production, there are a range of studies that have revealed how emotions - amongst other factors - play a part in social change. Previous sociological research has revealed how emotions contribute to politics and protest (Jasper, 2011： 286), social movements (Ahmed, 2004： 42; Bensimon, 2012; Jasper, 1998) and social change (Summers-Effler, 2002), as well as in many aspects of daily life, from collective outpourings of grief over the death of a celebrity to the everyday laughter of children (Thrift, 2004： 57).

在建立了情感在其中发挥作用的唯物主义情感流社会学之后，我们想回到本章开始的地方，重新审视社会生活中许多（也许是所有）具有情感成分的领域，但现在是以一种全面的方法来看待普遍的情感，而不是受制于人类中心主义的关注点，即情感是对环境刺激的体现性反应。尽管社会学家并未普遍认为情感是社会生产的重要因素，但有一系列研究揭示了情感--除其他因素外--如何在社会变革中发挥作用。以往的社会学研究揭示了情绪如何促进政治和抗议（Jasper，2011：286）、社会运动（Ahmed，2004：42；Bensimon，2012；Jasper，1998）和社会变革（Summers-Effler，2002），以及日常生活的许多方面，从对名人去世的集体悲痛到儿童的日常欢笑（Thrift，2004：57）。

From the perspective of an affective sociology, we may attend to emotions as part and parcel of the affective flows that produce these sociological forms. Durkheim (1976： 218) might have described the integrative functions of ‘collective effervescence’ even in what appear quite dis-integrative phenomena, such as popular uprisings in the Middle East or civil unrest over austerity. By contrast, a materialist view would re-analyse the part that emotion plays in social protest in terms of assemblages within which reasoned argument, law, ideology, social organization, rights, physical coercion and emotions such as anger and joy flow together. Together these affect economies may produce lines of flight from aggregative authorities such as ‘the State’ or particular policies; within this flow of affect what bodies can feel is a key element of what they can ‘do’ (Jasper, 1998; Tamboukou, 2006). Reason and emotion are no longer opposed or contradictory as in many sociological analyses (Leys, 2011), but components together within the broad flow that drives a multiplicity of social processes, from political change to mob violence.

从情感社会学的角度来看，我们可以将情感视为产生这些社会学形式的情感流动的一部分。杜克海姆（Durkheim，1976： 218）可能曾描述过 "集体涌动 "的整合功能，即使是在中东的人民起义或紧缩政策引发的内乱等看似很不整合的现象中也是如此。相比之下，唯物主义观点将从理性论证、法律、意识形态、社会组织、权利、人身强制以及愤怒和喜悦等情绪的集合体的角度，重新分析情绪在社会抗议中所扮演的角色。在这些情感经济的共同作用下，可能会产生逃离 "国家 "或特定政策等综合权威的路线；在这种情感流动中，身体所能感受到的是他们所能 "做 "的关键因素（Jasper, 1998; Tamboukou, 2006）。理性与情感不再像许多社会学分析那样对立或矛盾（Leys, 2011），而是共同构成了推动从政治变革到暴民暴力等多种社会进程的广泛流动。

Areas ripe for sociological consideration include the interplay of emotion and reason in religion, faith and rituals (Riis and Woodhead, 2010: 94), or the role of national commemorations and celebrations such as Thanksgiving or May Day in producing and sustaining national identities or contributing to social integration. Sentiment has long been recognized as playing a key part in the movements of stock and commodity markets (Venn, 2010: 158), as dealers try to predict future trends to achieve a profit or avoid a loss - with impacts upon economies and governments. High-profile sporting set-pieces such as the American Football Superbowl or the ‘Ashes’ test matches between English and Australian cricket teams are emotionally charged events that can have consequences beyond the sports world, drawing people into collective reactions to victory or defeat of elation or despondency. Nick’s study of the London 2012 Olympic Games (Fox, 2013) traced the part that emotions played from the moment in 2005 when the Olympics were awarded to London, through fears and anger concerning security arrangements and the highs and lows of sporting achievements, to the closing ceremony and the Games’ ‘legacy’ of sporting facilities and the dramatic urban regeneration of a large tract of east London.

社会学研究的成熟领域包括宗教、信仰和仪式中情感与理智的相互作用（Riis and Woodhead, 2010: 94），或感恩节或五一节等民族纪念和庆祝活动在产生和维持民族认同或促进社会融合方面的作用。人们早已认识到，情绪在股票和商品市场走势中起着关键作用（Venn，2010: 158），因为交易商试图预测未来趋势，以获得利润或避免损失--这对经济和政府都有影响。备受瞩目的体育赛事，如美国橄榄球超级杯赛或英国板球队与澳大利亚板球队之间的 "灰烬 "测试赛，都是情绪激动的事件，其后果可能超越体育世界，吸引人们对胜利或失败做出欣喜或沮丧的集体反应。尼克对 2012 年伦敦奥运会的研究（福克斯，2013 年）追溯了从 2005 年伦敦获得奥运会举办权那一刻开始，情绪所发挥的作用，包括对安保安排的恐惧和愤怒，以及体育成就的高低起伏，直至闭幕式和奥运会 "遗产"--体育设施和伦敦东部大片地区戏剧性的城市改造。

These studies, along with the Viagra example noted earlier, suggest the part emotions play in producing unfolding social life, their contribution to the affec- tivity of the world, and the need for sociology to attend to them seriously. However, while we wish to acknowledge emotions as elements in many social affect economies it would be wrong to attach too much weight to them, or to imply that social processes are driven by emotions alone. Rather, our analysis suggests that emotions need to be recognized as a contributory element in many event-assemblages, alongside memories, imagination, reflections, and of course the wider panoply of material relations and affects that we have been exploring throughout this book. To explore the affectivity of emotions in this broader context, and their impact on social change and continuity, we will draw the threads of our argument together by re-thinking one of sociology’s early forays into emotion: the idea of the ‘moral panic’.

这些研究，连同前面提到的 "伟哥 "的例子，都表明了情绪在社会生活中的作用，它们对世界的亲和力的贡献，以及社会学认真关注它们的必要性。然而，尽管我们希望承认情感是许多社会影响经济的要素，但过分重视情感或暗示社会进程仅由情感驱动都是错误的。相反，我们的分析表明，在许多事件组合中，情感需要与记忆、想象力、反思，当然还有我们在本书中一直在探讨的更广泛的物质关系和情感一起，被视为一个促成因素。为了在这一更广泛的背景下探讨情绪的情感性及其对社会变革和延续的影响，我们将通过重新思考社会学对情绪的早期探索之一："道德恐慌 "这一概念，将我们的论点串联起来。

Moral panics revisited

重温道德恐慌

One of sociology,s most evocative concepts (and one - which as earlier noted - has passed into popular discourse) is the imoral panic,, as set out in work by writers such as Stan Cohen (1973, 2002) and Jock Young (1971, 2009). The idea of a moral panic encompasses the outbreak of mass anxiety surrounding a perceived social problem, for instance in relation to migration, youth or sexualities (Cohen, 1973, 2002; Marsh and Melville, 2011; McRobbie and Thornton, 1995). They are of interest to us here because they appear to be founded upon iirrational, or emotional reactions to an event (Cohen, 2002: 37-40; Young, 2009: 4), often with negative consequences that contributed to the creation, deployment and reproduction of social categorizations and mobilizations (Ahmed, 2004: 46-9).

斯坦-科恩（Stan Cohen）（1973 年，2002 年）和乔克-扬（Jock Young）（1971 年，2009 年）等作家的著作中提出了 "不道德的恐慌"（imoral panic）这一概念，它是社会学中最令人回味的概念之一（如前所述，这一概念已被大众所接受）。道德恐慌的概念包括围绕某一社会问题爆发的大规模焦虑，例如与移民、青年或性有关的问题（Cohen, 1973, 2002; Marsh and Melville, 2011; McRobbie and Thornton, 1995）。我们在此之所以对它们感兴趣，是因为它们似乎建立在对某一事件的理性或情绪反应之上（Cohen, 2002: 37-40；Young, 2009: 4），通常会产生负面影响，促进社会分类和动员的创建、部署和复制（Ahmed, 2004: 46-9）。

We will focus here upon one of the earlier descriptions of a moral panic, Cohen's (1973, 2002) analysis of the anxieties experienced in 1960s Britain about rival youth gangs of 'mods' and 'rockers,. Crowds of young people - who identified themselves with these sub-cultures via dress, musical taste and outlook - gathered in seaside towns during holiday weekends, often fighting each other and the police, damaging property and disrupting the resorts. The mass media reported these incidents in text and pictures, fuelling both prurient fascination and anxieties in their (often older, middle-class or iestablishment') readers (Cohen, 2002: 37). This reaction contributed both to negative labelling of young people as anti-social or morally wayward, and to a pro-active and arguably heavy-handed response by police and magistrates when dealing with subsequent gatherings of young people (2002: 71-4).

在此，我们将重点讨论较早对道德恐慌的描述之一，即科恩（1973 年，2002 年）对 20 世纪 60 年代英国 "Mods "和 "Rockers "敌对青年帮派的焦虑所做的分析。在周末假期，成群结队的年轻人聚集在海滨小镇，他们通过着装、音乐品味和观念认同这些亚文化，经常互相厮打并与警察发生冲突，破坏财产，扰乱度假胜地。大众媒体通过文字和图片报道了这些事件，激发了读者（通常是年长的中产阶级或 "建制派"）的好奇心和焦虑感（Cohen, 2002:37）。这种反应既助长了给年轻人贴上反社会或道德偏差的负面标签，也助长了警察和地方法官在处理后来的年轻人聚集事件时采取积极主动、可以说是严厉的应对措施（2002: 71-4）。

Cohen,s assessment of the societal reaction to these events - the imoral panic, - was that this represented an exaggerated response (2002: 19), in part fuelled by media attention, but reflecting underlying and pre-existent anxieties, specifically concerning young, working-class men (2002: viii). These young men became a ifolk devil,, a demonized category that provoked fear and uncertainty in others. For Cohen (2002: 1), from time to time, ‘a condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests,. Young, writing in 2009, has suggested that the fabrication of such folk devils (and the ensuing moral panics) are not random, but itrigger points,, reflecting underlying imoral disturbances rooted in significant structural and value changes within society, (Young, 2009: 4). Other contemporary ifolk devils,, Cohen argued in the 2002 edition of his book, include drug-users, paedophiles, welfare cheats, single mothers and asylum seekers (Cohen, 2002: xii-xviii), most of which are still demonized in some quarters of the media as we write in 2016.

科恩对社会对这些事件的反应--不道德的恐慌--的评价是，这是一种夸张的反应（2002: 19），部分原因是媒体的关注，但也反映了潜在的、预先存在的焦虑，特别是对年轻的工人阶级男性的焦虑（2002: viii）。这些年轻男性成了 "民间魔鬼"，一个被妖魔化的类别，引发他人的恐惧和不确定性。科恩（2002: 1）认为，"时不时会出现一种情况、一个事件、一个人或一群人被定义为对社会价值和利益的威胁"。Young 于 2009 年撰文指出，此类民间魔鬼的产生（以及随之而来的道德恐慌）并非偶然，而是触发点，反映了植根于社会结构和价值观重大变化的潜在不道德行为（Young, 2009: 4）。科恩在其 2002 年版著作中指出，其他当代 "民间魔鬼 "包括吸毒者、恋童癖者、骗取福利者、单身母亲和寻求庇护者（Cohen, 2002: xi-xviii），在我们撰写 2016 年的文章时，其中大多数仍被某些媒体妖魔化。

In the context of the concerns of this chapter, moral panics such as those around the mods and rockers studied by Cohen, or more recently, around mass migration from Middle East war zones, pornography and paedophilia, are of interest because of how emotions are implicated. Emotions are involved both in

就本章所关注的问题而言，道德恐慌，如科恩所研究的围绕 mods 和摇滚乐手的道德恐慌，或最近围绕中东战区大规模移民、色情和恋童癖的道德恐慌，都是令人感兴趣的，因为情感是如何被牵扯进来的。情绪既涉及

demonizing a category of event or person, and in the subsequent reaction to the events that precipitate the moral panic. The emotions invoked in the former may include fear, anger, hostility, outrage resentment or jealousy (Cohen, 2002: 37, 160-5), while reactions to the latter may include any of these emotions, or a more generalized sense of outrage or moral indignation (2002: 167).

将某类事件或个人妖魔化，以及随后对引发道德恐慌的事件的反应。前者引发的情绪可能包括恐惧、愤怒、敌意、愤慨、怨恨或嫉妒（Cohen, 2002: 37, 160-5），而后者的反应可能包括上述任何一种情绪，或更普遍的愤慨或道德义愤（2002: 167）。

Returning to the contribution of emotions to processes of social production and social change, Cohen’s case study suggests two ways in which this occurs during moral panics. First, moral panics may lead to demands for authorities to take punitive sanctions against the demonized group, and to responses by politicians, police and judges to address these demands through law-making and tougher sentencing - this is where moral panic translates into ‘moral indignation’, a response imbued with emotion (Young, 2009: 10). In more recent episodes of moral panic (most notably around paedophilia), there may also be vigilantism and violence directed against those demonized by members of the public. Second, in what Cohen (2002: 167) called ‘deviancy amplification’, a moral panic precipitated by specific events will confirm (demonized) stereotypes of the people or groups involved, sustaining society’s continued emotional responses to that group. In both cases, we see emotions acting affectively, contributing to an affective flow that produces the social world and social identities.

回到情绪对社会生产和社会变革过程的贡献，科恩的案例研究提出了在道德恐慌中发生这种情况的两种方式。首先，道德恐慌可能导致要求当局对被妖魔化的群体采取惩罚性制裁措施，并导致政治家、警察和法官通过制定法律和更严厉的判决来满足这些要求--这就是道德恐慌转化为 "道德义愤 "的地方，一种充满情感的反应（Young, 2009: 10）。在最近的道德恐慌事件中（最明显的是恋童癖），还可能出现针对被公众妖魔化的人的私刑和暴力行为。其次，在科恩（2002: 167）所称的 "偏差放大 "中，由特定事件引发的道德恐慌会确认对相关人员或群体的（妖魔化的）刻板印象，从而维持社会对该群体的持续情绪反应。在这两种情况下，我们都可以看到情绪在情感上的作用，它促成了一种情感流，而这种情感流产生了社会世界和社会身份。

However, the materialist analysis of emotions and affects that we have developed in this chapter suggests three divergences from Cohen’s (and others’) interpretations of these processes of demonization and moral panic, and the contribution emotions make to them. First, sociological analysis of moral panics treats the public’s reactions to events such as the mod/rocker gatherings and violence as outcomes or ‘warning signs’ of a ‘real, much deeper and more prevalent’ social malaise (Cohen, 2002: viii; Young, 2009: 4). In the case of the mods and rockers, Cohen argued, the emotions of fear, resentment and so forth were markers of deep-seated antagonism between older people’s experiences of wartime and post-war austerity and a new generation that appeared affluent, self-confident, sexually free and dismissive of traditional values (Cohen, 2002: 162). This analysis reflects the kind of sociological ontology that we criticized in Chapter 4, in which a particular element of social structure - operating at a ‘deeper level’ than everyday interaction - is promoted as the ‘explanation’ for a phenomenon. By contrast, the materialist ‘sociology of association’ we developed in that chapter considers that it is these explanations that actually need to be explained. In the case of the moral panic around mods and rockers, it is the gatherings, violence and damage, and the reactions they generate (including ‘irrational’ emotional reactions) in public and media that are themselves productive (alongside many other events at that time, such as rock music, popular culture and sexual liberation) of divergences between generations and challenges to the established social order, class systems and so forth.

然而，我们在本章中对情绪和情感进行的唯物主义分析表明，科恩（和其他人）对这些妖魔化和道德恐慌过程的解释以及情绪对其所做的贡献有三点不同。首先，对道德恐慌的社会学分析将公众对 mod/rocker 聚会和暴力等事件的反应视为 "真实、更深刻、更普遍 "的社会弊病的结果或 "警示信号"（Cohen, 2002: viii; Young, 2009: 4）。科恩认为，就 mods 和摇滚乐手而言，恐惧、怨恨等情绪是老年人的战时和战后紧缩经历与新一代之间根深蒂固的对立的标志，而新一代显得富裕、自信、性自由，对传统价值观不屑一顾（Cohen, 2002: 162）。这种分析反映了我们在第 4 章中批评过的社会学本体论，即社会结构的某一特定要素--在比日常互动 "更深的层次 "运作--被推崇为对某一现象的 "解释"。相比之下，我们在该章中提出的唯物主义 "关联社会学 "则认为，实际上需要解释的正是这些解释。就围绕 mods 和摇滚乐手的道德恐慌而言，正是这些集会、暴力和破坏行为以及它们在公众和媒体中引起的反应（包括 "非理性 "的情绪反应）本身（与当时的许多其他事件，如摇滚音乐、流行文化和性解放等）产生了世代之间的分歧，并对既定的社会秩序、阶级制度等提出了挑战。

Second, we would regard events such as the mod/rocker encounters and the reactions that followed as shot through with emotion, from beginning to end. The demonization of mod and rocker sub-cultures and the moral panic that followed their seaside encounters are not the start of a social process, but products of a much longer chain of emotions and affects, in which reactions by young people against post-war austerity, norms and establishment values, identification with certain musical and fashion genres, financial independence from their parents and so forth produced a range of different popular culture formations and social identities, including ‘mods’ and ‘rockers’. These in turn led to events such as mass outings to seaside resorts, in which in-group camaraderie, antagonism to rival groups, music, drugs and sex provided a heady mix of emotions, as did the excitement and fear associated with violent encounters. We might also trace the affective chain forwards ‘rhizomically’ into the present, beyond the immediate media-fuelled panic and the reactions by police and politicians, into the future lives of those caught up in the events, in the laws that were passed to control mass gatherings and violence, and in the various youth cultures that succeeded mods and rockers.

其次，我们认为，MOD/摇滚乐手遭遇等事件及其后的反应自始至终都充满了情绪。对 mod 和摇滚乐手亚文化的妖魔化，以及海滨偶遇后的道德恐慌，并不是一个社会过程的开始，而是一连串更长的情绪和情感的产物，在这一过程中，年轻人对战后紧缩、规范和建制价值观的反应，对某些音乐和时尚流派的认同，以及从父母那里获得的经济独立等等，产生了一系列不同的流行文化形态和社会身份，包括 "mod "和 "摇滚乐手"。在这些活动中，群体内部的友情、与敌对群体的对立、音乐、毒品和性，以及与暴力冲突相关的兴奋和恐惧，都让人情绪激昂。我们还可以 "根深蒂固 "地追溯到现在的情感链，超越媒体引发的即时恐慌以及警察和政客的反应，追溯到那些被卷入事件的人的未来生活，追溯到为控制大规模集会和暴力而通过的法律，追溯到继 mods 和摇滚乐手之后的各种青年文化。

Finally, however, our assessment does not elevate emotions above other affects, and the affect economies that produce the chains of events comprise a variety of affects, of which emotions are just one element. While a moral panic might imply an irrational or emotional reaction to events (cf. Cohen, 2002: xxviii), it is potentially patronizing and anti-democratic for sociologists to assert that people’s reactions are exaggerated or disproportionate. These reactions may also be based upon firm evidence, or reasoned comparisons to past events, producing ‘non-emotional’ affects that contribute to a collective response labelled as a moral panic. Nor should the responses of law enforcers, judiciary or policymakers be considered as purely ‘emotional’ (over-)reactions to moral panics. Rather, the assemblages that produce these chains of events and their consequences will comprise all manner of affects, including memories, reflections, scientific evidence and theories. Whether or not an emotion acts to trigger a moral panic, our analytical focus needs to be upon the wider flow of affect through events.

最后，我们的评估并没有将情绪凌驾于其他情感之上，产生事件链的情感经济由各种情感组成，情绪只是其中的一个要素。虽然道德恐慌可能意味着对事件的非理性或情绪化反应（参见 Cohen, 2002: xxviii），但如果社会学家断言人们的反应是夸大或不相称的，则可能是偏袒和反民主的。这些反应也可能是基于确凿的证据，或与过去的事件进行合理的比较，从而产生 "非情感 "的影响，促成被称为道德恐慌的集体反应。执法者、司法人员或决策者的反应也不应被视为对道德恐慌的纯粹 "情感"（过度）反应。相反，产生这些连锁事件及其后果的集合体将包含各种形式的情感，包括记忆、反思、科学证据和理论。无论情绪是否引发了道德恐慌，我们的分析重点都应放在事件中更广泛的情感流动上。

It is worth noting in conclusion that not all moral panics are ‘negative’ (or to be more precise, not all are reactions by conservative forces favouring social continuity over social change). While preparing this book during the summer of 2015, the UK government seemed slow to respond to the migrant crisis unfolding as thousands fled Middle East conflicts to try to gain asylum in Europe. It took a widely-viewed news picture of a drowned child on a Greek beach, and a powerful subsequent reaction from the public (fuelled by social media and online petitions) to kick-start the government into action, and grudgingly offer sanctuary to some refugees. As such, emotions can be agents for social change. Indeed, Cohen (2002: xxxiii) argued, in the introduction to the third edition of his book, that change might be achieved by ‘encouraging moral panics about mass atrocities and political suffering' - though perhaps in such cases the label ‘moral panic’ for such social action may seem tenuous or even pejorative.

最后值得注意的是，并非所有的道德恐慌都是 "消极的"（或者更准确地说，并非所有的道德恐慌都是保守势力的反应，他们倾向于社会延续而非社会变革）。在2015年夏天编写本书时，英国政府似乎对正在发生的移民危机反应迟缓，因为成千上万的人逃离中东冲突，试图在欧洲获得庇护。希腊海滩上一名溺水儿童的新闻图片广为流传，公众随后做出了强烈反应（社交媒体和网上请愿起到了推波助澜的作用），政府才开始采取行动，勉强为一些难民提供庇护。因此，情感可以成为社会变革的动力。事实上，科恩（2002: xxxiii）在其著作第三版的导言中指出，"鼓励对大规模暴行和政治苦难的道德恐慌 "可以实现变革--尽管在这种情况下，为此类社会行动贴上 "道德恐慌 "的标签可能会显得不伦不类，甚至带有贬义。

We have devoted significant space to considering moral panics, as they provide a useful (and sociologically well-documented) illustration of the part that emotions play in everyday life, and potentially how they influence social order and policy. Moral panics are, of course, the exception: most everyday events do not produce such extreme and widespread reactions, though they may be just as dramatic for individuals caught up in them. But by focusing on these extreme events we have sought to show emotions as one element (and often a significant one) within the affect economy of events. At the same time, however, we have also asserted that they are not qualitatively different from other affects in an event-assemblage. Emotions need to be taken seriously by materialist sociologists, particularly because on occasions they may be powerfully affective triggers for action and ‘becoming’, but always as part of a wider assemblage.

我们用了大量篇幅来探讨道德恐慌，因为它们提供了一个有用的（且在社会学上有充分证据的）例子，说明情绪在日常生活中扮演的角色，以及它们可能如何影响社会秩序和政策。当然，道德恐慌是个例外：大多数日常事件都不会产生如此极端和广泛的反应，尽管对陷入其中的个人来说可能同样具有戏剧性。但是，通过关注这些极端事件，我们试图展示情绪是事件影响经济中的一个要素（而且往往是一个重要要素）。但与此同时，我们也断言，情绪与事件组合中的其他情感并无本质区别。唯物主义社会学家需要认真对待情感，特别是因为在某些情况下，情感可能是行动和 "成为 "的强大情感触发器，但情感始终是更广泛组合的一部分。

Summary

摘要

Our aim in this chapter has been to develop an intellectually-coherent materialist framework that steps away from considering emotion as an individualized embodied response to an environmental/social cue. Sociologically, emotions have to be appraised as more than simply an odd consequence of human evolution or the hard wiring of organs and nerve reflexes, or as a means to ;manage' individual or collective behaviour - for instance to produce docile air passengers or hospital patients.

我们在本章中的目标是建立一个理智上连贯的唯物主义框架，不再将情感视为对环境/社会线索的个体化体现反应。从社会学的角度来看，情绪不仅仅是人类进化或器官和神经反射的硬连接所产生的奇怪结果，也不仅仅是 "管理 "个人或集体行为的一种手段--例如，培养温顺的空中乘客或医院病人。

Instead, we have explored the flows of affect within relational assemblages of animate and inanimate, material and abstract, within which emotions are one aspect of how bodies and things affect and are affected, alongside many others. Affects come in many forms, some governed by physical ‘laws' of action and reaction, others by physiology or genetic codes that ‘hardwire' responses to stimuli, others by cognition, learning and conditioned reflexes, and still others by the forces that social and cultural theorists have postulated from their studies of power, control and resistance in social formations, institutions and other collectivities. Within this panoply of affects, emotions should be firmly located as one sub-category of affectivity.

相反，我们探讨了有生命和无生命、物质和抽象的关系组合中的情感流动，其中情感是身体和事物如何影响和被影响的一个方面，还有许多其他方面。情感有多种形式，有些受作用和反应的物理 "规律 "支配，有些受生理或遗传密码对刺激的 "硬线 "反应支配，有些受认知、学习和条件反射支配，还有些受社会和文化理论家通过对社会形态、机构和其他集体中的权力、控制和抵制的研究而推测出的力量支配。在这一系列情感中，情绪应被牢牢定位为情感的一个子类别。

While this analysis displaces emotions from their supposed unique position between biology and society (as we saw in Chapter 2, a materialist analysis reveals myriad ways in which the body and the social world affect each other), it reinvigorates sociological explorations of how emotions flow through social life, alongside instrumental and 'rational' engagements. It sets an agenda for an affective sociology that focuses not upon bodies, subjectivities and emotional responses, but upon capacities and social production. It requires sociology to take emotions seriously, as part of the processes that produce both social continuities and social change.

这种分析使情感脱离了其在生物与社会之间的所谓独特地位（正如我们在第 2 章中看到的，唯物主义分析揭示了身体与社会世界相互影响的无数方式），但它为社会学探索情感如何与工具性和 "理性 "参与一起流淌于社会生活注入了新的活力。它为情感社会学设定了一个议程，其重点不是身体、主观性和情感反应，而是能力和社会生产。它要求社会学认真对待情感，将其视为产生社会连续性和社会变革的过程的一部分。

Further reading

更多阅读

Ahmed, S. (2004) The Cultural Politics of Emotion. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Ahmed, S. (2004) The Cultural Politics of Emotion.爱丁堡：爱丁堡大学出版社。

Blackman, L. (2012) Immaterial Bodies: Affect, Embodiment, Mediation. London: Sage.

Blackman, L. (2012) Immaterial Bodies：Affect, Embodiment, Mediation.伦敦：Sage.

Fox, N.J. (2013) Flows of affect in the Olympic stadium, and beyond. Sociological Research Online, 18(2): 2. Accessed at: www.socresonline.org.uk/18/2/2.html

Fox, N.J. (2013) Flows of affect in the Olympic stadium, and beyond.Sociological Research Online, 18(2)：2.访问网址：www.socresonline.org.uk/18/2/2.html

Wetherell, M. (2012) Affect and Emotion: A New Social Science Understanding. London: Sage.

Wetherell, M. (2012) Affect and Emotion：A New Social Science Understanding.伦敦：Sage.

8 Health: Beyond the Body-with-Organs

8 健康：超越有器官的身体

Introduction

简介

In this chapter we consider another area that has been conventionally regarded as closely tied to individual human bodies - health and illness. As with the other topics in the middle section of this book (creativity, sexuality and emotions), our intention is to question the ways that sociology has linked health, bodies and the social world. We will use materialist analysis to break with an anthropocentric analysis, and to explore the issues in terms of the flow of affects that link bodies with a multitude of physical, psychological, sociocultural and abstract relations, and the associated affect economies. Once again, we will use the materialist toolkit of concepts and methods to re-think how sociology might engage with health and illness.

在本章中，我们将探讨另一个传统上被视为与人类个体身体密切相关的领域--健康与疾病。与本书中间部分的其他主题（创造力、性和情感）一样，我们的目的是质疑社会学将健康、身体和社会世界联系在一起的方式。我们将运用唯物主义分析方法，打破以人类为中心的分析方法，从将身体与多种生理、心理、社会文化和抽象关系联系在一起的情感流以及相关的情感经济学角度探讨问题。我们将再次使用唯物主义的概念和方法工具包，重新思考社会学如何与健康和疾病打交道。

A thread that has run through this volume is the effort by materialist scholars to move beyond some of the dualisms that invest sociology: structure/agency, nature/culture, micro/macro. As a sociological topic that has struggled with this dualistic heritage, the study of health and illness is no exception; indeed, the shortcomings of this way of thinking about the world are particularly clear when it comes to health. Sociology has often sought to differentiate a social perspective on health that can establish clear water from biological or biomedical conceptions of the body. However, it has become clear in recent scholarship on the sociology of the body (Fox, 2012; Williams and Bendelow, 1998b) that the body is both cultural and natural, and that a subject such as health must be explored across this (artificial) divide. Furthermore, it has been widely acknowledged that health involves both human agency and other forces in the natural and social worlds, and that our analysis requires attention to both the experiential aspects of health and illness and the wider contexts that produce economic and social divisions and inequalities in health and healthcare.

贯穿本卷的一条主线是唯物主义学者努力超越社会学中的一些二元论：结构/机构、自然/文化、微观/宏观。作为一个与这种二元论传统作斗争的社会学课题，对健康和疾病的研究也不例外；事实上，这种思考世界的方式的缺陷在涉及健康时尤为明显。社会学常常试图从社会角度来看待健康问题，从而与生物或生物医学的身体概念划清界限。然而，最近关于身体社会学的学术研究（Fox, 2012; Williams and Bendelow, 1998b）已经清楚地表明，身体既是文化的，也是自然的，像健康这样的主题必须跨越这一（人为的）鸿沟来探讨。此外，人们普遍承认，健康既涉及人的能动性，也涉及自然和社会世界中的其他力量，我们的分析需要同时关注健康和疾病的体验方面，以及在健康和医疗保健方面产生经济和社会分化及不平等的更广泛背景。

So we shall apply the alternative, ‘flat’ ontology that we have developed earlier in the book to establish a materialist understanding that sees health and illness not as attributes possessed to greater or lesser extents by individual bodies, but as processes that link bodies to their social and natural environment and define their capacities to do and think and desire. We will use the framework of affects, assemblages and micropolitics to provide a perspective upon health and illness as assemblages of relationships and connectivities that may incorporate other bodies, inanimate objects, institutions and ideas. Within these assemblages, neither biology nor the social is privileged over the other (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 336).

因此，我们将运用我们在本书前面提出的另一种 "扁平 "本体论来建立一种唯物主义的理解，即健康和疾病不是单个身体或多或少拥有的属性，而是将身体与其社会和自然环境联系在一起的过程，并决定了他们做事、思考和欲望的能力。我们将利用 "影响"、"组合 "和 "微观政治学 "的框架，将健康和疾病视为各种关系和联系的组合，其中可能包括其他身体、无生命的物体、机构和观念。在这些集合体中，生物或社会都不具有优越性（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988 年：336）。

This perspective, we would argue, holds substantial promise. ‘Health’ as assemblage is a process of becoming, concerned with maximizing capacities to do, think, desire and feel; illness a process that diminishes these capacities. Health and illness assemblages are disseminated effects, no longer properties of an organic body, but emergent features of relationships between bodies and other elements (Buchanan, 1997; Duff, 2010; Fox, 2002; Fox and Ward, 2006). Focusing on health as human becoming means exploring what bodies can do biologically, psychologically and socially, and the ways these capacities are shaped by forces that produce states we have learnt to call ‘illness’, ‘ageing’ and ‘disability’. Later in the chapter we will explore the possibilities for a post- anthropocentric and posthuman health, and how the non-human (in the shape of cyborg technologies) may be developed to enhance a body’s biological, social and political capacities.

我们认为，这种观点大有可为。健康 "作为一个集合体，是一个 "成为 "的过程，关注的是最大限度地提高行动、思考、欲望和感觉的能力；而疾病则是一个削弱这些能力的过程。健康与疾病的组合是一种传播效应，不再是有机身体的属性，而是身体与其他元素之间关系的新兴特征（Buchanan, 1997; Duff, 2010; Fox, 2002; Fox and Ward, 2006）。将健康作为人的成才来关注，意味着要探索身体在生物学、心理学和社会学方面的能力，以及这些能力是如何被各种力量所塑造的，而这些力量又是如何产生我们习以为常的 "疾病"、"衰老 "和 "残疾 "等状态的。本章稍后我们将探讨后人类中心主义和后人类健康的可能性，以及如何开发非人类（以半机械人技术的形式）来增强身体的生物、社会和政治能力。

Re-materializing health

健康的再物质化

Health and illness are phenomena that are material, experiential and culturally- contextual: diseases affect organs and cells, but also influence experience and identity, and manifest within contexts and across populations. Health and illness are shaped by social institutions and cultural beliefs (Cromby, 2004: 798; Turner, 1992: 36), as well as by biology, and the sociology of health and illness has provided myriad illustrations of the social character of health and illness (Armstrong, 1983; Conrad, 2007; Helman, 1978; Kleinman et al., 2006).

健康和疾病是物质、经验和文化背景的现象：疾病影响器官和细胞，也影响经验和身份，并在不同背景和人群中表现出来。健康和疾病是由社会制度和文化信仰（Cromby, 2004: 798; Turner, 1992: 36）以及生物学决定的，健康和疾病社会学为健康和疾病的社会特征提供了无数例证（Armstrong, 1983; Conrad, 2007; Helman, 1978; Kleinman et al.）

One strand of this sociological exploration, which might be called a ‘sociology in health’ perspective, offers sociological insights into patterns of health and illness. Perhaps best known is the contribution around the interactions between social class and health, which have assessed the positive association between various measures of poverty/social deprivation and ill-health and mortality (though see Chapter 4 for our materialist critique of social stratification theory). In an effort to explain why the burden of illness and early deaths falls unequally across populations, sociologists have investigated the factors linked to deprivation, including educational status, access to healthcare resources, work-related health hazards, as well as interactions with gender and race. As such, this work converges with the concerns of epidemiology, and has adopted many of the quantitative methodologies required to uncover significant associations.

这种社会学探索的一个分支可称为 "健康社会学 "视角，它提供了对健康和疾病模式的社会学见解。最著名的也许是围绕社会阶层与健康之间的相互作用所做的贡献，这些贡献评估了各种贫困/社会剥夺措施与不健康和死亡率之间的正相关关系（不过，我们对社会分层理论的唯物主义批判见第 4 章）。为了解释为什么疾病和早死的负担在不同人群中的分布不均，社会学家对与贫困相关的因素进行了调查，包括教育状况、医疗资源的获取、与工作相关的健康危害，以及与性别和种族的相互作用。因此，这项工作与流行病学关注的问题趋于一致，并采用了许多揭示重大关联所需的定量方法。

This body of work has been complemented by a second thread of research and theory into the sociology of health, which has been more concerned with the structural, experiential and interactional aspects of health, illness and healthcare. This strand has focused upon the social and cultural processes such as labelling, stigma and compliance involved in episodes of illness, and upon the consequences of health and illness for people’s experiences. It has also addressed the philosophy, shape, organization and politics of health and care services, including the ways in which medicine as a profession and a scientific discipline have impacted upon people in both health and illness through the ‘medicalization’ of their lives and troubles (Clarke et al., 2010; Conrad, 2007). This thread is more sociologically informed than the work on inequalities, and qualitative approaches have often been the methods of choice.

作为对这一研究成果的补充，健康社会学研究和理论的第二条主线更加关注健康、疾病和医疗保健的结构、体验和互动方面。这部分研究重点关注社会和文化进程，如疾病事件中的标签、耻辱和遵从，以及健康和疾病对人们经历的影响。它还探讨了医疗和护理服务的理念、形式、组织和政治，包括医学作为一种职业和科学学科，通过将人们的生活和问题 "医学化"，对人们的健康和疾病产生影响的方式（Clarke 等人，2010 年；Conrad，2007 年）。与有关不平等的研究相比，这一研究方向更多地从社会学角度出发，通常选择定性研究方法。

Social constructionism and post-structuralism grew in influence within these latter concerns, offering a critical assessment of biomedicine as a system of thought or ‘discourse’ that individualized health and healthcare, and extended a pathologizing ‘gaze’ into more and more aspects of life, from fertility (Franklin, 1990) to child behaviour (Tyler, 1997). Foucault and others described the emergence of this biomedical discourse as modern hospitals emerged as locations for observation (Foucault, 1976) and documentation (Foucault, 2002: 145) of the organic body. Biomedical models of the body have entered the popular domain, and medical advice or self-help books about the biomedical body are legion (Bunton, 1992： 232-4). This'body-with-organs'(Fox, 1993: 145) or 'organism’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 158) is also the focus for economic and political activity, for science, social science and the 'psy disciplines’ (Rose, 1999) of psychotherapy, counselling, psychoanalysis and so on, and for the stratification of society by gender, ethnicity and age.

社会建构主义和后结构主义在后一种关注中的影响力与日俱增，对生物医学进行了批判性评估，将其视为一种思想体系或 "话语"，将健康和医疗保健个体化，并将病理化的 "凝视 "延伸到生活中越来越多的方面，从生育（富兰克林，1990 年）到儿童行为（泰勒，1997 年）。福柯等人描述了这种生物医学话语的出现，因为现代医院是观察（福柯，1976 年）和记录（福柯，2002 年：145）有机身体的场所。身体的生物医学模式已进入大众领域，有关生物医学身体的医学建议或自助书籍比比皆是（Bunton, 1992： 232-4）。这种 "有器官的身体"（Fox, 1993: 145）或 "有机体"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988: 158）也是经济和政治活动、科学、社会科学和心理治疗、咨询、精神分析等 "心理学科"（Rose, 1999）以及按性别、种族和年龄划分的社会阶层的焦点。

Despite their critical perspectives on health and medicine, and the elaborations of a social model of embodiment over the past 20 years, sociologists have not been immune to biomedical science’s promulgation of such individualized, biologized body-with-organs as the location of 'health’ and 'illness’, and as the ontological unit of sociological analysis. Arguably, a biomedical ontology of the body has constrained sociological analysis of health and illness - health and ill-health have been too quickly accepted as attributes of an individual body, rather than as a wider, ecological phenomenon of body organization and deployment within social and natural fields. What is needed, we would argue, is a materialist, post-anthropocentric and post-human conception of health that breaks decisively with the body-with-organs, to understand health as an impersonal affective flow that links bodies into wider assemblages of relations.

尽管社会学家在过去 20 年中对健康和医学持批判性观点，并对体现的社会模式进行了阐述，但他们也未能幸免于生物医学科学将这种个体化、生物化的身体与器官作为 "健康 "和 "疾病 "的所在，并作为社会学分析的本体论单位。可以说，身体的生物医学本体论限制了对健康与疾病的社会学分析--健康与不健康被过快地接受为个体身体的属性，而不是作为身体在社会和自然领域中的组织和部署的更广泛的生态现象。我们认为，我们需要的是一种唯物主义的、后人类中心主义的和后人类的健康概念，这种概念应坚决打破身体与器官的关系，将健康理解为一种非个人的情感流动，它将身体与更广泛的关系组合联系在一起。

Following the materialist model that we have set out in this book and used repeatedly, we start the task of re-materializing health by focusing not upon what bodies are, but what they can do; on bodies not as prior entities but always produced and materialized in their social and natural relations. We consider not structures or top-down forces that constrain or enable, but the micropolitical forces inherent in event-assemblages that produce capacities; and not fixed, stable states of health and illness but processes. Indeed, on this latter point, we might stop talking about health and illness and talk instead of ‘healthing’, or (as that is a fairly ungainly word) of health as becoming. Later we shall make a direct connection to a materialist perspective on ‘health’ as a quantitative measure of a body’s capacity to form productive relations. To set the scene for that radically different view, we shall begin exploring the affectivity of health by looking at the ‘ill-health assemblage’.

按照我们在本书中提出并反复使用的唯物主义模式，我们开始了将健康重新唯物化的任务，不是关注身体是什么，而是关注身体能做什么；不是将身体作为先验的实体，而是始终在其社会和自然关系中产生和具体化。我们考虑的不是制约或促成的结构或自上而下的力量，而是产生能力的事件组合中固有的微观政治力量；我们考虑的不是固定、稳定的健康和疾病状态，而是过程。事实上，在后一点上，我们可以不再谈论健康和疾病，而是谈论 "健康化"（healthing），或者说（这是一个相当不雅的词）健康成为健康。稍后，我们将把 "健康 "与唯物主义视角直接联系起来，把 "健康 "作为衡量身体形成生产关系能力的量化标准。为了为这种截然不同的观点做好铺垫，我们将从 "不健康的组合 "开始探讨健康的情感性。

The ill-health assemblage

不健康的集合体

Within a relational ontology, an ill-health assemblage can be defined as comprising the myriad physical, psychological and social relations and affects that surround a body during an episode of ill-health. A simple ill-health assemblage, associated with an infection such as a cold, will comprise:

在关系本体论中，健康状况不佳的集合体可以被定义为包括在健康状况不佳期间围绕人体的无数生理、心理和社会关系及影响。一个与感冒等感染有关的简单的健康欠佳集合体包括

respiratory tract - virus - immune system - inflammation

呼吸道 - 病毒 - 免疫系统 - 炎症

In this simple assemblage, the virus affects the nose and other parts of a body’s respiratory tract; the immune system will respond, attacking the virus and at the same time causing the inflammatory response that produces many of the symptoms of the infection. In this ‘cold-assemblage’, the capacity of the virus to attack body systems is relatively weak, and typically will be defeated eventually by the body’s immune system, and the affect-economy will return the body to a pre-infection state after a few days.

在这种简单的组合中，病毒会影响人体的鼻子和呼吸道的其他部位；免疫系统会做出反应，攻击病毒，同时引起炎症反应，从而产生许多感染症状。在这种 "冷组合 "中，病毒攻击身体系统的能力相对较弱，通常最终会被身体的免疫系统击败，几天后，影响经济将使身体恢复到感染前的状态。

Of course, sociology has taught us that health and illness cannot simply be reduced to physiology and immunology, and for an adult, many other psychosocial and cultural relations will contribute to the affect-economy, producing an assemblage that might look like this:

当然，社会学告诉我们，健康和疾病不能简单地归结为生理学和免疫学，对于一个成年人来说，许多其他的社会心理和文化关系都会对情感经济产生影响，从而产生这样一个组合：

respiratory tract - virus - immune system - inflammation - pharmacist - pharmaceutical compound - theories of infection and inflammation - daily responsibilities - family members - social networks

呼吸道--病毒--免疫系统--炎症--药剂师--药物化合物--感染和炎症理论--日常责任--家庭成员--社交网络

This assemblage will impact variously on what a body can do physically, psychologically and socially, including infecting other bodies in contact with the sufferer - a feature that imparts a life of its own to this assemblage.

这种组合会对身体的生理、心理和社交能力产生不同程度的影响，包括感染与患者接触的其他身体--这一特征赋予了这种组合自身的生命。

For a more serious illness, other relations will come into play, including health technologies, doctors, health facilities, as well as affective responses such as fear, anger or regret. Ill-health is not simply the product of disease, but is shaped by the affect economy between these multiple relations. It can have as much to do with the emotional meaning of illness and the cultural contexts of ill-health as with a disease agent such as a virus, tumour or genetic cause. Readers may recall that in Chapter 7, we looked briefly at an event involving ‘erectile dysfunction’ (ED) and ‘George’, a user of the drug Viagra. Within this assemblage were not only George, his partner, his penis, his work colleague (with whom he discussed using the drug) and the Viagra tablet, but also the pharmaceutical company that produced it; biomedical and scientific knowledge; government regulation and licensing of medicines; the flow of money between health services, manufacturers and consumers (Fox and Ward, 2008: 862). In this assemblage, a loss of penile erection rhizomi- cally affected multiple relations, with all kinds of physical, psychological and pharmaceutical consequences across space and time (including the emotional flows we described in that chapter).

对于更严重的疾病，其他关系也会发挥作用，包括医疗技术、医生、医疗设施以及恐惧、愤怒或后悔等情感反应。健康状况不佳不仅仅是疾病的产物，而是由这些多重关系之间的情感经济所决定的。它可能与疾病的情感含义和不健康的文化背景有关，也可能与病毒、肿瘤或遗传因子等病原体有关。读者可能还记得，在第 7 章中，我们简要回顾了一个涉及 "勃起功能障碍"（ED）和 "乔治"（万艾可的使用者）的事件。在这个集合体中，不仅有乔治、他的伴侣、他的阴茎、他的同事（他与同事讨论使用该药物）和伟哥药片，还有生产该药物的制药公司；生物医学和科学知识；政府对药品的监管和许可；医疗服务、制造商和消费者之间的资金流动（Fox and Ward, 2008: 862）。在这一组合中，阴茎勃起功能障碍影响了多种关系，并在空间和时间上产生了各种生理、心理和药物后果（包括我们在该章中描述的情感流动）。

Ill-health assemblages are thus constituted from a mix of physical, psychological, social and cultural relations. Physical relations may include disease agents such as genes, pathogens, time, ageing and degenerative diseases, pollutants and environmental hazards, the body’s biological responses such as the immune system and pain, and health technologies such as medicines, physical therapies, prostheses and devices. Psychological relations may include environmental stressors, health beliefs, psychological therapies, emotional reactions and attitudes to illness, as well as psychological and neurological pathologies. Sociocultural relations may include healthcare systems and professionals, culturally-specific explanatory models of illness and practices such as folk remedies, lay networks of family and friends, economics and politics of healthcare, and concepts deriving from science and biomedicine (Fox, 2011).

因此，疾病-健康组合是由生理、心理、社会和文化关系共同构成的。物理关系可能包括基因、病原体、时间、老化和退化性疾病、污染物和环境危害等疾病媒介，免疫系统和疼痛等人体生物反应，以及药物、物理疗法、假肢和器械等健康技术。心理关系可能包括环境压力、健康信念、心理疗法、情绪反应和对疾病的态度，以及心理和神经系统病变。社会文化关系可能包括医疗保健系统和专业人员、特定文化背景下的疾病解释模式和实践（如民间疗法）、非专业的亲友网络、医疗保健的经济学和政治学，以及源自科学和生物医学的概念（Fox，2011 年）。

The relations in an ill-health assemblage can also vary across history, or from culture to culture, depending upon how diseases and illnesses are understood, and upon the institutions that cater for the sick. Reading Jane Austen’s Sense and Sensibility can supply an insight into an 18th-century ill-health assemblage, in which forces of disease seem ready to strike at times of physical stress or emotional imbalance, thrusting a body into fever and danger of death. Foucault’s (1967) Madness and Civilisation demonstrates the differing assemblages surrounding mental health in past times, while a history of sexualities reveals that the medical profession at one time pathologized all but adult heterosexual sexual contact (Alldred and Fox, 2015a). In addition, there will be many relations and affects within an illness event that are unique to the setting, circumstances, past experiences and other aspects of illness. The diversity of people’s experiences and reactions to illness and healthcare are an outcome of these idiosyncrasies within their own particular ill-health assemblages.

在不同的历史时期或不同的文化背景下，疾病与健康之间的关系也会有所不同，这取决于人们对疾病的理解以及为病人提供服务的机构。阅读简-奥斯汀（Jane Austen）的《理智与情感》（Sense and Sensibility）一书，可以深入了解 18 世纪的疾病集合体，其中疾病的力量似乎随时准备在身体压力或情绪失衡时发作，将身体推向发烧和死亡的危险。福柯（1967 年）的《疯狂与文明》展示了过去围绕精神健康的不同组合，而一部性史则揭示了医学界曾一度将除成人异性性接触之外的所有性行为病理化（Alldred and Fox, 2015a）。此外，在疾病事件中还会有许多关系和影响，而这些关系和影响又是环境、情况、过去的经历和疾病的其他方面所独有的。人们对疾病和医疗保健的体验和反应的多样性就是这些特异性在其特定的疾病-健康组合中的结果。

Within this materialist perspective, the capacities that the ill-health assemblage produces are perhaps of greater sociological significance. Ill-health will tend to produce ‘sickening-bodies’, in which the capacities of the body will reflect differing patterns of biological and social engagements from that of a body in ‘health’. What this sickening body can do is an outcome of the breadth of affects in an illness-assemblage, of which the physical/biological may not be the most significant, requiring that we move beyond a simplistic biomedical model of illness. For example, dependence on family or friends during illness can impact identity and self-confidence, undermining capacities to engage productively with the world (Fox, 2005). This is particularly important for understanding chronic illness, disability and ageing, in which the psychological and sociocultural relations may be powerfully affective in terms of what a person can do, think and feel.

在这一唯物主义视角下，健康不良组合所产生的能力或许具有更大的社会学意义。疾病往往会产生 "生病的身体"，在这种身体中，身体的能力将反映出与 "健康 "身体不同的生物和社会参与模式。这种病态身体所能做的是疾病组合中各种影响的结果，其中身体/生物影响可能不是最重要的，这就要求我们超越简单的疾病生物医学模式。例如，生病期间对家人或朋友的依赖会影响身份认同和自信心，削弱与世界进行有效互动的能力（Fox，2005 年）。这对于理解慢性疾病、残疾和老龄化尤为重要，因为在这些疾病中，心理和社会文化关系可能会对一个人的行为、思想和感受产生强大的影响。

This perspective on ill-health requires that we re-evaluate some of the fundamental building blocks of health sociology. Ontologically, bodies are not simply the locus upon which physical and social forces act, they are the products of the interactions of these forces. Ill-health does not act on a prior body; rather the body is an outcome of the ill-health assemblage, which now replaces the human body as the unit for sociological analysis. However, this post-anthropocentric and posthuman focus upon the illness-assemblage also requires that we look at the capacities that illness produces in the non-human elements of the ill-health assemblage.

要从这一角度看待不健康问题，我们就必须重新评估健康社会学的一些基本构件。从本体论上讲，身体不仅仅是物理和社会力量作用的场所，它们还是这些力量相互作用的产物。健康问题并不作用于先在的身体；相反，身体是健康问题组合的结果，而健康问题组合现在已取代人体成为社会学分析的单位。然而，这种对疾病--组合的后人类中心主义和后人类关注也要求我们审视疾病在疾病--健康组合的非人类要素中产生的能力。

These include social and cultural formations such as the social organization of healthcare services, the structure of employment (and hence the economy), family organization, policies and laws associated with health, illness and disability, all of which are shaped by the materiality of ill-health. But also affected are physical and biological relations, from the healthcare built environment, to the chemicals produced by pharmaceutical industry, and the consequent evolution of pathogens to counter these compounds. Human bodies may be the ‘carriers’ of health and illness, but the impacts of ill-health assemblages (and, as we will see in a moment, ‘health-assemblages’) have consequences across the social and natural worlds. A materialist analysis of health and illness demands a holistic understanding of how multiple relations (from a bacterium to a health belief) - all with material affectivity - assemble to produce and modify human capacities to do, think, feel and desire.

其中包括社会和文化形态，如医疗保健服务的社会组织、就业结构（进而经济结构）、家庭组织、与健康、疾病和残疾相关的政策和法律，所有这些都是由不健康的物质性形成的。同时受到影响的还有物理和生物关系，从医疗建筑环境到制药业生产的化学物质，以及随之而来的病原体进化以对抗这些化合物。人体可能是健康和疾病的 "载体"，但不健康集合体（以及我们稍后将看到的 "健康集合体"）的影响会波及整个社会和自然世界。对健康与疾病的唯物主义分析要求全面理解多重关系（从细菌到健康信仰）--都具有物质情感性--是如何组合在一起，产生并改变人类的行为、思维、感觉和欲望能力的。

The ‘health’ assemblage

健康 "组合

What, then, of the body in health? If there is an ill-health assemblage and a sickening-body, is there also a health assemblage, and a becoming-healthy body? And is this simply the obverse of the illness-assemblage? The answer to the former question is yes, but to the latter, no. We have listed the many physical, psychological and social relations that are in play during an episode of ill-health, and inevitably the relations during ‘health’ are mostly the same as those involved in the illness-assemblage. However, their intensities and affectivity may be much attenuated or in some case, wholly absent. On the other hand, there may be other relations that are much stronger during good health: these once again may be physical, psychological, social and cultural, economic, political or philosophical.

那么，健康的身体又是什么呢？如果有一个不健康的集合体和一个生病的身体，那么是否也有一个健康的集合体和一个变得健康的身体呢？这仅仅是疾病组合的反面吗？前一个问题的答案是肯定的，但后一个问题的答案是否定的。我们列举了在疾病发作期间所发生的许多生理、心理和社会关系，不可避免的是，"健康 "期间的关系大多与疾病组合所涉及的关系相同。然而，这些关系的强度和情感可能会大大减弱，有时甚至完全消失。另一方面，"健康 "期间的其他关系可能会更加紧密：这些关系可能是身体的、心理的、社会和文化的、经济的、政治的或哲学的。

In order to explore the health-assemblage, we need to ask some foundational questions about health itself. Health has been argued over extensively. Biomedical science theorized health as merely an absence of disease (Wade and Halligan, 2004), and this view still dominates medical practice. The World Health Organisation (1985) offered a more holistic, if rather vague definition, considering health to be a state of ‘complete physical, mental and social wellbeing’. From an anthropological perspective, Wright (1982) saw health as ‘what it is to function as a human’, with illness occurring when the body fails to function but continues to be seen as human. Canguilhem (1989) defined health and illness as positive and negative biological values. Illness is marked by increasing dependency, de Swaan (1990: 220) suggested, while health represented a ‘maximization of potential and expression in everyday activities of life’, according to Anderson (1991: 109).

为了探索健康组合，我们需要提出一些关于健康本身的基本问题。健康问题已经被广泛争论过。生物医学将健康仅仅理论化为没有疾病（Wade 和 Halligan，2004 年），这种观点仍然主导着医疗实践。世界卫生组织（1985 年）提出了一个更为全面的定义，虽然相当模糊，但认为健康是一种 "完整的身体、精神和社会福祉 "的状态。赖特（1982 年）从人类学的角度出发，将健康视为 "作为一个人所具有的功能"，而疾病则发生在身体功能失效但仍被视为人的情况下。Canguilhem（1989 年）将健康和疾病定义为积极和消极的生物价值。de Swaan（1990：220）认为，疾病的特点是依赖性越来越强，而安德森（1991：109）则认为，健康代表着 "在日常生活活动中最大限度地发挥潜能和表达能力"。

Of these definitions, the latter has some congruence with a number of writers who have suggested a materialist understanding of health. If the sickening-body has restricted or re-directed capacities, health might be defined in terms of a body’s widened capacities to make, resist and transform its relations. Ian Buchanan (1997: 82) draws on a Deleuzian reading of Nietzsche to define health as a body’s ‘actual measurable capacity to form new relations’, relations that in turn lead to new assemblages and new possibilities for action. In an extensive contribution to an assemblage approach to health, Duff (2014: 67) finds in Sen’s (1999) ‘capabilities’ model, a perspective on health as ‘the sum effect of the adaptive advantages enacted in the acquisition of new capacities’. For Fox (2012: 99) what is important is that a body’s relations enhance capacities ranging from its biological functions to its psychological well-being and the social and cultural resources it can draw upon. The ‘health’ of a body is affected by:

在这些定义中，后者与一些作家提出的对健康的唯物主义理解有一定的一致性。如果说生病的身体具有受限或重新定向的能力，那么健康的定义则可能是身体具有更广泛的能力来制造、抵制和改变其关系。伊恩-布坎南（Ian Buchanan）（1997: 82）借鉴德勒兹对尼采的解读，将健康定义为身体 "形成新关系的实际可测量能力"，这种关系反过来又导致新的组合和新的行动可能性。达夫（2014: 67）对健康的组合方法做出了广泛的贡献，他在森的（1999 年）"能力 "模型中发现，健康是 "在获得新能力过程中形成的适应优势的总和"。对于福克斯（2012: 99）来说，重要的是身体的各种关系能够增强各种能力，包括生物功能、心理健康以及可利用的社会和文化资源。身体的 "健康 "受到以下因素的影响：

... refracted and resisted relations, biological capabilities or cultural mind-sets, alliances with friends or health workers, struggles for control over treatment or conditions of living. Health is neither an absolute ... to be aspired towards, nor an idealized outcome of ‘mind-over-matter’. It is a process of becoming by (the body), of rallying relations, resisting physical or social territorialization, and experimenting with what is, and what it might become. (Fox, 2002: 360)

......折射和抵制的关系、生物能力或文化心态、与朋友或卫生工作者的联盟、为控制治疗或生活条件而进行的斗争。健康既不是一个绝对的......可以追求的目标，也不是 "思想战胜物质 "的理想化结果。它是一个由（身体）变为（身体）的过程，是一个团结关系、抵制身体或社会领土化、以及对现有事物和可能成为的事物进行试验的过程。(福克斯，2002：360）

According to these perspectives, ‘health’ is not just an absence of particular ‘ill-health’ relations or affects (as might be assumed from a biomedical understanding), but the opposite - the proliferation of a body's capacities to affect and be affected. Health is neither a state nor a final outcome, but a process - a becoming-other that fluctuates according to the intensity of relations that impinge on the body. Rather than saying a body is healthy, we might talk about its ‘becoming-healthy’, to remind us of the active processes involved and the complex mix of relations in all assemblages. In this vein, Duff (2010: 624; 2014: 75) has suggested an explicit congruence between health and development, the latter being ‘the expressed quality or manifestation of health’, while health may be understood as ‘a quantum of a body’s power of acting’. This opens up the potential to explore health assemblages over the life-course, from cradle to grave (see, for instance Fox (2005) on the biological, psychological and cultural relations that influence what an ageing body can do).

根据这些观点，"健康 "不仅仅是没有特定的 "不健康 "关系或影响（根据生物医学的理解可能是这样），而是相反--身体影响和被影响的能力的增加。健康既不是一种状态，也不是最终结果，而是一个过程--一个根据影响身体的关系强度而波动的成为他人的过程。与其说一个身体是健康的，不如说它 "变得健康"，以提醒我们所有组合中涉及的积极过程和复杂的关系组合。本着这一思路，达夫（2010: 624; 2014: 75）提出了健康与发展之间的明确一致性，后者是 "健康的表达质量或表现形式"，而健康可被理解为 "身体行动能力的一个量级"。这为探索从摇篮到坟墓的生命历程中的健康组合提供了可能性（例如，见 Fox（2005 年）关于影响老化身体能力的生物、心理和文化关系的论述）。

The micropolitics of health

健康的微观政治

This analysis also draws us back to the earlier discussion of the ill-health assemblage, to consider further the impact of illness upon bodily capacities. Earlier in this chapter, we suggested that both scientific and social scientific perspectives on embodiment have struggled to move beyond locating health and illness in the body-with-organs. This understanding of the body, as an organic, individual entity, has been largely constituted by scientific, biological and mechanical models, and sustained by the professions and institutions of biomedical science (Fox, 2012: 22). It is manifested on a daily basis in the medicalizing processes that turn bodies into patients, healers and carers into health professionals, chemicals into medicines, and episodes of ill-health into case histories and archives of disease (Foucault, 2002: 145). The sick, the convalescent, the disabled and the aged are all part of this specification/territorialization, and the history of both disease and health have been written, and continue to be written within the territory of the body-with-organs.

这一分析也让我们回到之前关于疾病-健康组合的讨论，进一步思考疾病对身体能力的影响。在本章的前半部分，我们曾指出，科学和社会科学的体现视角都在努力超越将健康和疾病定位在有器官的身体上。这种对身体作为有机个体实体的理解，在很大程度上是由科学、生物和机械模型构成的，并由生物医学科学的专业和机构所维系（Fox, 2012: 22）。它每天都体现在医学化的过程中，将身体变成病人，将治疗者和护理者变成医疗专业人员，将化学物质变成药物，将疾病事件变成病例史和疾病档案（Foucault, 2002: 145）。病人、康复者、残疾人和老年人都是这一特定化/领土化的一部分，疾病和健康的历史已经并将继续在有器官的身体的领土上书写。

In its most pared-down and emblematic formulation, the body-with-organs may be the product of an assemblage with just a handful of relations, for instance:

例如，在最简洁、最具象征意义的表述中，"有器官的身体 "可能是一个只有少数几种关系的组合体的产物：

disease - patient - doctor - health technology - biomedical science

疾病 - 病人 - 医生 - 健康技术 - 生物医学科学

In the affect economy of this assemblage, biomedical science (materialized via medical training and health technologies) establishes the theoretical foundation for treatment and an expectation of cure. This allows a health professional to be defined as a healer; healthcare and health technologies (for instance, a medicine or a surgical procedure) as the means whereby the disease may be resolved; and the patient as a body-with-organs to be healed. Micropolitically, the affecteconomy of these few relations is often so powerful that the affectivity of other relations in the ill-health-assemblage (for instance, family members or alternative theories of health) may be overwhelmed, minimizing any effect on a body’s capacities.

在这一组合的情感经济中，生物医学科学（通过医疗培训和保健技术具体化）为治疗和治愈期望奠定了理论基础。这使得医疗专业人员被定义为医治者；医疗保健和医疗技术（例如药物或外科手术）被定义为解决疾病的手段；而病人则被定义为需要医治的身体器官。从微观上讲，这几种关系的情感经济往往是如此强大，以至于疾病-健康-组合中其他关系（例如家庭成员或其他健康理论）的情感可能会被压倒，从而最大限度地减少对身体能力的影响。

The consequent body-with-organs is highly specified by these affects, with few possibilities to act. Thus becoming a ‘patient’ or receiving care within this biomedicalized assemblage can close down capacities. So, for example, the former cancer patient now free of disease is always ‘in remission’; the noisy child is diagnosed as having attention deficit hyperactivity syndrome (ADHD) - to be treated by pharmaceuticals; the very old have become geriatric. This is the materialist analysis of the processes that have been called ‘medicalization’ by health sociologists (Clarke et al., 2010; Conrad, 2007).

由此产生的 "有器官的身体"（body-with-organs）被这些影响高度特定化，几乎没有行动的可能性。因此，成为 "病人 "或在这种生物医学化的集合体中接受治疗，可能会封闭人的能力。例如，曾经的癌症病人如今已无大碍，但却总是 "病情缓解"；吵闹的孩子被诊断为注意力缺陷多动综合症（ADHD），需要接受药物治疗；年迈的老人变成了老年病人。这就是健康社会学家称之为 "医疗化 "过程的唯物主义分析（Clarke et al.）

Theorizing ‘biomedicine’

生物医学 "理论化

In Chapter 4, we criticized the tendency of conventional sociology to offer ‘structural’ concepts such as ‘neoliberalism’ or ‘patriarchy’ as explanations of social processes, rather than posing these as the very things that need explaining. So it is important in our analysis here that we do not simply set up ‘biomedicine’ as some kind of all-powerful relation, solely responsible for specifying both the healthy and the sick as bodies-with-organs. ‘Biomedicine’ is sometimes used as a term merely to refer to the biomedical sciences (such as endocrinology, pharmacology or genomics), and we have used the term in this way already in this chapter. However, within the social sciences, ‘biomedicine’ is also used to describe a body of knowledge (what Foucault might call a ‘discourse’) or a scientific ‘model’ that explains how bodies and disease processes work in terms of biological structures and processes (Nettleton, 2006: 3). This biomedical model is criticized by sociologists for its biological reductionism, excluding social and psychological processes and responses to illness and disease (Ogden, 1997), and as the ontological basis for health professional authority (Chamberlain, 2013: 21).

在第 4 章中，我们批评了传统社会学提供 "新自由主义 "或 "父权制 "等 "结构性 "概念来解释社会进程的倾向，而不是将这些概念视为需要解释的事物本身。因此，在我们的分析中，重要的是我们不能简单地将 "生物医学 "设定为某种全能的关系，它只负责将健康人和病人指定为有器官的身体。生物医学 "有时仅指生物医学科学（如内分泌学、药理学或基因组学），我们在本章中已经这样使用过该术语。然而，在社会科学领域，"生物医学 "也被用来描述一套知识（福柯可能称之为 "话语"）或一种科学 "模式"，从生物结构和过程的角度解释身体和疾病过程是如何运作的（Nettleton, 2006: 3）。社会学家批评这种生物医学模式是生物还原论，排除了社会和心理过程以及对疾病的反应（Ogden, 1997），并将其作为卫生专业权威的本体论基础（Chamberlain, 2013: 21）。

In this latter sense, ibiomedicine, offers a convenient target for sociologists to criticize medical dominance (Freidson, 1974) and medical ipower/knowledge, (Nettleton, 1992: 107), and it would be neat and easy to simply add ibiomedicine, or the imedical model, as a relation when analysing health assemblages. However, the ontology we outlined in Chapter 4 requires that we explore power and resistance locally, in terms of relations within events. Let us consider, once again, the condition known to health professionals as ierectile dysfunction, (ED). In her materialist analysis of men and their partners who used Viagra to overcome ED, Potts (2004: 22) described a iViagra machine,, which we might term an 'erectile dysfunction/Viagra-assemblage'. This, at its simplest, might be represented as follows:

在后一种意义上，ibiomedicine 为社会学家批评医学主导地位（Freidson, 1974）和医学ipower/知识（Nettleton, 1992: 107）提供了一个方便的目标。然而，我们在第 4 章中概述的本体论要求我们从事件内部关系的角度来探讨当地的权力和阻力。让我们再次考虑一下被医疗专业人士称为勃起功能障碍（ED）的病症。Potts (2004: 22)在对使用伟哥治疗 ED 的男性及其伴侣进行唯物主义分析时，描述了一种伟哥机器，我们可以称之为 "勃起功能障碍/伟哥组合"。最简单的表述如下：

penis - pharmaceutical (Viagra) - partner - doctor

阴茎 - 药品（伟哥） - 伴侣 - 医生

In this assemblage, Viagra (used according to medical advice) affects body tissues, producing an erection in a previously dysfunctional penis, in turn enabling penetrative sex with a partner.

在这种组合中，"伟哥"（根据医嘱使用）会影响身体组织，使之前功能障碍的阴茎勃起，进而实现与伴侣的插入式性爱。

It is tempting to add ibiomedicine, to this assemblage, to mark the theoretical source of a narrow, pathologizing territorialization of ,erectile dysfunction, (ED) - even this nomenclature reflects a biomedical model - as a condition to be resolved by medical intervention (a pharmaceutical compound). However, are there not other drivers also at work in this assemblage? Medical professions may feel powerless to address problems at the limit of what might be called disease, and welcome new treatments to meet their patients, complaints. The business model underpinning pharmaceutical companies means that success or failure will depend upon developing new technologies and generating new demand (Henry and Lexchin, 2002: 1591). Meanwhile, health consumerism fuels demand for effective treatments for problems and conditions such as ED, and creates a ready market for new products (Fox and Ward, 2008).

我们很想在这一组合中加入ibiomedicine（生物医学），将勃起功能障碍（ED）--甚至这一术语也反映了一种生物医学模式--作为一种需要通过医疗干预（药物复合物）来解决的病症，标记为狭隘的、病理化的地域化的理论来源。然而，在这一组合中，难道没有其他驱动因素在起作用吗？医学界可能会感到无力解决可能被称为疾病的极限问题，并欢迎新的治疗方法来满足病人的抱怨。制药公司的商业模式意味着成败取决于开发新技术和创造新需求（Henry and Lexchin, 2002: 1591）。同时，健康消费主义刺激了对有效治疗 ED 等问题和病症的需求，并为新产品创造了一个现成的市场（Fox and Ward, 2008）。

All these are contexts within which a user takes a blue Viagra tablet to gain an erection. So while the doctor diagnosing ED and prescribing a pharmaceutical compound has been trained within a biomedical model of sexuality and embodiment, the ill-health assemblage of a Viagra user is also shaped by relations as disparate as a drug company,s business plan, a doctor,s insecurity when faced with a patient with a hitherto untreatable condition, and demand from consumers and professionals for medications to treat ED.

所有这些都是用户服用蓝色伟哥药片以获得勃起的背景。因此，虽然诊断 ED 并开具复方药物处方的医生是在性和体现的生物医学模式下接受培训的，但万艾可使用者的不健康组合也是由各种关系形成的，如制药公司的商业计划、医生面对患有迄今无法治疗的疾病的病人时的不安全感，以及消费者和专业人士对治疗 ED 的药物的需求。

Methodologically, materialist sociologists need to make sense of the affect economies that connect the relations within ill-health assemblages by exploring empirically what these relations do - what capacities they produce in other relations. Rather than speculating on which concepts and theories (such as ibiomedicine,, or icapitalism,) may be influencing the relations in an assemblage, this requires detailed interrogation of research data, to disclose the specific affects and capacities in health and illness assemblages.

在方法论上，唯物主义社会学家需要通过实证探索这些关系的作用--它们在其他关系中产生了什么能力--来理解连接健康不良集合体中各种关系的情感经济。与其猜测哪些概念和理论（如ibiomedicine 或 icapitalism）可能会影响集合体中的关系，不如对研究数据进行详细分析，以揭示健康和疾病集合体中的具体影响和能力。

Though this materialist exploration of the micropolitics of health and illness suggests that the body-with-organs is a pervasive, highly specified or territorialized product of healthcare, our analysis does not inevitably lead to pessimism. Throughout this book we have emphasized that the materialist ontology we have presented recognizes that resistance and becoming-other are always options, and are only as far away as the next new relation in the assemblage. The body-with-organs can always be de-territorialized. Consequently, the sociological study of health and illness is also an exercise in discerning the micropolitics of specification and generalization, becoming and lines of light.

尽管这种对健康与疾病微观政治的唯物主义探索表明，有器官的身体是一种普遍存在的、高度特定化或地域化的医疗产品，但我们的分析并不必然导致悲观主义。在本书中，我们始终强调，我们提出的唯物主义本体论承认，抵抗和成为他者始终是一种选择，而且距离组合中的下一个新关系仅有一步之遥。有器官的身体总是可以去领土化的。因此，对健康与疾病的社会学研究也是一项辨别微观政治的工作，即具体化与概括化、成为与光线。

This has been revealed in a series of studies by Fox and colleagues, who identified the specifications and aggregations affecting older people in both familial and institutional care settings (Fox, 2005) and of obese and overweight people using health technologies such as weight-loss drugs (Fox et al., 2005c). These studies also disclose examples of dis-aggregation and lines of flight, including use of erectile dysfunction medicines to enable non-normative sexual activities (Fox and Ward, 2008). Perhaps the most dramatic examples were young women in the ‘pro-anorexia’ movement who rejected health professionals’ efforts to ‘re-feed’ them back to a ‘normal’ weight (Fox et al., 2005a), and instead found a line of flight in ‘thinspirational’ images and the managed use of diet medicines within a community that supported them to sustain very low body weights while not endangering their health. We explore this study in more detail in Chapter 10.

福克斯及其同事的一系列研究揭示了这一点，他们确定了影响家庭和机构护理环境中老年人的规格和集合（福克斯，2005 年），以及使用减肥药物等健康技术的肥胖和超重人群（福克斯等人，2005 年c）。这些研究还揭示了一些分散和逃逸的例子，包括使用勃起功能障碍药物进行非正常性活动（Fox 和 Ward，2008 年）。也许最引人注目的例子是 "支持厌食症 "运动中的年轻女性，她们拒绝了医疗专业人员将她们 "喂养 "回 "正常 "体重的努力（福克斯等人，2005a），而是在 "瘦身励志 "的形象中找到了一条出路，并在一个支持她们维持极低体重同时又不危及健康的社区中，有管理地使用减肥药物。我们将在第 10 章详细探讨这项研究。

What these studies suggest is that understanding health and illness in terms of the assembling of disparate biological, psychological and social relations, and assessing illness and health not as states but as conditions of possibility and capacities for action, means shifting beyond both a (biomedicalized) body-with- organs and a focus on individual human bodies. Indeed, it makes sense to take illness- and health-assemblages as the units of analysis, looking at the consequences not just for human bodies, but for all the relations in the assemblage. Looking back to the examples we explored in Chapter 3 when we discussed the interactions between human health and the environment, we can see that the ‘health’ of an assemblage may have consequences not only for human bodies, but also for physical things like buildings or bikes, for social formations like families and schools, and for abstractions such as ‘the economy’ and ‘sustainability’.

这些研究表明，从不同的生物、心理和社会关系的组合角度来理解健康和疾病，并不是将疾病和健康作为状态，而是作为可能性和行动能力的条件来评估，这意味着要超越（生物医学化的）带器官的身体和对单个人体的关注。事实上，将疾病与健康的集合体作为分析单位是有意义的，我们不仅要关注疾病对人体的影响，还要关注集合体中所有关系的影响。回顾我们在第 3 章讨论人类健康与环境之间的相互作用时探讨过的例子，我们可以看到，一个集合体的 "健康 "可能不仅会对人体产生影响，还会对建筑物或自行车等有形事物、家庭和学校等社会形态以及 "经济 "和 "可持续性 "等抽象概念产生影响。

This re-focusing is an important antidote to a temptation to fall back into an anthropocentric view of either health (or development more generally) strictly in human terms. To emphasize this, we want to draw together the strands of our argument by exploring in some detail the interactions between bodies and technologies, to consider at an assemblage level how so-called ‘personal health technologies’ can be both territorializing and de-territorializing, and offer possibilities for health that can transform both individual bodies and the world about them.

这种重新聚焦是一种重要的解毒剂，可避免重新陷入严格以人类为中心的健康（或更广义的发展）观。为了强调这一点，我们希望通过详细探讨身体与技术之间的互动关系，将我们的论点串联起来，在组合层面上考虑所谓的 "个人健康技术 "如何既能实现领土化，又能实现去领土化，并为健康提供可能性，从而改变个人身体及其周围的世界。

Health and technology: cyborgs and citizen health

健康与技术：机器人与公民健康

A materialist approach seems peculiarly suited to explore the interactions between bodies and physical objects such as medical technologies, and a number of actor-network theorists (ANT) have studied these interactions (see Chapter 2), including work by Prout (1996) on the development of the asthma metered-dose inhaler, and Hanseth et al.’s (2006) study of an electronic patient record system. In these studies, technologies were acknowledged as active and affective within relational networks of human and non-human elements, alongside human actors. From a different perspective, Deborah Lupton has drawn on Haraway’s (1991) discussion of body/technology cyborgs to explore how mobile digital technologies produce hybrid bodies (Lupton, 2012: 229). Such ‘cyborg bodies’ are assemblages (2012: 237) that produce bodies with new capacities for self-monitoring. Nick’s recent analysis of personal health technologies (N. Fox, 2015b) has been located firmly within a new materialist framework, and we will devote space to this, as it addresses explicitly the micropolitics of health technologies, but also sets out the possibilities for de-territorializing the body-with-organs, and promoting a posthuman approach to health via body/technology cyborgs.

唯物主义方法似乎非常适合探索身体与医疗技术等实物之间的互动，许多行为者网络理论家（ANT）对这些互动进行了研究（见第2章），包括普鲁特（Prout，1996年）对哮喘计量吸入器开发的研究，以及汉塞斯等人（Hanseth，2006年）对电子病历系统的研究。在这些研究中，技术被认为是在人类和非人类要素的关系网络中，与人类行动者一起发挥积极作用并产生影响的。德博拉-鲁普顿（Deborah Lupton）从另一个角度借鉴了哈拉维（Haraway，1991）关于身体/技术半机械人的论述，探讨了移动数字技术如何产生混合身体（Lupton, 2012: 229）。这种 "机械人身体 "是一种集合体（2012: 237），产生了具有新的自我监控能力的身体。尼克最近对个人健康技术的分析（N. Fox, 2015b）被牢牢地定位在新唯物主义框架内，我们将用篇幅对此进行讨论，因为它明确涉及了健康技术的微观政治学，同时也提出了将有器官的身体去领土化的可能性，并通过身体/技术半机械人促进后人类的健康方法。

Personal health technologies

个人保健技术

Personal health technologies (PHTs) are near-body devices or applications designed for use by a single individual, principally outside healthcare facilities. They enable users to monitor physiological processes or body activity, are frequently communication-enabled, and sometimes also intervene therapeutically. They range from blood pressure or blood glucose monitors and implantable medical devices usually used under health professionals’ supervision, to commercial devices such as the Fitbit and Apple Watch, purchased by individuals to monitor fitness and other body parameters.

个人健康技术（PHTs）是为单个人设计的近身设备或应用，主要在医疗保健设施之外使用。它们使用户能够监测生理过程或身体活动，通常具有通信功能，有时还能进行治疗干预。它们包括血压或血糖监测仪和植入式医疗设备，通常在医疗专业人员的监督下使用，也包括 Fitbit 和 Apple Watch 等商业设备，个人购买这些设备是为了监测体能和其他身体参数。

PHTs have been of interest sociologically in part because they personalize and domesticate monitoring and therapy previously located in healthcare settings, sometimes with negative consequences. Older people may be coerced by care services to adopt telecare technologies such as alarms and falls monitors, or stigmatized for ‘misusing’ the technology in an attempt to increase their social contact with the outside world (Mort et al., 2013). Technologies can seem impersonal and unresponsive, can demand much of their users and create a sense of failure when the data they generate are not promising (Mol, 2009: 1757). Self-tracking technologies have been criticized for adding a further level of surveillance to contemporary society, producing data that render people’s lives transparent as they are transmitted, collected and aggregated by biomedical or corporate interests (Lupton, 2014: 1353; Till, 2014).

从社会学角度来看，PHTs 引起了人们的兴趣，部分原因是它们将以前在医疗机构中进行的监测和治疗个性化和家庭化，有时会带来负面影响。老年人可能会被护理服务机构强迫采用警报器和跌倒监测器等远程护理技术，或因 "滥用 "技术以试图增加与外界的社会接触而被污名化（Mort 等人，2013 年）。技术可能显得不近人情、反应迟钝，可能会对用户提出很高要求，并在生成的数据不尽如人意时产生失败感（Mol, 2009: 1757）。自我追踪技术被批评为给当代社会增加了更多的监控层级，产生的数据在被生物医学或企业利益传输、收集和汇总的过程中，使人们的生活变得透明（Lupton，2014: 1353；Till，2014）。

We can analyse PHTs in terms of assemblages and affect-economies, and the micropolitics of specification and aggregation. So, for instance, a blood pressure monitor assembles at least the following relations:

我们可以从组合和情感经济以及规范和聚合的微观政治学角度来分析 PHT。例如，血压计至少集合了以下关系：

vascular system - device - user - manufacturer - health professionals

血管系统 - 设备 - 用户 - 制造商 - 医护人员

The primary affectivity of the monitor is to provide feedback to a user concerning otherwise unobservable parameters. This produces a user capacity to assess blood pressure in relation to norms or to previous readings, and thereby to judge current risk level, or to manage body physiology or biochemistry (for instance, through diet or exercise, reducing sodium intake and so forth). Micropolitically, this assemblage makes a user responsible both for monitoring and acting in response to the readings; it extends a biomedical gaze over the user’s body functions beyond clinical settings into domestic spaces; and furthermore, it both outsources and privatizes medical monitoring.

血压计的主要作用是向用户提供有关其他不可观测参数的反馈信息。这使用户有能力评估血压与标准值或以前读数的关系，从而判断当前的风险水平，或管理身体生理或生物化学（例如，通过饮食或运动，减少钠摄入量等）。从微观政治角度看，这种组合使用户既要负责监测读数，又要根据读数采取行动；它将生物医学对用户身体功能的关注从临床环境延伸到了家庭空间；此外，它既将医疗监测外包，又将其私有化。

The Fitbit is one of a number of commercial products that can be worn or carried on the body, in order to monitor various body parameters including heart rate, motion and posture, hours slept and so forth. Data are sent wirelessly to a computer or mobile phone where they can be displayed graphically and calories burned and other functions calculated; data can also be shared. The Fitbit-user assemblage comprises at least the following relations

Fitbit 是众多商业产品之一，可以佩戴或携带在身上，以监测各种身体参数，包括心率、运动和姿势、睡眠时间等。数据以无线方式发送到电脑或手机，在电脑或手机上可以图形显示这些数据，并计算所消耗的卡路里和其他功能；数据还可以共享。Fitbit 用户组合至少包括以下几种关系

body movements - terrain - product - wearer - manufacturer - associates

身体运动 - 地形 - 产品 - 穿着者 - 制造商 - 合作伙伴

The affect driving this assemblage is the Fitbit’s capacity to gather data on body parameters, turning these into quantifiable outputs that can be displayed, analysed and interpreted.

Fitbit 能够收集身体参数数据，并将这些数据转化为可显示、可分析和可解释的量化输出。

However, the affect economy also produces new user capacities to choose certain behaviours such as exercise or sleep, and new opportunities to share and compare behaviours with peers. In addition, as a commercial product, it provides its manufacturers with profit and a potential future market for related products. These affective flows generate a specific micropolitics that has the outcome of ’responsibilizing'(Muncie, 2006) the user. But, at the same time - by quantifying and making explicit certain aspects of daily life, and enabling comparisons with other users - such fitness PHTs encourage certain normative behaviours around fitness, sleep, weight etc., creating new body routines and regimens, and producing competitiveness with others and the user her/himself. In addition, by drawing users into an assemblage with commercial interests, private aspects of a user’s life and health are privatized, commodified and commercialized.

然而，影响经济也产生了新的用户选择某些行为（如运动或睡眠）的能力，以及与同伴分享和比较行为的新机会。此外，作为一种商业产品，它为制造商提供了利润和相关产品的潜在未来市场。这些情感流产生了一种特定的微观政治，其结果是用户 "责任化"（Muncie，2006 年）。但与此同时，通过量化和明确化日常生活的某些方面，并与其他用户进行比较，这些健身 PHTs 鼓励了围绕健身、睡眠、体重等方面的某些规范行为，创造了新的身体常规和养生方法，并产生了与他人和用户自身的竞争性。此外，通过将用户吸引到一个具有商业利益的集合体中，用户生活和健康的私人方面被私有化、商品化和商业化。

Other PHTs may be subjected to similar analysis, but our materialist analysis suggests a further opportunity. If we can reverse engineer PHTs to reveal how they work and what capacities they produce, it should be possible also to forward-engineer technologies, to produce specific micropolitics and capacities. This may be done to meet specific objectives or from within different perspectives on health and illness. For instance, a technology may be designed to serve public health professionals: the aim here might be to design a PHT that enables surveillance of at risk individuals, reducing patient delay and encouraging individuals to take responsibility for their behaviour and activity. It might also allow health services to be managed more effectively to meet need, and potentially reduce costs (N. Fox, 2015b). An example of such a PHT might be a wireless- connected personal monitoring device issued to a target group of people. It would monitor a range of signs and parameters, notify wearers of health risks, invite people to attend primary care to address abnormal signs or to undergo appropriate screening or tests, remind people to take prescribed medications and so forth. Personal health technologies can also be designed to meet commercial objectives, or to care for individual patients at a distance.

我们可以对其他 PHT 进行类似的分析，但我们的唯物主义分析提供了另一个机会。如果我们能够对 PHT 进行逆向工程，揭示它们是如何工作的以及它们产生了哪些能力，那么我们就有可能对技术进行正向工程，以产生特定的微观政治和能力。这样做的目的可能是为了实现特定的目标，也可能是从健康和疾病的不同角度出发。例如，一项技术可能是为公共卫生专业人员服务而设计的：其目的可能是设计一种公共卫生技术，对高危人群进行监控，减少病人就诊时间，鼓励人们对自己的行为和活动负责。它还可以更有效地管理医疗服务以满足需求，并有可能降低成本（N. Fox，2015b）。此类 PHT 的一个例子可能是向目标人群发放的无线连接个人监测设备。它将监测一系列体征和参数，通知佩戴者健康风险，邀请人们去初级保健机构处理异常体征或接受适当的筛查或测试，提醒人们服用处方药等。个人保健技术的设计也可以满足商业目的，或远距离照顾个别病人。

However, Nick Fox (2015b) suggests a further possibility, which directly challenges the specifications and aggregations of bodies in biomedical and commercial paradigms, and opens up new opportunities for posthuman health, as conceived earlier in this chapter as a process of becoming. This ‘resistance’ paradigm would reject biomedicine’s individualization of health; oppose surveillance, responsibilization and invasion of private or domestic spaces; and resist the commercialization and commodification of health and illness.

然而，尼克-福克斯（Nick Fox）（2015b）提出了另一种可能性，它直接挑战了生物医学和商业范式中对身体的规范和聚合，并为后人类健康开辟了新的机遇，正如本章前面所设想的那样，后人类健康是一个 "成为 "的过程。这种 "抵制 "范式将拒绝生物医学对健康的个体化；反对对私人或家庭空间的监视、责任化和入侵；抵制健康和疾病的商业化和商品化。

Engineering ‘citizen health’

公民健康 "工程

We can set out some objectives for a personal health technology designed to resist the body-with-organs. Such a PHT-assemblage would:

我们可以为旨在抵御人体器官的个人健康技术设定一些目标。这种个人健康技术组合将：

- Promote health and illness in terms of the capacities of people and collectivities to engage productively with their social, economic, political and cultural milieux.

从人民和集体有成效地参与其社会、经济、政治和文化环境的能力的角度来促进健康和疾病。

- Enable people and communities to address health and illness threats and opportunities together, rather than as individuals.

使人们和社区能够共同而不是单独应对健康和疾病的威胁与机遇。

- Provide data and analytical capacities and resources to inform health policy development or campaigns for health-related improvements to a locale or sector.

提供数据和分析能力及资源，为制定卫生政策或开展改善地方或部门卫生状况的运动提供信息。

- Organize against health corporate interests such as environmental polluters, purveyors of fast and processed foods, and against corporate healthcare providers.

组织起来反对健康企业利益集团，如环境污染者、快餐和加工食品的提供者，以及反对企业医疗保健提供者。

- Synchronize health and environmental sustainability - rejecting policy initiatives that seek human health or development gains at the expense of the environment and sustainability.

实现健康与环境可持续性的同步--反对以牺牲环境和可持续性为代价来谋求人类健康或发展利益的政策举措。

This kind of approach might be described as a ‘citizen health’ agenda (Rimal et al., 1997), in tune with ideas of health activism (Zoller, 2005) and critical public health (Green and Labonte, 2008). An example of a technology that could deliver on some or all of these objectives would be a network of wearable and free-standing PHTs (mountable on buildings and other structures), that could be used to gather and crunch relevant physiological, social, environmental health data. Instead of the many-to-one or ‘hub-and-spoke’ communication architecture that links bodies individually to health professionals or to corporate databanks, it would use a many-to-many communication protocol, to build networks of connected bodies and social formations. Specific functions might be to:

这种方法可以被称为 "公民健康 "议程（Rimal 等人，1997 年），与健康行动主义（Zoller，2005 年）和批判性公共卫生（Green 和 Labonte，2008 年）的理念不谋而合。可实现上述部分或全部目标的技术的一个例子是可穿戴和独立式 PHT 网络（可安装在建筑物和其他结构上），该网络可用于收集和整理相关的生理、社会和环境健康数据。它将采用多对多的通信协议，而不是多对一或 "中心辐射式 "的通信架构，将个体身体与医疗专业人员或企业数据库连接起来，以建立连接身体和社会形态的网络。具体功能可能包括

- assess health status and risks to health across a locality (or a specific subcommunity such as LGBT citizens or teenage parents);

评估整个地区（或特定亚社区，如男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者公民或未成年父母）的健康状况和健康风险；

- notify participants of relevant policy or risks;

向与会者通报相关政策或风险；

- access knowledge resources via local libraries and universities; and

通过当地图书馆和大学获取知识资源；以及

- co-ordinate action and build coalitions with health professionals, politicians, researchers and others, and support policy development.

协调行动，与卫生专业人员、政治家、研究人员和其他人建立联盟，支持政策制定。

Such a ‘citizen health’ PHT is not fanciful, it can easily be developed using existing software such as Web 2.0 collaborative technologies, peer-to-peer file-sharing software and search tools (N. Fox, 2015b).

这种 "公民健康 "公共卫生技术并非天方夜谭，利用现有软件，如 Web 2.0 协作技术、点对点文件共享软件和搜索工具，就能轻松开发出来（N. Fox，2015b）。

This exploration of personal health technologies has served to both reveal some of the ways in which bodies become specified as bodies-with-organs, but also to suggest the possibilities for generalizing (de-territorializing) a body-with-organs and the potential ‘lines of flight’ that are possible once a view of health as becoming is adopted. We will use these insights to draw together the various threads or argument we have discussed in this chapter.

对个人健康技术的探讨既揭示了身体作为具有器官的身体的一些具体方式，也提出了将具有器官的身体普遍化（去领土化）的可能性，以及一旦采用了将健康视为 "成为 "的观点，可能出现的 "飞行路线"。我们将利用这些见解，把本章讨论的各种论点串联起来。

Posthuman health

后人类健康

Our discussion of development of a ‘resisting’ personal health technology was not simply to promote the need for a specific device. Rather, it was to make a point that ideas such as 'citizen health' - that emerge from the materialist ontology we have set out in this chapter - offer an alternative to the way health has been conceptualized conventionally, both in the biomedical sciences and to an extent within sociology. This design for a ‘citizen health PHT’ addresses a number of the arguments we have made in support of a materialist, post- anthropocentric and posthuman perspective on health.

我们讨论开发 "抵制型 "个人健康技术，并不只是为了宣传对特定设备的需求。相反，我们想说明的是，"公民健康 "等概念--源自我们在本章中阐述的唯物主义本体论--为生物医学科学以及一定程度上的社会学中传统的健康概念化方式提供了另一种选择。这种 "公民健康 PHT "的设计涉及到我们为支持唯物主义、后人类中心主义和后人类健康观点而提出的一些论点。

First, by subverting health paradigms deriving from biomedicine and commerce, it decentres health from being an attribute or possession of a body, locating it instead as the product of the affective flow between bodies, physical stuff, social formations, memories, ideas and abstract concepts. Second, it explicitly emphasizes the pursuit of health in terms of enhancing capacities and possibilities for action - for individuals, but also for collectivities and communities, and for the physical environment (see Chapter 3). Third, it is a practical manifestation of the cyborg character of bodies, demonstrating the ‘health’ that can be produced by drawing physical, social and cultural relations into assemblage. Finally this ecological understanding of health forms the basis for activism and social change, and firmly rejects the individualized body-with- organs promoted in biomedical theories of the body, health and disease, and the specifications and aggregations this produces.

首先，通过颠覆源于生物医学和商业的健康范式，它将健康从身体的属性或所有权中剥离出来，将其定位为身体、物质、社会形态、记忆、思想和抽象概念之间情感流动的产物。其次，它明确强调从提高行动能力和可能性的角度来追求健康--不仅是对个人，也是对集体和社区以及自然环境而言（见第 3 章）。第三，它切实体现了身体的半机械特性，展示了通过将身体、社会和文化关系组合在一起而产生的 "健康"。最后，这种对健康的生态学理解构成了行动主义和社会变革的基础，并坚决摒弃了生物医学理论中关于身体、健康和疾病的个体化身体与器官，以及由此产生的规格和集合。

These four points encapsulate the radical re-thinking of health and illness that derives from materialist sociology. In some ways it is a radical departure, in others it plays to sociology’s strengths, by focusing not upon individual organic bodies but upon associations and assemblages that incorporate organic and inorganic, material and abstract. Health and ill-health are not attributes of individual bodies, but relational and ecological, concerned with the capacities produced by assemblages in both human bodies and other things. The endless permutations of living - of health, illness, sexual desire, ageing and death open up possibilities for exploring both continuities and change, power and resistance. The alternative perspective that we have suggested is not simply a philosophical and ontological exercise, but a means for the sociology of health and illness to embrace a posthuman perspective.

这四点概括了唯物主义社会学对健康和疾病的彻底重新思考。在某些方面，它是一种激进的偏离，而在另一些方面，它则发挥了社会学的优势，不是关注单个的有机身体，而是关注结合了有机与无机、物质与抽象的关联和组合。健康和不健康不是单个身体的属性，而是关系和生态的属性，与人体和其他事物的组合所产生的能力有关。生活的无尽变化--健康、疾病、性欲、衰老和死亡--为探索连续性和变化、权力和反抗提供了可能性。我们提出的另一种视角不仅仅是一种哲学和本体论的实践，也是健康与疾病社会学拥抱后人类视角的一种手段。

It is radical in a second way too, as this relational and ecological model of health sets out a powerful critique of biomedical thinking about bodies and health, and its negative consequences. It suggests that healthcare may - rather than creating opportunities - close down what a body can do by trammelling it within an individualized and medicalized framework. The body-with-organs has been a seductive model of embodiment: biological in essence, individualized, imbued with independent agency and located within a social, economic and political nexus that feeds on this model of embodiment (for instance, turning individuals into consumers), as do the medical professions (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 159). Sociology too is implicated in this specification, to the extent it has accepted the body-with-organs as its unit of analysis.

它在第二个方面也是激进的，因为这种关系和生态健康模式对有关身体和健康的生物医学思维及其负面影响提出了有力的批判。它指出，医疗保健不是创造机会，而是在个体化和医疗化的框架内束缚身体，从而封闭身体的功能。有器官的身体一直是一种诱人的体现模式：本质上是生物的，个体化的，被赋予了独立的能动性，并且位于社会、经济和政治的联系之中，这种联系以这种体现模式为基础（例如，将个人变成消费者），医学界也是如此（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988: 159）。社会学也卷入了这一模式，因为社会学已接受将身体与器官作为其分析单位。

So for the most extensive critique of the body-with-organs, it is perhaps unsurprising that we must turn not to sociology, but to the materialist work of a philosopher and a psychoanalyst. In their two books on capitalism and schizophrenia, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari set out a concerned attack on the body-with-organs or ‘organism, (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984： 382-6; 1988: 158-9), which they saw as an impoverished and closed down entity, shorn of its breadth of connections and associations with the rest of the world.

因此，要想对带器官的身体进行最广泛的批判，我们不应该求助于社会学，而应该求助于一位哲学家和一位精神分析师的唯物主义著作，这也许并不奇怪。吉尔-德勒兹（Gilles Deleuze）和费利克斯-瓜塔里（Felix Guattari）在他们的两本关于资本主义和精神分裂症的著作中，对带有器官的身体或 "有机体"（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1984：382-6；1988：158-9）发起了猛烈的抨击。

Their objective in those books was to reconnect the body, to make it a ‘body- without-organs’, freed to re-connect in all kinds of ways, on all kinds of levels. In relation to mental health, they called their critique ‘schizoanalysis’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 273); more generally as a political strategy for living, they called it ‘nomadology’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 23).

他们在这些书中的目标是重新连接身体，使其成为一个 "没有器官的身体"，并以各种方式、在各种层面上自由地重新连接起来。关于精神健康，他们称自己的批判为 "精神分裂症"（Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 273）；作为一种更普遍的生活政治策略，他们称之为 "游牧学"（Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 23）。

This critique makes healthcare intrinsically political - on one hand closing down (post)human potential, while on the other engaging with and supporting the struggles of people to break free from specification by biology, culture or scientific theories. The ‘health’ of a body, in this view, is the outcome of associations and assemblages, alliances with friends or health workers, struggles for control over treatment or conditions of living; efforts to transform the social and natural environment to enable new associations and opportunities. It is a process of becoming, of rallying capacities, resisting physical or social specification, and experimenting with what is, and what might become. Health sociology can pull apart and re-make, intellectually and in practice, the ill-health assemblages that affect the material lives of people and the public health of nations.

这种批判使医疗保健具有内在的政治性--一方面封闭（后）人类的潜能，另一方面参与并支持人们为摆脱生物学、文化或科学理论的规范而进行的斗争。在这种观点中，身体的 "健康 "是联合和组合的结果，是与朋友或医务工作者结盟的结果，是为控制治疗或生活条件而斗争的结果，是为改造社会和自然环境以促成新的联合和机会而努力的结果。它是一个成为的过程，是一个凝聚能力、抵制物质或社会规范、试验现有和可能成为的东西的过程。健康社会学可以从知识上和实践上拆分和重新塑造影响人们物质生活和国家公共健康的不健康组合。

Arguably, with this agenda for health as becoming, the true science of health is not medicine but sociology, though a sociology of association that is not obsessed with defending its boundaries, that acknowledges the biological and the psychological as key relations alongside the sociocultural in producing health, and that is willing to work alongside clinicians in the cause of health as becoming. This puts sociology on a collision-course with powerful groupings working within a biomedical perspective. Questioning the individualistic nature of ill-health and ill bodies may seem counter-factual to many, and intellectually- threatening to some. But to engage productively with such agendas actually collapses rather than reinforces disciplinary boundaries, and establishes a pressing need for collaboration between medical and caring professions, social and political scientists, social activists, indeed between every body - human, posthuman and non-human.

可以说，有了这种 "健康成为现实 "的议程，真正的健康科学就不是医学，而是社会学，尽管这种关联社会学并不执着于捍卫自己的边界，承认生物和心理与社会文化是产生健康的关键关系，并愿意与临床医生一起致力于 "健康成为现实 "的事业。这使得社会学与从生物医学角度出发的强大团体发生了冲突。对许多人来说，质疑不健康和不健康身体的个人主义性质似乎是违背事实的，对某些人来说，这在智力上是一种威胁。但是，要有效地参与这些议程，实际上会崩溃而不是强化学科界限，并迫切需要医疗和护理专业、社会和政治科学家、社会活动家之间的合作，实际上是每一个身体--人类、后人类和非人类--之间的合作。

Summary

摘要

In this chapter we have used materialist ontology to re-think both illness and health. We have rejected the model of a body-with-organs used in the biomedical sciences to define these categories, and sought instead a relational and ecological approach in which health is to be seen as a process of becoming that opens up possibilities for action, both for human bodies and for their social and natural environments. We have argued for a posthuman focus that recognizes health as not just about the condition of an individual body, but about the productiveness of the relations that humans have with others, and with all their physical, social and abstract relations. We suggest a new role for a sociology of associations in relation to health and healthcare, one that confronts individualistic approaches to health and promotes health as becoming, theoretically, and through research and activism.

在本章中，我们运用唯物主义本体论来重新思考疾病与健康。我们摒弃了生物医学中用来定义这两个范畴的 "有器官的身体 "模式，转而寻求一种关系学和生态学的方法，将健康视为一种 "成为 "的过程，它为人类的身体及其社会和自然环境带来了行动的可能性。我们主张以 "后人类 "为中心，认识到健康不仅与个体身体状况有关，而且与人类与他人的关系，以及人类与所有物质、社会和抽象关系的生产力有关。我们建议关联社会学在健康和医疗保健方面发挥新的作用，这种作用将对抗个人主义的健康方法，并从理论上以及通过研究和行动来促进健康。

Further reading

更多阅读

Buchanan, I. (1997) The problem of the body in Deleuze and Guattari, or, what can a body do? Body & Society, 3(3): 73-91.

Buchanan, I. (1997) The problem of the body in Deleuze and Guattari, or, what can a body do?Body & Society, 3(3)：73-91.

Duff, C. (2010) Towards a developmental ethology: exploring Deleuze’s contribution to the study of health and human development. Health, 14(6): 619-634.

Duff, C. (2010) Towards a developmental ethology: exploring Deleuze's contribution to the study of health and human development.Health, 14(6)：619-634.

Fox, N.J. (2012) The Body. Cambridge: Polity.

Fox, N.J. (2012) The Body.Cambridge：Polity.

Part 3 Research, Policy and Activism

第 3 部分 研究、政策和行动

9 Research: Designs, Methods and theResearch Assemblage

9 研究：设计、方法和研究组合

Introduction

简介

Throughout this book we have used various examples to illustrate the different sociological topics we have explored, from social mobility to environmental change to health technology. Some have been based upon specific pieces of empirical research, and we have applied our toolkit of materialist concepts to offer new interpretations of the data, often drawing different conclusions from those of the original studies. However, until now we have resisted setting out explicitly a ‘materialist’ approach to social research. We now turn to this task, to address the methodological challenges facing those who wish to apply materialist ontology to social inquiry. Arguably, part of the added sociological value of the new materialism depends upon turning its novel perspectives on the social world into useable sociological methods for research.

在本书中，我们使用了各种实例来说明我们所探讨的不同社会学主题，从社会流动性到环境变化，再到健康技术。其中一些例子基于具体的实证研究，我们运用唯物主义概念工具包对数据进行了新的解释，得出的结论往往与原始研究不同。不过，到目前为止，我们还没有明确提出 "唯物主义 "的社会研究方法。现在，我们转向这项任务，以解决那些希望将唯物主义本体论应用于社会调查的人所面临的方法论挑战。可以说，新唯物主义的社会学附加值部分取决于将其对社会世界的新观点转化为可用的社会学研究方法。

Over the past ten years, a growing number of social scientific studies have applied research methodologies rooted in materialist perspectives. Social researchers have drawn on methodological concepts to be found in the work of materialist scholars, such as Karen Barad’s ideas of ‘intra-action’ between researcher and researched (Barad, 1996: 179), and ‘diffractive methodology’ (2007: 90), and Deleuze and Guattari’s ‘schizoanalysis’ (Deleuze and Guattari, 1984: 322) and ‘cartography’ (1988: 261). These concepts (see Glossary for definitions) have supplied novel and sometimes radical methods for collecting, analyzing and presenting data. A shift towards a materialist foundation for social inquiry also marks a move away from epistemological arguments (concerning how we may know the world) between realist and constructionist approaches to research (van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010), toward a concern with ontology (the kinds of things that exist in that world) (Barad, 1996: 162; Karakayali, 2015: 733).

在过去十年中，越来越多的社会科学研究采用了植根于唯物主义观点的研究方法。社会研究人员借鉴了唯物主义学者著作中的方法论概念，如 Karen Barad 的研究者与被研究者之间的 "内部行动"（Barad, 1996: 179）和 "衍射方法论"（2007: 90），以及 Deleuze 和 Guattari 的 "分裂分析"（Deleuze 和 Guattari, 1984: 322）和 "制图学"（1988: 261）。这些概念（定义见术语表）为收集、分析和展示数据提供了新颖、有时甚至是激进的方法。社会调查向唯物主义基础的转变也标志着研究方法从现实主义和建构主义之间的认识论争论（关于我们如何认识世界）（van der Tuin 和 Dolphijn，2010 年）转向对本体论（存在于世界中的事物种类）的关注（Barad，1996 年：162；Karakayali，2015 年：733）。

Our point of entry into a materialist approach to social inquiry begins from an analysis of research as assemblage. From a materialist perspective, a researchassemblage (Coleman and Ringrose, 2013: 17; Fox and Alldred, 2013; Masny, 2013: 340) comprises the bodies, things and abstractions that get caught up in social inquiry, including the events that are studied, and the researchers. It will be this concept that will enable us to develop a materialist perspective on social inquiry, and form the basis of a methodology for materialist social inquiry. We shall not claim to offer the last word in materialist methodology, but what we shall provide is the means for students and researchers to translate ontological innovation into practical tools for social inquiry.

我们对社会调查的唯物主义方法的切入点始于对作为集合体的研究的分析。从唯物主义的角度来看，研究集合体（researchassemblage）（Coleman and Ringrose, 2013: 17; Fox and Alldred, 2013; Masny, 2013: 340）由社会调查中的主体、事物和抽象概念组成，包括被研究的事件和研究人员。正是这一概念使我们能够从唯物主义视角看待社会探究，并为唯物主义社会探究的方法论奠定基础。我们不会声称自己是唯物主义方法论的集大成者，但我们将为学生和研究人员提供将本体论创新转化为社会探究实用工具的方法。

We begin by developing an analysis of research as an interaction between an event to be observed and the research assemblage. This will supply the foundation for understanding research micropolitics. But what is assembled can also be dis-assembled, and later in the chapter we will delve further inside the researchassemblage, opening up the research process to reveal both the workings of the various ‘research-machines’ that underpin data collection, analysis, writing and dissemination, and also the micro-political interactions between researcher and researched. We explore social research in terms of the interactions between events and the research-assemblage, and consider the micropolitics of these engagements and what they mean for the knowledge that is produced. This analysis will provide the basis for principles to conduct materialist research methodology.

我们首先将研究分析为有待观察的事件与研究组合之间的互动。这将为理解研究微观政治奠定基础。在本章的后面部分，我们将进一步深入研究组合内部，打开研究过程，揭示支撑数据收集、分析、写作和传播的各种 "研究机器 "的运作，以及研究者与被研究者之间的微观政治互动。我们从事件与研究组合之间的互动角度探讨社会研究，并考虑这些互动的微观政治学及其对所产生的知识的意义。这一分析将为开展唯物主义研究方法论的原则提供基础。

Materialism and social inquiry

唯物主义与社会调查

Social scientists have argued at great length over what kinds of knowledge can be generated by social inquiry. Generally, assessments of the capacity of social research to offer objective descriptions of events have polarized around a realist/ constructionist dualism (Alvesson and Skoldberg, 2009; Barad, 1996), with the former perspective aspiring to a knowable reality independent of human concepts, while the latter position argues that what may be known is limited to conceptual/linguistic constructions of ‘reality’ produced within specific social and cultural contexts (Lau and Morgan, 2014: 574). However, these positions turn ultimately upon the ontology that links events, researchers and research tools (Danermark et al., 2002: 18; Stanley and Wise, 1993: 14). One of the attractions of the new materialisms has been its ontological focus on relationality rather than essence. As we shall show in this chapter, this has the effect of re-making the relationship between research data and the object of inquiry, cutting across the realist/constructionist dualism that has divided social research approaches (Coole and Frost, 2010: 26; van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010).

社会科学家对社会调查能产生什么样的知识进行了长时间的争论。一般来说，对社会研究提供事件客观描述的能力的评估围绕着现实主义/建构主义二元论而两极分化（Alvesson and Skoldberg, 2009; Barad, 1996），前一种观点希望获得独立于人类概念的可知现实，而后一种立场则认为，可知的东西仅限于在特定社会和文化背景下产生的 "现实 "的概念/语言建构（Lau and Morgan, 2014: 574）。然而，这些立场最终都取决于将事件、研究人员和研究工具联系起来的本体论（Danermark et al.）新唯物主义的魅力之一在于它在本体论上关注关系性而非本质。正如我们将在本章中展示的那样，这具有重新构建研究数据与调查对象之间关系的作用，跨越了划分社会研究方法的现实主义/建构主义二元论（Coole and Frost, 2010: 26; van der Tuin and Dolphijn, 2010）。

In Chapter 2, we established some foundational precepts for a materialist sociology that was relational, post-anthropocentric, and concerned with processes and becoming rather than essences and being. It is worth summarizing these principles as we set out to establish a materialist methodology. They are:

在第二章中，我们为唯物主义社会学确立了一些基本原则，这些原则是关系性的、后人类中心主义的、关注过程和 "成为 "而非本质和 "存在"。在我们着手建立唯物主义方法论时，值得对这些原则进行总结。它们是

- an ontological orientation towards matter (as opposed to textuality or structures);

在本体论上面向物质（相对于文本或结构）；

- a concern with what matter does, not what it is;

关注物质是什么，而不是它是什么；

- a post-anthropocentric focus on the capacity of all matter (not just human bodies) to affect;

后人类中心主义关注所有物质（不仅仅是人体）的影响能力；

- acknowledgement that thoughts, memories, desires and emotions have material effects;

承认思想、记忆、欲望和情感具有物质效应；

- power (and resistance to it) operates at the very local level of actions and events, rather than top-down; and

权力（以及对权力的抵制）是在地方一级的行动和事件中产生的，而不是自上而下产生的；以及

- sociology is itself part of the materiality of the social world.

社会学本身就是社会世界物质性的一部分。

These ontological shifts in emphasis inevitably influence how we understand the objects and methods of social inquiry, for instance by emphasizing nonhuman agency at the expense of human agency, cutting across micro/macro levels of analysis, and seeking explanation at the level of the event rather than in terms of structures or mechanisms. Conventionally, social inquiry (like other scientific inquiry) has been anthropocentric, regarding the researcher as the prime mover in the research enterprise, whose reason, logic, theory and scientific method gradually imposes order upon ‘data’ to supply an understanding, however imperfect, of the world. By contrast, this materialist perspective treats researcher and researched event (along with many other relations, including the tools, technologies and theories of scientific research) as an assemblage that produces a variety of material capabilities in its human and non-human relations.

这些本体论重点的转移不可避免地会影响我们对社会探究对象和方法的理解，例如强调非人类的能动性而忽视人类的能动性，跨越微观/宏观的分析层次，在事件层面而不是从结构或机制的角度寻求解释。传统上，社会调查（与其他科学调查一样）是以人类为中心的，将研究者视为研究事业的主要推动者，研究者的理性、逻辑、理论和科学方法逐渐将秩序强加于 "数据"，以提供对世界的理解，无论这种理解多么不完美。相比之下，这种唯物主义视角将研究者和被研究事件（以及许多其他关系，包括科学研究的工具、技术和理论）视为一个集合体，在其人类和非人类关系中产生各种物质能力。

After we introduced these abstract principles of materialist sociology in Chapter 2, we went on to set out the concepts that we would use to understand the workings of the social world. These included assemblage, affect and territo- rialization/specification deriving from Deleuze and Guattari (1988), Clough’s (2004) notion of affect economy, and the idea of ‘intra-action’ from Barad (1996). Now, to make sense of social inquiry, we will apply these same concepts once again, in order to explore the micropolitics of research, and to establish a materialist methodology. Readers may refer back to Chapter 2 if they wish to re-familiarize themselves with these concepts. However, before applying these principles for materialist social inquiry and a toolkit of concepts, there are a number of specific consequences of a materialist ontology that we need to consider when approaching empirical data.

我们在第 2 章介绍了唯物主义社会学的这些抽象原则之后，接着提出了我们将用来理解社会世界运作的概念。这些概念包括德勒兹和瓜塔里（Deleuze and Guattari，1988 年）提出的 "集合"（assembly）、"影响"（affect）和 "地域化/具体化"（territo-rialization/specification）、克拉夫（Clough，2004 年）提出的 "影响经济"（affect economy）概念以及巴拉德（Barad，1996 年）提出的 "内部行动"（intra-action）概念。现在，为了让社会调查更有意义，我们将再次运用这些相同的概念，以探索研究的微观政治学，并建立一种唯物主义方法论。如果读者希望重新熟悉这些概念，可以参阅第 2 章。不过，在运用这些唯物主义社会探究原则和概念工具包之前，我们需要考虑唯物主义本体论在处理经验数据时产生的一些具体后果。

First, these materialist principles shift the focus of social inquiry from human agents to the assemblage. Consequently, the concern is no longer with what bodies or things or social institutions are, but with the capacities for action, interaction, feeling and desire produced in bodies or groups of bodies by affective flows. The tools of interpretive research such as interviews or diary and narrative accounts, which conventionally attend to human actions, experiences and reflections, must be turned decisively to efforts to disclose the relations within assemblages, and the kinds of affective flows that occur between these relations (Fox and Alldred, 2013： 778-81; Juelskjaer, 2013： 759; Renold and Mellor, 2013: 26).

首先，这些唯物主义原则将社会研究的重点从人类行为主体转移到集合体。因此，我们关注的不再是身体、事物或社会机构是什么，而是情感流动在身体或身体群体中产生的行动、互动、感觉和欲望的能力。解释性研究的工具，如访谈、日记和叙事，通常关注人类的行动、经验和反思，必须果断转向揭示集合体内部的关系，以及这些关系之间发生的情感流动（Fox and Alldred, 2013：778-81；Juelskjaer, 2013：759；Renold and Mellor, 2013：26）。

Second, materialist perspectives regard the social world as dynamic and relational, comprising affects, forces and desires, flows and intensities, aggregations and dis-aggregations, specifications (territorializations) and generalizations (de-territorializations), becoming rather than being (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988： 275). Social inquiry needs to have the tools to map these flows, intensities and intra-actions of relations and affects in assemblages (‘cartography’ or map-making is the preferred metaphor of Deleuze and Guattari (1988： 12) for exploring these affective movements).

其次，唯物主义视角认为社会世界是动态的、相互关联的，由情感、力量和欲望、流动和强度、聚合和分解、具体化（地域化）和概括化（去地域化）、成为而非存在组成（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988：275）。社会探究需要有工具来绘制这些关系和情感在集合体中的流动、强度和内部作用（德勒兹和瓜塔里（1988： 12）喜欢用 "制图 "或 "绘制地图 "来比喻探索这些情感运动）。

Third, a ‘flat’ ontology of assemblages and affects undermines structural or systematic explanations of sociological data. Power resides in the affective flows between relations in assemblages, the aggregations and singularities these flows produce, and the capacities or constraints upon capacities produced in some - and not other - bodies, collectivities and non-human formations. Where analysis seeks to generalize from specific events (for instance, to set out the factors affecting migration or contemporary sexualities) this needs to be based in a micropolitical analysis of the affect economies within events.

第三，关于集合和情感的 "平面 "本体论破坏了对社会学数据的结构性或系统性解释。权力存在于集合体中各种关系之间的情感流动，这些流动所产生的集合体和奇异性，以及在某些--而非其他--身体、集体和非人类形式中产生的能力或对能力的限制。当分析试图从具体事件中归纳出影响移民或当代性行为的因素时（例如，列出影响移民或当代性行为的因素），这需要以对事件中的情感经济进行微观政治分析为基础。

Fourth, social inquiry needs to be open to the potential for assemblages to cut across micro, meso and macro levels of analysis (Taylor and Ivinson, 2013： 668). Take as an example Fox and Ward’s (2008) study of the pharmaceuticali- zation of erectile dysfunction that we discussed in Chapter 7： there is nothing to prevent a relation such as a man’s sexual performance (conventionally thought of as ‘micro’) and a ‘macro’ relation such as the financial performance of global pharmaceutical companies being drawn into assemblage, to the extent that one may affect or be affected by the other.

第四，社会调查需要对组合跨越微观、中观和宏观分析层面的可能性持开放态度（Taylor and Ivinson, 2013： 668）。以福克斯和沃德（Fox and Ward, 2008）在第 7 章中讨论的勃起功能障碍的药物治疗研究为例：没有什么能阻止诸如男人的性能力（传统上被认为是 "微观 "的）和诸如全球制药公司的财务业绩这样的 "宏观 "关系被卷入组合之中，因为其中一个关系可能会影响另一个关系，或受另一个关系的影响。

Finally, the posthumanism of the materialist perspective raises questions about human capacities to produce research knowledge： the view that knowledge can be gleaned from observation of the world is founded in the anthropocentric privileging of human cognitive processes (Paden, 1987: 129). Conventionally, social inquiry (like other scientific inquiry) has been considered from the point of view of the researcher, who through efforts of reason, logic and scientific method, gradually imposes order upon ‘data’, and in so doing, ‘makes sense’ of the world. If, on the other hand, we see researcher and data (along with many other relations) as a ‘research-assemblage’ with its own affect economy, we begin to recognize research as a micropolitical specification that shapes the knowledge it produces according to the particular flows of affect that its methodology and methods produce.

最后，后人文主义的唯物主义观点对人类生产研究知识的能力提出了质疑：认为可以从对世界的观察中获取知识的观点是建立在人类中心主义对人类认知过程的偏爱之上的（Paden, 1987: 129）。传统上，社会探究（与其他科学探究一样）都是从研究者的角度来考虑的，研究者通过理性、逻辑和科学方法的努力，逐渐将秩序强加于 "数据 "之上，并以此来 "理解 "世界。另一方面，如果我们将研究者与数据（以及许多其他关系）视为一种 "研究-组合"，拥有自己的情感经济，我们就会开始认识到，研究是一种微观政治规范，它根据其方法论和方法所产生的特定情感流来塑造其所生产的知识。

The research assemblage

研究组合

The idea of research as an assemblage derives from the DeleuzoGuattarian view of assemblages as ‘machines’ that link elements together affectively to do something, to produce something (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 4). With this in mind, the research-assemblage will comprise a multiplicity of constituent (affective) relations between the ‘events’ to be researched (these can be any instance of bodies, things, settings or social formations, or of assemblages of these); research tools such as questionnaires, interview schedules or other apparatus; recording and analysis technologies, computer software and hardware; theoretical frameworks and hypotheses; research literatures and findings from earlier studies; the ‘data’ generated by these methods and techniques; and of course, researchers. To this list may be added contextual relations such as the physical spaces and establishments where research takes place; the frameworks, philosophies, cultures and traditions that surround scientific research; ethical principles and ethics committees; research assessment exercises; and all the paraphernalia of academic research outputs: libraries, journals, editors and reviewers, and readers.

德勒兹-瓜塔里（Deleuzo-Guattari）认为，"组合 "是一种 "机器"，它将各种元素以情感的方式联系在一起，从而完成某些事情，产生某些结果（Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 4）。有鉴于此，研究--组合将包括待研究的 "事件"（可以是任何身体、事物、环境或社会形态的实例，也可以是这些实例的组合）、研究工具（如问卷、访谈表或其他工具）、记录和分析技术、计算机软件和硬件、理论框架和假设、研究文献和早期研究成果、这些方法和技术产生的 "数据 "以及研究人员之间的多重（情感）组成关系。除此以外，还可以加上一些背景关系，如开展研究的物理空间和机构；围绕科学研究的框架、哲学、文化和传统；伦理原则和伦理委员会；研究评估工作；以及学术研究成果的所有辅助工具：图书馆、期刊、编辑和审稿人以及读者。

By applying the conception of an assemblage to research, all the various stages in the research process (such as data collection or analysis, or techniques used to sample data or increase validity) can each be treated as a ‘machine’ that has been constructed to work in a specific way in order to produce certain outputs. Thus, a ‘data collection machine’ takes aspects of an event as its raw materials, and by the means specific to its design, generates ‘data’. An analysis machine processes data according to specific rules of logic, deduction or inference to produce ‘findings’ in the form of generalities or summaries (Jackson and Mazzei, 2013). A reporting machine takes these outputs of data analysis and creates knowledge products for dissemination: theory, policy and practice implications and so forth. Furthermore, these machines can be ‘plugged into’ each other, to create the overall design of a research project.

通过将 "组合 "概念应用于研究，研究过程中的各个阶段（如数据收集或分析，或用于抽样数据或提高有效性的技术）都可以被视为一台 "机器"，以特定的方式工作，产生特定的结果。因此，"数据收集机器 "将事件的各个方面作为原材料，并通过其设计的特定方法生成 "数据"。分析机器根据特定的逻辑、演绎或推理规则处理数据，生成概括或总结形式的 "结论"（Jackson and Mazzei, 2013）。报告机器利用这些数据分析结果，创造知识产品用于传播：理论、政策和实践影响等。此外，这些机器还可以相互 "连接"，以创建研究项目的整体设计。

So a research methodology may be seen as a particular arrangement of machines, designed to shape how affect flows between its constituent relations, and what capacities these flows produce (in researchers, and in research outputs). Precisely how event, instruments and researchers interact depends upon the affects designed into a specific machine. For example, a sampling frame determines which events are included in a study, while a thematic analysis separates data into categories. Theory is a further machine that plays a key part in research: a theoretical perspective brought to bear upon the research findings will establish specific capacities for how data are interpreted.

因此，一种研究方法可以被视为一种特定的机器排列，其设计目的是塑造影响在其组成关系之间的流动方式，以及这些流动所产生的能力（在研究人员和研究成果中）。事件、工具和研究人员之间究竟如何互动，取决于特定机器所设计的影响因素。例如，抽样框架决定了哪些事件被纳入研究，而专题分析则将数据分门别类。理论是在研究中发挥关键作用的另一个工具：对研究结果产生影响的理论视角将为如何解释数据建立特定的能力。

Unlike ‘spontaneous’ assemblages in daily life (for instance, the ‘sexualityassemblage’ that we looked at in Chapter 6), such research machines comprise few relations and affects, making them amenable to ‘reverse engineering’, to understand how they work. To offer a simple example: a sampling frame is a machine that works by means of a single affect targeted at the various events available to social inquiry. This affect sorts events to be included in a study (for instance, teenagers) from those to be excluded (those under 13 or over 19). In other research machines, the affects may be more complex: the maths underpinning a summary statistic such as chi-squared comprises a series of arithmetic operations (affects) that progressively transform ‘data’ into a single indicator of statistical significance. By unpicking research machines, it is possible to assess how a change of data collection or analysis method, or of design (for instance, from survey to ethnography) alters the affective flow in the research-assemblage, and hence what kind of ‘knowledge’ it produces (Jackson and Mazzei, 2013: 263). Later in the chapter, we shall reverse engineer a range of designs and research machines.

与日常生活中的 "自发 "组合（例如，我们在第 6 章中提到的 "性爱组合"）不同，这种研究机器只包含很少的关系和情感，因此可以对其进行 "逆向工程"，以了解它们是如何工作的。举个简单的例子：抽样框架是一台机器，它通过针对社会调查中各种事件的单一影响来工作。这种情感会将纳入研究的事件（例如青少年）与排除在外的事件（13 岁以下或 19 岁以上）进行分类。在其他研究机器中，影响可能更为复杂：秩方等汇总统计的数学基础包括一系列算术运算（影响），这些运算将 "数据 "逐步转化为统计意义的单一指标。通过分析研究机器，我们可以评估数据收集或分析方法的改变，或设计的改变（例如，从调查到人种学）如何改变研究组合中的情感流，从而产生什么样的 "知识"（Jackson and Mazzei, 2013: 263）。本章稍后，我们将对一系列设计和研究机器进行逆向工程。

This analysis of affects also opens to scrutiny the micropolitics of different research-assemblages, of who gains and who loses in the processes of research (Gillies and Alldred, 2012: 56). For example, in a randomized trial, controlling the experimental conditions and use of statistical techniques together limit the affective capacities of ‘confounding’ relations found in ‘real-world’ settings, empowering a researcher to model the ‘uncontaminated’ affect of an ‘independent’ upon a ‘dependent’ variable. By contrast, in qualitative studies a ‘naturalistic’ approach limits the researcher affective capacities, while enhancing the affectivity of respondents’ accounts. We now offer a formal analysis of research-as-assemblage.

这种对情感的分析也使不同研究组合的微观政治得以审视，研究过程中谁得谁失（Gillies and Alldred, 2012: 56）。例如，在随机试验中，实验条件的控制和统计技术的使用共同限制了 "真实世界 "环境中 "混杂 "关系的影响能力，使研究人员有能力模拟 "自变量 "对 "因变量 "的 "无污染 "影响。相比之下，在定性研究中，"自然主义 "方法限制了研究人员的情感能力，同时增强了受访者叙述的情感性。我们现在对 "研究即组合 "进行正式分析。

A materialist analysis of the research encounter

对研究遭遇的唯物主义分析

To understand more clearly what happens when a sociological researcher sets out to gather data about some aspect or other of the social world, we have chosen a specific event as an illustration - a school trip to the countryside - as described in Youdell and Armstrong’s (2011) ethnographic account. We’ll call this event E. From an assemblage perspective, E is an assemblage comprising a number of relations (which we will call ‘ABC’) linked by an affect economy that makes the assemblage do whatever it does. In this case, the relations included teachers, school students, the places they visited and so forth. What happens when this event becomes the focus for a research study?

为了更清楚地了解社会学研究者在着手收集有关社会世界某一方面或其他方面的数据时会发生什么，我们选择了一个具体事件作为例证--尤戴尔和阿姆斯特朗（2011 年）的人种学叙述中所描述的学校郊游。从集合的角度来看，E 是一个集合体，由若干关系（我们称之为 "ABC"）组成，这些关系通过情感经济联系在一起，使集合体做任何事情。在本案例中，这些关系包括教师、学生、他们去过的地方等等。当这一事件成为研究的重点时，会发生什么呢？

The answer to this question requires that we also recognize the research process as an event in itself, and thus as a ‘research-assemblage’, which we shall call R. The aim of this research-assemblage is to apply techniques and methods that can somehow identify the relations within the E assemblage, explore the affects between these relations that make it work, and assess from some contextual perspective the capacities that these affects produce. The research-assemblage R comprises its own relations (‘XYZ’), which are all the paraphernalia of academic inquiry: researcher, methodologies, research instruments, theories and so on.

要回答这个问题，我们还必须认识到研究过程本身就是一个事件，因此是一个 "研究集合体"，我们称之为 "R"。这个研究集合体的目的是运用各种技术和方法，以某种方式识别 E 集合体内部的各种关系，探索这些关系之间的影响，从而使其发挥作用，并从某种背景角度评估这些影响所产生的能力。研究组合 R 包含其自身的关系（"XYZ"），即学术研究的所有工具：研究者、方法论、研究工具、理论等。

Unlike the relations in the E event, a research-assemblage’s relations need to be designed or engineered to establish a very specific affect economy - one capable of investigating the event-assemblage E (or other similar events), to produce an output that can be considered as research ‘knowledge’ of E. Critically, if R is to document, analyse and eventually report E, this requires that it can itself be affected in some way by the relations ABC within the event-assemblage, and the affects between them. This capacity is traditionally described in various ways: for instance in terms of the sensitivity and specificity that an instrument such as a thermometer or a questionnaire requires in order for it to be a useful measure, or of a researcher’s understanding that enables events in a qualitative study to somehow ‘speak’ to her/his sensibilities.

与 E 事件中的关系不同，研究组合的关系需要经过设计或设计，以建立一种非常特 殊的情感经济--一种能够研究事件组合 E（或其他类似事件）的情感经济，以产生一种 可被视为关于 E 的研究 "知识 "的输出。重要的是，如果 R 要记录、分析并最终报告 E，这就要求它本身能够以某种方式受到事件组合中 ABC 关系以及它们之间情感的影响。传统上对这种能力的描述有多种方式：例如，体温计或调查问卷等工具需要具备灵敏度和特异性，才能成为有用的测量工具；或者，研究人员需要具备一定的理解能力，才能让定性研究中的事件与自己的感性 "对话"。

This means that when an event E and a research process R engage together, the product is a third hybrid assemblage, which we might designate R/E, with an affect economy that incorporates relations A, B, C, X, Y and Z from the E and R assemblages. This flow is distinct from those in either E or R, producing research outputs in the form of ‘knowledge’ of the E assemblage. It may also produce effects on E itself, such as changes in behaviour due to a ‘Hawthorne’ effect from being observed, increased individual or collective reflexivity, or impacts on the event (for instance, a custom or tradition) due to attention from outsiders.

这意味着，当一个事件 E 和一个研究过程 R 共同参与时，其产物就是第三个混合组合，我们可以将其命名为 R/E，其影响经济包含了来自 E 和 R 组合的关系 A、B、C、X、Y 和 Z。这种流动不同于 E 或 R 的流动，它以 E 组合 "知识 "的形式产生研究成果。它还可能对 E 本身产生影响，例如，由于被观察而产生的 "霍桑 "效应导致的行为变化、个人或集体反思能力的提高，或由于外来者的关注而对事件（例如，习俗或传统）产生的影响。

This way of understanding the intra-actions (Barad, 1996: 179) between event and research-assemblage enables a sophisticated understanding of the micropolitics of social research, and of two opposing hazards in social inquiry. Social researchers have devoted countless energy attempting to overcome the first of these - the risk of distorting the very events that research tries to describe and explain. This hazard arises when the XYZ relations from the research-assemblage dominate the affect-economy within R/E, asserting a powerful effect over the relations ABC of the event-assemblage E. This can happen in various ways: for example by a sampling strategy that excludes key aspects of E; by controlling out naturalistic contexts in an experiment; by imposing a theoretical framework on data; or by biased reporting or misrepresentation of E. These affects radically re-specify the affective flow between ABC relations, to the extent that the ‘knowledge’ produced by R/E in research outputs no longer reflects the flow within E. The most extreme form of this hazard has been highlighted in social constructionist analyses that claim modernist research has produced rather than simply described its objects (for example, Foucault’s (1981) and Kitzinger’s (1987) analyses of the scientific construction of sexuality).

通过这种方式来理解事件与研究组合之间的内部互动（Barad, 1996: 179），我们就能深刻理解社会研究的微观政治学，以及社会调查中两种截然相反的危险。社会研究人员投入了无数精力，试图克服其中的第一种危险，即扭曲研究试图描述和解释的事件本身的危险。当研究组合中的 XYZ 关系主导了 R/E 中的情感经济，对事件组合 E 中的 ABC 关系产生了强大的影响时，就会产生这种危险。这种危险可能以各种方式发生：例如，通过抽样策略排除 E 的关键方面；通过在实验中控制自然环境；通过将理论框架强加于数据；或者通过对 E 有偏见的报告或歪曲。这些影响从根本上重新定义了 ABC 关系之间的情感流动，以至于研究成果中由 R/E 产生的 "知识 "不再反映 E 内部的流动。这种危害的最极端形式在社会建构主义分析中得到了强调，这些分析声称现代主义研究产生了而不仅仅是描述了其对象（例如，福柯（1981 年）和 Kitzinger（1987 年）对性的科学建构的分析）。

However, there is a contrary hazard, which occurs when the XYZ relations in the research-assemblage have so little affective capacity that the ABC relations dominate the flow within the R/E assemblage. Now the research process becomes a machine whose outputs are trivial or anodyne rather than analytical; descriptive or journalistic rather than critical. This may occur when affects in the research-assemblage are weak - for instance if the research design lacks a powerful (affective) analytical machine or is theoretically uninformed, the research instruments do not possess the capacity to differentiate the relations or affects in the event, or the reporting is literal rather than critical. Occasionally this affective weakness is intentionally exploited in a research design - for instance in case studies that set out to simply describe specific events; or in ‘Delphi’ methodologies that aim to gain consensus among experts and thereby offer a definitive statement on current knowledge (for example, scientific consensus on the effects of global climate change).

然而，当研究组合中的 XYZ 关系的情感容量太小，以至于 ABC 关系主导了 R/E 组合中的流程时，就会出现相反的危险。现在，研究过程变成了一台机器，其产出是琐碎的或平淡的，而不是分析性的；是描述性的或新闻性的，而不是批判性的。当研究组合中的情感薄弱时，就可能出现这种情况--例如，如果研究设计缺乏一个强大的（情感）分析机器，或者缺乏理论依据，研究工具不具备区分事件中的关系或情感的能力，或者报告是文字性的而非批判性的。在研究设计中，这种情感弱点有时会被有意利用--例如，案例研究旨在简单描述具体事件；或者在 "德尔菲 "方法中，旨在获得专家共识，从而对当前知识做出明确说明（例如，关于全球气候变化影响的科学共识）。

The aim of most research studies is to avoid these two extremes, and most social science R/E assemblages will achieve some kind of balance between the affects deriving from ABC and XYZ relations. However, the logic of this analysis asserts that, in each and every situation, there is a dynamic tension between the affective flow of E and that of R, a tension that has consequences for the knowledge and representations of the social world that research produces, and potentially for the social world itself.

大多数研究的目的都是为了避免这两个极端，大多数社会科学的 R/E 组合都会在 ABC 和 XYZ 关系所产生的情感之间取得某种平衡。然而，本分析的逻辑断言，在每一种情况下，E 的情感流与 R 的情感流之间都存在着一种动态的紧张关系，这种紧张关系会对研究产生的知识和社会世界的表征产生影响，并可能对社会世界本身产生影响。

If this were the final conclusion of this chapter, it would add little to our understanding of social research methodology and how it should be undertaken. However, a materialist analysis allows us to open up what has sometimes seemed like the ‘black box’ of social inquiry, to reveal a sophisticated micropolitics of the research process. This supplies insight into exactly how research designs and methods work, and what effects they may have upon the events they study. This is our next objective.

如果这就是本章的最终结论，那么它对我们理解社会研究方法论以及如何开展社会研究并无多大帮助。然而，唯物主义分析让我们打开了社会调查中有时看似 "黑箱 "的东西，揭示了研究过程中复杂的微观政治学。这样，我们就能深入了解研究设计和方法究竟是如何发挥作用的，以及它们对所研究的事件会产生哪些影响。这是我们的下一个目标。

Dis-assembling social research

拆解社会研究

Considering research tools and techniques as machines whose capacities derive from their relations and affects means that research designs and methods can be unpacked, to reveal the affect economies and micropolitics of social inquiry. We can use the toolkit of materialist concepts we have developed in this book to delve into the specifications and generalizations, aggregations, singularities and lines of flight that occur when sociologists use different methods and research designs. We can thereby lay bare the social relations of contemporary research methodologies, examining these micropolitical effects for different data collection, analysis and writing machines, and the consequences for ‘knowledge’, for events, and for researchers.

将研究工具和技术视为机器，其能力来自于它们之间的关系和影响，这意味着可以拆解研究设计和方法，揭示社会调查的影响经济和微观政治。我们可以利用本书中开发的唯物主义概念工具包，深入研究社会学家在使用不同方法和研究设计时出现的具体化和概括化、聚合、奇异性和飞行路线。因此，我们可以揭示当代研究方法的社会关系，研究这些微观政治效应对不同数据收集、分析和写作机器的影响，以及对 "知识"、事件和研究人员的影响。

Contemporary social research uses a wide range of methodologies and methods to explore the social world. The utility and validity of many of these are contested within contemporary social inquiry, for example, between enthusiasts for qualitative or quantitative designs, or between realists and constructionists. Rather than debating these traditional critiques, a materialist understanding of research-as-assemblage and the affect economies and micropolitics of the R/E assemblage allows us to explore how these designs and methods actually work. First we ask what a machine is designed to do, and what outputs it produces. From this, we apply a more critical assessment, using the materialist ontology of assemblages and affects to reverse engineer the machine and disclose the affect economy that enhances certain affective flows and mitigates or closes down others. From this, we can also identify the micropolitics of a research machine’s effects.

当代社会研究使用各种方法和手段来探索社会世界。其中许多方法的实用性和有效性在当代社会调查中都存在争议，例如，在定性或定量设计的热衷者之间，或者在现实主义者和建构主义者之间。与其争论这些传统的批评意见，不如从唯物主义的角度来理解研究即组合以及研究/教育组合的影响经济和微观政治，这样我们就能探索这些设计和方法究竟是如何运作的。首先，我们要问机器的设计目的是什么？在此基础上，我们采用更具批判性的评估方法，利用组合和情感的唯物主义本体论，对机器进行逆向工程，揭示情感经济是如何增强某些情感流、减轻或关闭其他情感流的。由此，我们还可以确定研究机器效应的微观政治学。

To clarify this analysis, we will apply this approach to three methods or techniques (sampling, the questionnaire, and thematic qualitative analysis) and then two research methodologies often used in social inquiry: the survey and the qualitative interview. A comprehensive analysis of many of the other techniques, methods and methodologies used in social research are presented in Tables 9.1 and 9.2.

为了明确这一分析，我们将对三种方法或技术（抽样调查、问卷调查和主题定性分析），然后是社会调查中经常使用的两种研究方法：调查和定性访谈。表 9.1 和表 9.2 全面分析了社会研究中使用的许多其他技术、方法和方法论。

Techniques and methods

技术和方法

Sampling

取样

A sampling machine performs a relatively simple task within a researchassemblage, selecting events (respondents, institutions, occurrences) for inclusion in or exclusion from a study, based upon two sequential affects. The first affect sets the choice of sampling approach (for example, representative sample, stratified sample, convenience sample, theoretical sample) for the researcher to implement. The second affect includes or excludes specific events, applying the appropriate means of selection (random inclusion for a representative sample; purposive inclusion across a range of events for a theoretical sample, and so forth), as set by the first affect. The affect economy in this machine acts upon study events, systematically including some in the sample and excluding others. Micropolitically, this economy empowers a researcher to achieve what is usually practically impossible - to assess an entire population - by restricting the affects from the event population entering the research assemblage according to specific, though arbitrary principles.

抽样机在研究组合中执行一项相对简单的任务，即根据两个顺序影响选择事件（受访者、机构、事件）纳入研究或排除在研究之外。第一种影响设定了研究人员要实施的抽样方法选择（例如，代表性抽样、分层抽样、便利抽样、理论抽样）。第二种影响包括或排除特定事件，根据第一种影响的设定，采用适当的选择方式（代表性抽样采用随机抽样；理论抽样采用有目的性地纳入一系列事件，等等）。这台机器中的情感经济作用于研究事件，系统地将一些事件纳入样本，而将另一些事件排除在外。从微观上讲，这种经济使研究人员有能力实现通常实际上不可能实现的目标--评估整个人群--方法是根据特定的（尽管是任意的）原则限制进入研究集合的事件人群中的影响。

The questionnaire

调查问卷

The questionnaire is actually two separate machines: one for questionnaire construction, the other for its administration. The affect in the first transforms a variable to be measured (for example, political belief) into a question that will serve as an indicator (for example: how did you vote at the last election?), sometimes with pre-selected permissible responses. The affects in the second machine act on researcher and respondents, requiring a question to be asked, an answer to be supplied, this answer to be recorded and possibly allocated to a pre-coded category, and the instrument to be applied consecutively and independently to each respondent in turn, generating completed questionnaires ready to be fed into an analysis machine. The questionnaire’s affective economy extracts information systematically from respondents to produce a dataset. Micropolitically, it acts as a filter on the affect economies of events being studied, extracting only certain data, and categorizing them according to the affect economy of the instrument rather than that of the event itself.

问卷实际上是两台独立的机器：一台用于制作问卷，另一台用于管理问卷。第一台机器中的影响器将要测量的变量（例如政治信仰）转换成一个问题，作为一个指标（例如：你在上次选举中是如何投票的？第二台机器中的情感作用于研究人员和受访者，要求提出一个问题，提供一个答案，记录这个答案，并可能将其分配到一个预先编码的类别中，然后对每个受访者连续、独立地使用该工具，生成填写完毕的问卷，并将其输入分析机器。问卷的情感经济系统地从受访者那里提取信息，生成数据集。在微观上，它充当了所研究事件的情感经济过滤器，只提取某些数据，并根据工具的情感经济而非事件本身的情感经济对其进行分类。

Thematic qualitative analysis

专题定性分析

Thematic analysis of qualitative data is a machine that (manually, or with software assistance) organizes and reduces nonnumerical data, making it more manageable and amenable to systematic reporting. It entails two affects: a codegeneration affect that ascribes a code to a range of similar textual occurrences (for instance, to pieces of text that in some ways reference ‘family finances’); and an affect that takes each piece of data in turn and codes it according to this scheme. The affect economy here acts on raw data from a study to aggregate it within coded categories, reducing variability for ease of reporting. The micropolitics of this machine serves to reduce the complexity of an event by aggregating data in ways defined by the analyst (for instance, in terms of a conceptual or theoretical framework).

定性数据的专题分析是一种机器，它（手动或在软件辅助下）组织和缩减非数字数据，使其更易于管理和进行系统报告。它包含两种情感：一种是代码生成情感，它为一系列相似的文本出现（例如，为在某些方面提及 "家庭财务 "的文本片段）赋予一个代码；另一种情感是依次处理每个数据片段，并根据该方案对其进行编码。这里的情感经济作用于研究中的原始数据，将其汇总到编码类别中，减少了数据的可变性，便于报告。这台机器的微观政治学作用是按照分析师定义的方式（例如，按照概念或理论框架）汇总数据，从而降低事件的复杂性。

Research methodologies

研究方法

We now consider two common research designs, looking at each as a whole but also as constituted from a number of machines, including those described in the previous thumb-nail sketches and those listed in Table 9.1.

现在，我们将考虑两种常见的研究设计，将它们作为一个整体来看待，同时也将它们 作为由许多机器（包括前面的缩略图和表 9.1 中列出的机器）构成的设计来看待。

The survey

调查

The survey is a social research design assemblage that typically produces a quantitative summary of specific aspects of a study population, as defined by a research question. This is done by a series of research-machines that:

调查是一种社会研究设计组合，通常根据研究问题的定义，对研究人群的特定方面进行量化总结。它由一系列研究机器完成：

1. draw a representative or stratified sample from a population;

从人群中抽取具有代表性或分层的样本；

2. use methods such as questionnaires to gather data on specified measures or indicators (often forcing responses into pre-specified categories);

使用问卷调查等方法收集有关特定措施或指标的数据（通常强迫将答复归入预先指定的类别）；

3. submit these to descriptive or inferential statistical analysis; and

对这些数据进行描述性或推论性统计分析；以及

4. report a summary of the sample’s features, often with a statistical assessment of generalizability to a population.

报告样本特征的摘要，通常附有对人群普遍性的统计评估。

The affect economy that makes the survey design work derives from the economies of its constituent machines. Affects in the sampling machine supply a means to allocate events to the sample; those in the questionnaire machine select and categorize those features of events to be studied and record them in a form amenable to quantitative analysis; affects in the statistical analysis machine aggregate and manipulate the data mathematically, reducing it to summary values and statistical assessments of probability that efface the complexities and divergences in the events; the affects of the result-writing machine use these aggregated and de-contextualized findings and present them in an effort to answer the study’s research questions.

使调查设计发挥作用的情感经济源自其组成机器的经济。抽样机器中的情感提供了一种将事件分配到样本中的方法；问卷调查机器中的情感选择要研究的事件特征并对其进行分类，并以适合定量分析的形式将其记录下来；统计分析机器中的情感对数据进行汇总和数学处理，将其还原为汇总值和概率统计评估，从而消除事件中的复杂性和差异；结果撰写机器中的情感使用这些汇总和去背景化的结果，并将其呈现出来，以努力回答研究的问题。

Micropolitically, all these machines are highly aggregative, smoothing out variability and distinctiveness. As sampling and questionnaire machines systematize research selection and data collection, they restrict which affects from the event can become part of the R/E assemblage; the analysis machine aggregates the affective capacities of the event into numerical metrics, simplifying and thereby reducing the granularity of the event-affects represented in the research outputs; the writing machine imposes the constraints of a narrow research question on the affects in the event. In these ways, a survey powerfully privileges a researcher perspective over the events it studies.

从微观上讲，所有这些机器都具有高度聚合性，抹平了变异性和独特性。由于抽样和问卷机器将研究选择和数据收集系统化，它们限制了事件中的哪些影响可以成为 R/E 组合的一部分；分析机器将事件的影响能力汇总为数字指标，简化并因此降低了研究成果中所代表的事件影响的粒度；写作机器对事件中的影响施加了狭隘研究问题的限制。通过这些方式，调查将研究者的视角强加于其研究的事件之上。

The qualitative interview

定性访谈

Here we examine qualitative interviewing as a research methodology designed to provide ‘rich descriptions’ of a social event or events by interrogating accounts elicited from social actors. Within this research-assemblage are a number of machines that:

在此，我们将定性访谈作为一种研究方法进行研究，旨在通过询问从社会行动者那里获得的叙述，对一个或多个社会事件进行 "丰富的描述"。在这一研究组合中，有许多机器，它们是：

1. set and refine the research question;

设定并完善研究问题；

2. select a sample - usually according to a purposive strategy to overcome the limitations of a relatively small sample size (Coyne, 1997: 629);

选择样本--通常根据目的性策略，以克服样本量相对较小的局限性（Coyne, 1997: 629）；

3. use individual or group interviews (based on an interview schedule designed to inform the research question) to gain in-depth data on interviewees’ affective background, engagement with the issues being studied, and reflections on these issues;

利用个人或小组访谈（根据研究问题设计的访谈日程表），深入了解受访者的情感背景、对所研究问题的参与情况以及对这些问题的思考；

4. undertake some kind of qualitative analysis, typically one that categorizes data into themes either ‘grounded’ in the data or deriving from a pre-defined theoretical or conceptual framework, or imposes some other structure upon the data; and

进行某种定性分析，通常是将数据归类为 "基于 "数据的主题或源自预先确定的理论或概念框架的主题，或对数据施加某种其他结构；以及

5. report these data in a textual format that often includes extracts from the interviews conducted.

以文本格式报告这些数据，通常包括所进行访谈的摘录。

The affect economy of this methodology is again provided by its constituent machines. The purposive sampling machine selects subjects to interview based on expectations of their affective economies, and often aims to maximize diversity rather than to ensure data is representative of a wider population. An interview schedule is a simple affect that determines which elements of the subjects’ affective engagements with the topic can be reported, while the question/ answer format underpinning the interview method also governs the material gathered. The qualitative analysis machine (as described earlier) organizes, aggregates and reduces the textual material, enabling themes to be developed or explanatory constructs to be developed. Report writing produces a second-order account of the events being studied, as interpreted first by interviewees and then by the researcher, and illustrates the account with representative or allusive quotations from the interviewees.

这种方法的情感经济也是由其组成机器提供的。目的性抽样机根据对受试者情感经济的预期来选择采访对象，其目的往往是最大限度地提高多样性，而不是确保数据能够代表更广泛的人群。访谈日程表是一个简单的影响因素，它决定了受试者对主题的情感参与中哪些因素可以被报告，而访谈方法的提问/回答形式也决定了收集到的材料。定性分析机器（如前所述）对文本材料进行组织、汇总和缩减，从而形成主题或解释性建构。撰写报告对所研究的事件进行二阶描述，首先由受访者进行解释，然后由研究人员进行解释，并用受访者的代表性或暗示性引语来说明描述内容。

The micropolitics of qualitative interviewing reflect the interactions between researcher, interviewees and the events they describe. The researcher’s questioning role and the answering role of subjects produce inequality in the research relationship, while the choice of research question, sampling and interview schedule machines all impose a framework on the affects admitted into the R/E assemblage. However, the interview format does enable respondents to control the accounts they offer, and researchers may actively try to hand some power back to interviewees, to ‘give them a voice’. As noted earlier, the systematizing and aggregating affects in the thematic analysis machine privilege the analyst’s account over those of respondents; this is reflected in how the data are reported - typically within an imposed structure that establishes the researcher’s unitary account of the event, with interviewees’ accounts used selectively to justify the researcher’s answer to the research question.

定性访谈的微观政治学反映了研究者、受访者及其描述的事件之间的互动。研究者的提问角色和受访者的回答角色在研究关系中产生了不平等，而研究问题的选择、抽样和访谈计划的机器都会对纳入研究/评价集合的影响施加一个框架。不过，访谈的形式确实能让受访者控制他们提供的叙述，研究人员也会积极尝试将一些权力交还给受访者，"让他们有发言权"。如前所述，在专题分析机器中系统化和聚合的影响使分析师的叙述优先于受访者的叙述；这反映在数据的报告方式上--通常是在一个强加的结构中，建立研究者对事件的统一叙述，有选择地使用受访者的叙述来证明研究者对研究问题的回答是正确的。

These detailed descriptions of methods and designs demonstrate how we have moved from what a machine does to how its affects make it work, and finally what this means for the micropolitics of the hybrid R/E assemblage. Tables 9.1 and 9.2 summarize other methods, techniques and designs that may be reverse engineered in the same way. The first table is divided into research techniques, data collection and data analysis methods, and aspects of data presentation. Table 9.2 analyses the principal research designs from across the spectrum of social inquiry. Of course, social research is continually innovating new designs and methods, often highly antagonistic to positivistic science, and these too are amenable to analysis, to reveal their unique affect economies and micropolitics.

这些对方法和设计的详细描述表明，我们是如何从一台机器做什么转向它的影响是如何使其工作的，以及这对混合 R/E 组合的微观政治意味着什么。表 9.1 和 9.2 总结了可以用同样方法进行逆向工程的其他方法、技术和设计。第一个表格分为研究技术、数据收集和数据分析方法以及数据展示方面。表 9.2 分析了社会调查领域的主要研究设计。当然，社会研究也在不断创新新的设计和方法，这些设计和方法往往与实证主义科学高度对立，而这些设计和方法也适合进行分析，以揭示其独特的影响经济学和微观政治学。

The micropolitics of social inquiry

社会调查的微观政治学

This analysis of research machines suggests how a materialist perspective may be applied to evaluate the wide range of research methods, techniques and designs in current use in sociology. It also offers new insights into the micropolitics of social inquiry that bear upon how social research is done. Most research-assemblages possess just the few relations and affects needed sequentially to perform the tasks of their interconnected machines. By breaking research-assemblages down in this way, a materialist analysis can exploit this sparseness, to reverse engineer research machines, revealing what is happening in the research process when different methods and techniques are applied. Generally speaking, most of the research assemblages and machines reviewed have in common that they produce simplicity where there was complexity, definition in place of indeterminacy, and evenness where there was variability, with consequences for the knowledge social inquiry produces.

对研究机器的分析表明，如何运用唯物主义观点来评估社会学界目前使用的各种研究方法、技术和设计。它还为社会调查的微观政治学提供了新的见解，这些微观政治学影响着社会研究是如何进行的。大多数研究组合只具备执行其相互连接的机器任务所需的少量关系和影响。通过这种方式分解研究组合，唯物主义分析可以利用这种稀疏性，对研究机器进行逆向工程，揭示在应用不同方法和技术时，研究过程中发生了什么。一般来说，所审查的大多数研究组合和机器都有一个共同点，即它们在复杂的地方产生了简单性，在不确定的地方产生了定义性，在多变的地方产生了均匀性，从而对社会调查所产生的知识产生了影响。

However, there is one stand-out feature of many social research methods and techniques. Scrutinizing the two tables, it is striking how many research methods, techniques and designs have affective flows that aggregate events in one way or another. For example, aggregations occur when selecting a study sample based on particular attributes or properties of events; during coding survey or interview data into categories (whether pre-defined or inductively generated); in analytic methods that summarize data statistically or apply categories and themes in qualitative analysis; and in data reporting that generalize or summarize findings. From this perspective, quantitative survey and qualitative interview methodologies reveal less divergence than might be predicted from the rival claims of their advocates.

不过，许多社会研究方法和技术都有一个突出特点。仔细观察这两张表格，我们会发现许多研究方法、技术和设计都有以这种或那种方式聚合事件的影响流。例如，在根据事件的特定属性或性质选择研究样本时，在将调查或访谈数据编码为类别（无论是预先定义的还是归纳生成的）时，在以统计方式总结数据或在定性分析中应用类别和主题的分析方法中，以及在概括或总结研究结果的数据报告中，都会出现聚合。从这一角度来看，定量调查和定性访谈方法的分歧要小于其倡导者的对立主张。

Aggregations are problematic because they produce a loss of detail or difference, and may exclude outliers and aberrations that may be extremely significant in social life - the world thus presented seems blander and less exceptional than it does to those immersed within it (see our discussion of social stratification in Chapter 4). But importantly, these aggregating affect economies within research machines and assemblages shift the micropolitics of the hybrid R/E assemblage firmly toward the researcher’s agenda. This is unsurprising; after all research machines have been intentionally designed to enable researchers to do research; however, this assessment forces us to abandon claims that research is in some way a ‘neutral’ event.

聚合是有问题的，因为聚合会造成细节或差异的缺失，并可能排除社会生活中可能极为重要的异常值和异常现象--这样呈现出来的世界对于身处其中的人来说，似乎更加平淡无奇（参见我们在第 4 章中关于社会分层的讨论）。但重要的是，研究机器和集合体中的这些聚合影响经济将混合 R/E 集合体的微观政治牢牢地转向了研究者的议程。这并不奇怪，毕竟研究机器的设计初衷就是让研究人员能够进行研究；然而，这种评估迫使我们放弃研究在某种程度上是 "中立 "事件的说法。

This materialist analysis of the interactions between event, research process and researcher supplies a nuanced view of research micropolitics. By analysing the affects in the hybrid R/E assemblage, it is possible to assess in what ways, and to what extent, event affects have been specified and aggregated by the affect economy of the research process, and which machines and designs have done this. One outcome of such a micropolitical analysis of research is a refinement of a strict constructionist perspective on research, which has tended to regard research ‘knowledge’ as powerfully affected by the historical and cultural circumstances of its making by researchers (Thibodeaux, 2014: 830), or even constitutive of the objects it describes. So, for instance, Rose (1998: 55) has argued that historically ‘evidence, results, arguments, laboratories, status and much else’ contributed to the construction of differing ‘truths’ about LGBT sexualities - as pathology, then deviance, then diversity. Up to a point, a materialist analysis would assent to this assessment of the effects of research on its subject-matter: as has been seen, an aggregating and specifying (territorializing) research-assemblage can dominate the affective flow in a hybrid R/E assemblage, reshaping the event in the research’s image. However, our materialist analysis diverges from a constructionist conclusion for two reasons.

这种对事件、研究过程和研究人员之间互动的唯物主义分析，为研究微观政治提供了一种细致入微的视角。通过分析 R/E 混合组合中的影响，我们可以评估事件影响以何种方式、在何种程度上被研究过程的影响经济所具体化和聚合，以及哪些机器和设计实现了这一点。对研究进行这种微观政治分析的结果之一，是对研究的严格建构主义视角的完善，这种视角倾向于将研究 "知识 "视为受到研究者创造知识的历史和文化环境的强大影响（Thibodeaux, 2014: 830），甚至是其所描述对象的构成因素。例如，罗斯（Rose，1998: 55）认为，从历史上看，"证据、结果、论据、实验室、地位以及其他许多方面 "都有助于构建关于男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者性取向的不同 "真相"--先是病理学，然后是偏差，最后是多样性。在一定程度上，唯物主义分析会同意这种关于研究对研究对象的影响的评估：正如我们已经看到的那样，聚合和具体化（领土化）的研究组合可以在混合 R/E 组合中主导情感流，以研究的形象重塑事件。然而，我们的唯物主义分析与建构主义结论不同，原因有二。

The first concerns the suggestion that research re-constructs events in its own image. As noted earlier in this chapter, it is only in extreme cases that the affects in a research-assemblage will entirely overwhelm those in an event-assemblage. This may happen in intentionally fraudulent, ideologically-motivated or fictitious research reports, or where the machines in a research-assemblage are wildly inappropriate and entirely fail to engage with an event. However, in most studies the affects between ABC relations within an event-assemblage cannot be entirely erased from the R/E assemblage, and research outputs will inevitably contain something (even if not much) of the affect-economy of the studied event.

首先是关于研究按照自己的形象重新构建事件的说法。正如本章前文所述，只有在极端情况下，研究组合中的影响才会完全压倒事件组合中的影响。这种情况可能发生在蓄意造假、出于意识形态动机或虚构的研究报告中，也可能发生在研究组合中的机器完全不恰当、完全无法与事件互动的情况中。然而，在大多数研究中，事件组合中 ABC 关系之间的影响不可能完全从 R/E 组合中抹去，研究成果将不可避免地包含一些（即使不多）所研究事件的影响经济学。

Second, it is widely recognized that research outputs (for example, a particular scientific understanding of non-normative sexuality) may sometimes impact on the events they describe - for instance, by producing guilt in people involved in what research has revealed to be a socially ‘taboo’ sexual practice. Research ethics codes seek ways to minimize such effects of social research. However, the micropolitical analysis we have used here supplies a means to assess such impacts more precisely; and while the aggregated and specified output of a research-assemblage may indeed affect the events they researched, this represents just one among the many affects that contribute to an event-assemblage. A research-assemblage’s affective capacity would have to be exceptionally powerful to erase all these other affects.

其次，研究成果（例如，对非正常性行为的特定科学理解）有时可能会对其描述的事件产生影响，例如，研究揭示的社会 "禁忌 "性行为会让参与其中的人产生负罪感，这一点已得到广泛认可。研究伦理规范寻求将社会研究的此类影响降至最低的方法。然而，我们在此使用的微观政治分析为更精确地评估此类影响提供了一种方法；虽然研究组合的汇总和特定产出确实可能会影响它们所研究的事件，但这只是促成事件组合的众多影响之一。一个研究组合的影响能力必须异常强大，才能消除所有其他影响。

These more sophisticated judgements of how research intra-acts with events derive from our micropolitical analysis of research-assemblages. We can pull apart a research process to interrogate its machines and their affect-economies, and specify and evaluate precisely what aggregations and specifications a researchassemblage has wrought upon its subject-matter. From this we can gauge the extent to which research outputs provide appropriate knowledge of events. Furthermore, analysis of the affect economies within a research-assemblage can enable precise assessment of the extent to which research has re-constituted an event in its own image. Though powerful cultural forces (including scientific orthodoxies) always have the potential to influence the affect economy of a research-assemblage, social inquiry is not doomed inevitably and uncritically to recapitulate these social and cultural forces.

我们对研究组合进行的微观政治分析，为我们提供了关于研究如何与事件发生内在作用的更为复杂的判断。我们可以将研究过程拆分开来，对其机器及其影响经济学进行分析，并精确地说明和评估研究集合体对其研究对象进行了哪些聚合和规范。由此，我们可以衡量研究成果在多大程度上提供了有关事件的适当知识。此外，通过分析研究组合中的情感经济，还可以精确评估研究在多大程度上按照自己的形象重新构建了一个事件。虽然强大的文化力量（包括科学正统观念）总是有可能影响研究组合的情感经济，但社会调查并不是不可避免地、不加批判地复制这些社会和文化力量。

Re-engineering methodology

重新设计方法

We want to conclude this chapter by looking beyond the aggregations and specifications of contemporary social inquiry, to think about the kinds of research a materialist sociology might undertake. We have seen how a materialist ontology affords the opportunity to peer inside the machines and assemblages of social inquiry, and assess the research process micropolitically. Perhaps of greater significance though is the potential to manipulate these micropolitics. We can, if we so wish, design and re-engineer research-assemblages and machines (the data collection machine, the validity machine, the analysis machine and so on) to include or exclude specified aggregative and territorializing effects, and thereby innovate creative research-assemblages that produce specific capacities in researchers, data and the events studied.

在本章的最后，我们希望超越当代社会调查的集合与规范，思考唯物主义社会学可能开展的研究类型。我们已经看到，唯物主义本体论如何提供机会，让我们窥探社会调查的机器和组合内部，并对研究过程进行微观政治评估。不过，更重要的或许是操纵这些微观政治的潜力。如果我们愿意，我们可以设计和重新设计研究组合和机器（数据收集机器、有效性机器、分析机器等），以纳入或排除特定的聚合效应和地域化效应，从而创新创造性的研究组合，在研究人员、数据和所研究的事件中产生特定的能力。

From what has been said earlier about the aggregative tendencies of research methods, this could be treated simply as a charter to remove as many aggregating affects as possible from social inquiry (for instance, applying a sampling frame that takes uniqueness as its criterion; adopting a strictly descriptive approach to data analysis). However, we would suggest there is potential for a more nuanced engagement with the research process. The capacity to critically assess the affects that make research machines work means that researchers have the means to review reflexively, acknowledge and account for the aggregations and specifications they produce in R/E hybrid assemblages and hence in their findings (Gillies and Alldred, 2012: 57).

从前面关于研究方法的聚合倾向的论述来看，这可以被简单地视为一项章程，要求尽可能多地消除社会调查中的聚合影响（例如，采用以唯一性为标准的抽样框架；采用严格的描述性数据分析方法）。不过，我们认为，在研究过程中可以有更细致入微的参与。批判性地评估使研究机器工作的影响的能力意味着研究人员有能力对他们在研究/教育混合组合中产生的聚合和规格进行反思性审查、承认和说明，从而对他们的研究结果进行反思和说明（Gillies and Alldred, 2012: 57）。

To help us in this task, we will return to the principles of materialist social inquiry we set out at the start of the chapter, and use these to reflect on how we might re-engineer different aspects of data collection, data analysis and reporting. We also reviewed a substantial number of recent social science studies applying materialist ontology, to inform our suggestions of the practical methods and techniques that can be adopted. We look first at research designs, and then at the machines that collect, analyse and report data, though this division is somewhat artificial, as some of the papers we review apply methods that intertwine the stages of data gathering and analysis, or analysis and reporting.

为了帮助我们完成这项任务，我们将回到本章开头提出的唯物主义社会调查原则，并利用这些原则来思考如何重新设计数据收集、数据分析和报告的不同方面。我们还回顾了近期大量应用唯物主义本体论的社会科学研究，为我们可以采用的实用方法和技术提供参考建议。我们首先研究了研究设计，然后研究了收集、分析和报告数据的机器，尽管这种划分有些人为，因为我们审查的一些论文所采用的方法将数据收集与分析或分析与报告阶段交织在一起。

Research design

研究设计

The principles of a materialist ontology suggest that in terms of design, a research assemblage should:

唯物主义本体论的原则表明，在设计方面，研究组合应

- attend not to individual bodies, subjects, experiences or sensations, but to assemblages of human and non-human, animate and inanimate, material and abstract, and to the affective flows within these assemblages;

不是关注个体、主体、经验或感觉，而是关注人类和非人类、有生命和无生命、物质和抽象的集合体，以及这些集合体中的情感流动；

- explore how affects draw the material and the cultural, and the ‘micro’, ‘meso’ and ‘macro’ into assembly together;

探索影响如何将物质和文化，以及 "微观"、"中观 "和 "宏观 "结合在一起；

- explore the movements of specification and generalization, aggregation and disaggregation within the assemblages studied, and the consequent affect economies and micropolitics these movements reveal.

探索所研究的集合体中的具体化和一般化、聚合和分解的运动，以及这些运动所揭示的随之而来的影响经济和微观政治。

The objectives for designing materialist social inquiry are hence to reveal relations, affects and affect economies in assemblages, the capacities (and limits to capacities) produced in bodies, collectivities and social formations, and the micropolitics of these capacities and limits. Its orientation must be toward what things do, rather than what they ‘are’; toward processes and flows rather than structures and stable forms; to matters of power and resistance; and to interactions that draw small and large relations into assemblage. A range of designs can fulfil some or all of those criteria, from ethnographic studies that explore the context in which events occur, through to surveys, which have the capacity to generate data at a population level on the incidence and prevalence of relations, affects and the capacities these produce, to methodologies such as Garfinkel’s (1984) ‘experiments with trust’, in which participants tested the affects that shape daily life, and how small changes in interactions can destabilize affect economies and family assemblages.

因此，设计唯物主义社会探究的目标是揭示组合中的关系、影响和影响经济，身体、集体和社会形态中产生的能力（以及对能力的限制），以及这些能力和限制的微观政治。它必须面向事物的作用，而不是它们 "是什么"；面向过程和流动，而不是结构和稳定的形式；面向权力和阻力问题；以及面向将小型和大型关系纳入组合的互动。从探索事件发生背景的人种学研究，到有能力在人口层面生成关于关系的发生率和普遍性、影响以及这些关系所产生的能力的数据的调查，再到加芬克尔（1984 年）的 "信任实验 "等方法论，参与者在其中测试影响日常生活的影响，以及互动中的微小变化如何破坏影响经济和家庭组合的稳定。

However, the overwhelming preference among 40 recent materialist studies that we reviewed was for qualitative designs, with ethnography the favoured methodology (see for example, Blaise, 2013; Holford et al., 2013; Ringrose, 2011; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011). Others used in-depth qualitative interviewing (Cole, 2013; Masny and Waterhouse, 2011), and some a mix of qualitative approaches (Ivinson and Renold, 2013; Renold and Ringrose, 2011). The attraction of qualitative methodologies may lie in their capacity to contextualize events, thereby revealing the range of relations that comprise assemblages and affective economies. So, for example, Youdell and Armstrong (2011) detailed the geographical and physical environment that contribute to event assemblages, as well as the interactions that mark out the affective flows, revealing what bodies can and cannot do, and the specifications and generalizations that occur during the events they describe.

然而，在我们审查的 40 项近期唯物主义研究中，绝大多数都倾向于定性设计，人种学是最受欢迎的方法（例如，见 Blaise, 2013; Holford 等人, 2013; Ringrose, 2011; Youdell 和 Armstrong, 2011）。还有一些研究采用了深度定性访谈法（Cole, 2013; Masny and Waterhouse, 2011），还有一些研究混合使用了多种定性方法（Ivinson and Renold, 2013; Renold and Ringrose, 2011）。定性方法的吸引力可能在于其将事件背景化的能力，从而揭示构成组合和情感经济的一系列关系。例如，Youdell 和 Armstrong（2011 年）详细描述了促成事件集合的地理和物理环境，以及标志着情感流动的互动，揭示了身体能做什么、不能做什么，以及在他们描述的事件中发生的规范和概括。

Some of these studies explicitly described their designs as ‘schizoanalytic’ or ’rhizomic' - terms deriving from Deleuze and Guattari (1988: 251) - to explore the affective movements and ‘lines of flight’ in the research settings (Cole, 2013: 235-6; Masny, 2013： 346; Renold and Ringrose, 2008： 320). For Masny (2013： 246), rhizoanalytic research was also about creating lines of flight in the research assemblage itself, emphasizing social inquiry’s transformative capacities for all the bodies and other relations in the research-assemblage, and for thinking about events differently. A series of studies (Ringrose, 2011; Ringrose and Renold, 2012) of interactions between school-children, bullying, social networks, and activism around sexual violence applied an experimental schizoanalytic (and feminist) practice that created and mapped different formations and assemblages within events. Methodologically these studies linked together research, activism, art and writing to produce what Ringrose (2015： 406) calls ‘new transversal flashes and disruptions’ that both challenged hierarchies within schools (2015： 604) and reconfigured ‘what research is ... and what it can do’ (2015： 406).

其中一些研究明确将其设计描述为 "精神分裂 "或 "根瘤"--这些术语源自德勒兹和瓜塔里（1988: 251）--以探索研究环境中的情感运动和 "飞行路线"（Cole, 2013: 235-6; Masny, 2013: 346; Renold and Ringrose, 2008: 320）。对于马斯尼（2013：246）来说，根瘤分析研究也是为了在研究组合本身中创造飞行路线，强调社会调查对研究组合中所有身体和其他关系的改造能力，以及对事件的不同思考。一系列研究（Ringrose，2011 年；Ringrose 和 Renold，2012 年）对学校儿童之间的互动、欺凌、社会网络以及围绕性暴力的行动主义进行了实验性的精神分裂分析（和女权主义）实践，在事件中创造和映射了不同的形式和组合。从方法论上讲，这些研究将研究、行动主义、艺术和写作联系在一起，产生了 Ringrose（2015： 406）所说的 "新的横向闪烁和破坏"，既挑战了学校内部的等级制度（2015： 604），又重构了 "研究是什么......以及它能做什么"（2015： 406）。

Data collection

数据收集

Materialist data collecting machines must be able to：

唯物主义数据收集机器必须能够

- identify assemblages of human and non-human, animate and inanimate, material and abstract, cutting across what are traditionally considered ‘micro’ and ‘macro’ levels;

确定人类和非人类、有生命和无生命、物质和抽象的组合，跨越传统意义上的 "微观 "和 "宏观 "层面；

- explore how elements in assemblage affect and are affected, and assess what bodies and other things do: the capacities these affective flows produce; and

探索组合元素如何影响和被影响，评估身体和其他事物的作用：这些情感流产生的能力；以及

- identify specifications and generalizations, aggregating and singular flows within assemblages.

确定组合内的规格和概括、聚合和单一流动。

These imperatives radically change the focus of data collection away from ‘humanistic’ objectives of researching experience, beliefs and reflections found in anthropocentric research, while also eliding boundaries between the material and the cultural (matter and meaning) and the micro/macro scales of social production. Cutting across matter/meaning and micro/macro dualisms suggests collecting data from a variety of sources, and using a variety of methods.

这些要求从根本上改变了数据收集的重点，使其不再以人类为中心，而是以研究经验、信仰和反思为 "人文 "目标，同时也消除了物质与文化（物质与意义）以及社会生产的微观/宏观尺度之间的界限。跨越物质/意义和微观/宏观的二元对立建议从各种来源收集数据，并使用各种方法。

Recent materialist studies reflect this eclecticism. Taguchi and Palmer (2013: 673) used their own affective responses and memories as data on events, alongside photographs, media reports, research papers, interviews and other resources to research school life; Fox and Ward (2008) used interviews, online ethnography, media commentaries, official statistics and documentary sources as data to inform an analysis of pharmaceutical consumption. Renold and Ivinson (2014) melded contemporary ethnography and interviews with historical data to generate a rhizomic on Welsh Valleys mining culture in their study of horse/girl assemblages; while these researchers also used a creative mix including photography, film-making and walking tours alongside their interview data (Ivinson and Renold, 2013: 708). Other data sources include emotional, dream, and sensual data (St. Pierre, 1997); drawings made by the respondents (Masny and Waterhouse, 2011) and sound and music (Henriques, 2010).

最近的唯物主义研究反映了这种折衷主义。Taguchi 和 Palmer（2013: 673）将他们自己的情感反应和记忆作为事件数据，同时利用照片、媒体报道、研究论文、访谈和其他资源来研究学校生活；Fox 和 Ward（2008）利用访谈、在线民族志、媒体评论、官方统计数据和文献资料作为数据，对药品消费进行分析。Renold 和 Ivinson（2014 年）将当代民族志和访谈与历史数据相融合，在对马匹/女孩组合的研究中产生了关于威尔士山谷采矿文化的根瘤；这些研究人员还在访谈数据中使用了摄影、电影制作和徒步旅行等创造性组合（Ivinson 和 Renold，2013: 708）。其他数据来源包括情感、梦境和感性数据（St. Pierre，1997 年）；受访者绘制的图画（Masny 和 Waterhouse，2011 年）以及声音和音乐（Henriques，2010 年）。

Our earlier proposition that a variety of qualitative and quantitative designs might be used in materialist research suggests a broader range of data collection methods than represented in current materialist research, incorporating quantitative methods (possibly within a mixed-methods approach), and engineered to meet the objectives of identifying assemblages, affects (aggregating and singular) and capacities, while also encouraging reflexivity about how research is assembled.

我们之前提出的关于在唯物主义研究中可以使用各种定性和定量设计的主张表明，与当前的唯物主义研究相比，数据收集方法的范围更广，其中包括定量方法（可能在混合方法中），并旨在实现确定组合、影响（聚合和单一）和能力的目标，同时还鼓励对如何组合研究进行反思。

Data analysis

数据分析

Materialist data analysis needs to:

唯物主义数据分析需要

- take the assemblage as the primary focus for analysis, incorporating both non-human elements and human relations;

将组合作为分析的主要重点，同时纳入非人类元素和人际关系；

- explore affect economies and the specifying and generalizing capacities produced in bodies, collectivities and other relations in assemblages;

探索影响经济，以及在身体、集体和其他组合关系中产生的具体化和普遍化能力；

- examine how flows of affect within assemblages link matter and meaning, and ‘micro’ and ‘macro’ levels; and

研究组合体中的情感流如何将物质和意义、"微观 "和 "宏观 "层面联系起来；以及

- acknowledge the affective relations within the research-assemblage itself.

承认研究组合本身的情感关系。

Materialist ontology shifts the focus of analysis from the ideas, actions and feelings of individualized subjects to the impersonal flows of affect through assemblages and the territorialized capacities these produce (Fox and Alldred, 2013: 778; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011: 145). Human accounts can no longer be accorded validity on the basis of their ‘authenticity’, and methods such as interviews should be treated not as means to collect subjective representations of the world but as evidence of how respondents are situated within assemblages (Fox and Alldred, 2013: 780; Juelskjaer, 2013: 759).

唯物主义本体论将分析重点从个体化主体的想法、行动和感受转移到通过集合体和这些集合体产生的地域化能力进行的非个人化情感流动（Fox and Alldred, 2013: 778; Youdell and Armstrong, 2011: 145）。人类的叙述不能再根据其 "真实性 "而被赋予有效性，访谈等方法不应被视为收集世界主观表述的手段，而应被视为受访者如何置身于集合体中的证据（Fox and Alldred, 2013: 780; Juelskjaer, 2013: 759）。

This shift in focus is reflected in the materialist studies we reviewed. Ringrose (2011) sought to ‘map how desire flows and power operates in the relationships between school and online assemblages and bodies’ in her interview and online data, while Renold and Ivinson (2014) used their ‘transversal’ insights to reveal affective flows between historical and contemporary horse/ girl assemblages. The diffractive (Haraway, 1997: 16) analysis used by Juelskjaer (2013) and Taguchi and Palmer (2013) was an engaged and creative process that elided a strict distinction between data collection and analysis, incorporating the researchers’ own experiences and insights into the analytic process, ‘to collaboratively produce knowing in this rhizomatic zigzagging flow’ (Taguchi and Palmer, 2013: 675).

我们所回顾的唯物主义研究反映了这一重点的转移。Ringrose（2011 年）试图在她的访谈和在线数据中 "描绘欲望如何在学校和在线组合与身体之间的关系中流动和权力如何运作"，而 Renold 和 Ivinson（2014 年）则利用他们的 "横向 "洞察力揭示了历史和当代马/女孩组合之间的情感流动。Juelskjaer（2013 年）和 Taguchi 与 Palmer（2013 年）使用的衍射分析（Haraway, 1997: 16）是一个参与性和创造性的过程，它避免了数据收集和分析之间的严格区分，将研究者自身的经验和见解纳入分析过程，"在这种根状之字形流动中合作产生认知"（Taguchi 与 Palmer, 2013: 675）。

The systematic methodology that we have used in a range of studies (Alldred and Fox, 2015b; N. Fox, 2015b; Fox and Bale, forthcoming) has taken a more formalized approach to analysing assemblages, affects and capacities. In this approach, empirical data sources (interviews, observations, documents, survey data and so forth) are ‘dredged’ to identify the relations and affects that comprise assemblages of bodies, things and social formations within a specific event, and also to assess the capacities that emerge from this assemblage. Analytically, the work required to piece together assemblages and affective flows is iterative and synthetic. It is based upon close reading of data sources to identify possible relations (which may be human, non-human or abstract) within assemblages, and how these affect or are affected by each other. Reading across and between field data progressively builds understanding of the assemblage, its affective flows, and the capacities these produce. This enables a micropolitical reading of data, to understand what bodies and things in assemblages can do, and what limits and opportunities for action are available within an event. We have illustrated this analytical methodology at various points throughout this book, as we have applied materialist analysis to sociological examples.

我们在一系列研究（Alldred and Fox, 2015b；N. Fox, 2015b；Fox and Bale, forthcoming）中使用的系统方法采用了更加正式的方法来分析集合、影响和能力。在这种方法中，经验数据源（访谈、观察、文件、调查数据等）被 "挖掘 "出来，以确定在特定事件中由身体、事物和社会形态组成的集合体的关系和影响，并评估从这种集合体中产生的能力。从分析角度看，拼凑组合和情感流所需的工作是反复和综合的。它基于对数据源的仔细阅读，以确定组合中可能存在的关系（可能是人类、非人类或抽象的关系），以及这些关系如何相互影响或受到影响。在实地数据之间进行横向和纵向阅读，可以逐步建立对组合、其情感流以及这些情感流产生的能力的理解。这使得我们能够对数据进行微观政治解读，从而了解集合体中的身体和事物能够做什么，以及在事件中可以采取的行动有哪些限制和机会。在本书中，我们将唯物主义分析法应用到社会学实例中，在不同的地方对这一分析方法进行了说明。

Reporting research

报告研究

Presenting materialist social inquiry needs to:

提出唯物主义社会调查需要

- recognize that a research report is the product of a hybrid assemblage with an affect economy deriving from both the event and the machines of social research;

认识到研究报告是一种混合组合的产物，其影响经济源自社会研究的事件和机器；

- problematize the highly ritualized conventions of academic research writing and publishing that transform multi-register event-assemblages into the unidimensional medium of written text;

对学术研究写作和出版的高度仪式化惯例提出质疑，这些惯例将多寄存器事件组合转化为单维的书面文本媒介；

- acknowledge and account for the effects that aggregations and specifications of events produced by the research process have upon accounts of events.

承认并解释研究过程中产生的事件汇总和规格对事件描述的影响。

The earlier discussion of research-assemblage micropolitics has exposed the micropolitics of research machines and the consequences for how research represents events in its outputs. As noted, many of the research machines in use in contemporary social inquiry are highly aggregating, posing questions over the validity of research accounts. One solution to this has been to try to overcome these aggregations by connecting research audiences directly to events, for instance by using photographs (Ringrose and Renold, 2012) or drawings (Masny and Waterhouse, 2011). Whitaker (2010: 127) melded academic outputs with art installations, ecology and therapeutic activities, while the group of materialist scholars associated with Cardiff University have been collaborating with painters, sculptors and choreographers to explore multi-sensory research presentations (Renold and Ivinson, 2014).

前面关于研究组合微观政治学的讨论揭示了研究机器的微观政治学，以及研究如何在其产出中表现事件的后果。如前所述，当代社会调查中使用的许多研究机器都是高度聚合的，这就对研究报告的有效性提出了质疑。解决这一问题的方法之一是尝试将研究受众与事件直接联系起来，例如使用照片（Ringrose 和 Renold，2012 年）或图画（Masny 和 Waterhouse，2011 年），从而克服这些聚合性。惠特克（2010: 127）将学术成果与艺术装置、生态学和治疗活动融为一体，而与卡迪夫大学相关的唯物主义学者团体一直在与画家、雕塑家和编舞家合作，探索多感官研究展示（Renold and Ivinson, 2014）。

We would suggest complementing such strategies with a more radical approach, shifting the purpose of a research report from a supposedly ‘neutral’ presentation of outputs of a research study to an audience, to a critical and reflexive assessment of research study micropolitics. This would both acknowledge and seek to account for the specifying and aggregating affects in the research-assemblage. While recognizing that research specifies and aggregates events in all sorts of ways, our analysis of research-assemblage micropolitics has argued that the various machines that comprise a particular research design can be mapped in detail, revealing precisely these specifications and aggregations, and the effects upon the data that is generated. Research reports are a means to document these research micropolitics, and partially redress these by contextualizing findings, re-privileging the affective flows of the event-assemblage, fostering affective flows between event and research audiences, and finding ways to enable lines of flight that ‘produce genuinely new ways of being in the world’ (Renold and Ivinson, 2014). Research-reporting in this conception is reflexive, recursive and rhizomic, offering lines of flight to event assemblages, and drawing research audiences into the research-assemblage, to contribute their own affects and capacities to its affective economy and micropolitics.

我们建议用一种更激进的方法来补充这些策略，将研究报告的目的从向受众展示研究成果的所谓 "中立 "陈述，转变为对研究微观政治的批判性和反思性评估。这既是对研究组合中的具体化和聚合化影响的承认，也是对这种影响的解释。在承认研究以各种方式对事件进行具体化和聚合的同时，我们对研究组合微观政治学的分析认为，可以对构成特定研究设计的各种机器进行详细映射，从而准确揭示这些具体化和聚合，以及对所生成数据的影响。研究报告是记录这些研究微观政治的一种手段，并通过对研究结果进行语境化处理、重新赋予事件组合的情感流以特权、促进事件与研究受众之间的情感流，以及找到 "产生真正新的世界存在方式 "的途径来部分纠正这些微观政治（Renold and Ivinson, 2014）。在这一概念中，研究报告具有反思性、递归性和根植性，它为活动组合提供了飞行路线，并将研究受众吸引到研究组合中，为其情感经济和微观政治贡献自己的情感和能力。

We have set out in this final section a programme for materialist social inquiry, founded firmly in the analysis of the research-assemblage that we have developed. Each stage of the research process is challenged by the micropolitical assessment of the various research machines that make up different research designs. This programme for materialist social inquiry suggests an eclectic and pragmatic approach to research design and methods, but one that is always aware of the micropolitics of the research assemblage as it engages with events, and is informed by the principles of materialism, post-anthropocentrism and posthumanism that we have been documenting throughout the book.

我们在最后一节提出了一个唯物主义社会探究计划，该计划牢牢建立在对我们开发的研究组合的分析之上。研究过程的每个阶段都会受到构成不同研究设计的各种研究机器的微观政治评估的挑战。这一唯物主义社会探究计划表明，我们在研究设计和方法上采用了一种折衷的、务实的方法，但这种方法在与各种事件打交道的过程中，始终意识到研究组合的微观政治性，并以我们在全书中记录的唯物主义、后人类中心主义和后人道主义原则为指导。

In this spirit, we encourage an approach to social inquiry that embraces flexibility and openness in research designs, and is guided by a posthuman sensibility to the event-assemblages that sociology takes as its focus. This may supply a new justification for applying a mix of methods within studies, some highly aggregative but analytically powerful, others less analytical but intentionally non- or even dis-aggregative. For instance, a study might combine a (minimally-aggregative) descriptive case study that produces a rich picture of the concerns and values of research participants in a setting with an intervention (highly aggregative) that attempts to alter aspects of the setting to address these concerns and values. A subsequent evaluation might combine aggregative quantitative measures with opportunities for participants to offer their own unmediated assessments of any improvements, and use the research outputs to challenge policy or improve their living environment. Mixing methods and methodologies in this way does not mean that the aggregations of particular methods are somehow ‘cancelled out’. But because researchers can estimate precisely what aggregations their methods entail, the consequences for knowledge-production can be accurately predicted and acknowledged when reporting findings and drawing conclusions.

本着这种精神，我们鼓励在研究设计中采用灵活开放的社会调查方法，并以后人类对事件组合的敏感性为指导，将社会学作为其研究重点。这可能为在研究中混合使用各种方法提供了新的理由，有些方法具有很强的聚合性，但分析能力很强；有些方法分析能力较弱，但有意不进行聚合，甚至不进行聚合。例如，一项研究可能会将描述性个案研究与干预措施（高度综合）结合起来，前者（极少综合）能丰富地反映研究参与者在某一环境中的关注点和价值观，而后者（高度综合）则试图改变环境的某些方面，以解决这些关注点和价值观。随后的评估可以将综合定量措施与参与者对任何改进提出自己的无中介评估的机会结合起来，并利用研究成果对政策提出质疑或改善他们的生活环境。以这种方式混合使用各种方法并不意味着特定方法的综合效果会被 "抵消"。但是，由于研究人员可以准确估计其方法所带来的集合效应，因此，在报告研究结果和得出结论时，可以准确预测和承认知识生产的后果。

Summary

摘要

In this chapter we have taken the precepts of materialism and run with them, to explore what they mean for social inquiry. It would be a neat coda to the chapter to argue that our materialist analysis has resolved the contradictory perspectives on knowledge production between realism and constructionism (Coole and Frost, 2010: 26-7)! But this is not an appropriate conclusion; instead, what a materialist perspective on social inquiry has done is to change the terms of reference for the discussion. Rather than trying to answer an anthropocentric question of belief or scepticism about the possibility of gaining knowledge of the world independent of human culture, what our analysis has done is to look at what research actually does. We have used a 'turn to matter’ and an ontology of assemblages and affects to disclose the micropolitical workings of the research-assemblage as it hybridizes with an event-assemblage.

在本章中，我们采用了唯物主义的概念并加以运用，以探讨这些概念对社会调查的意义。如果说我们的唯物主义分析解决了现实主义与建构主义之间关于知识生产的矛盾观点，那将是本章的一个完美结尾（Coole and Frost, 2010: 26-7）！但这并不是一个恰当的结论；相反，唯物主义社会探究视角的作用在于改变了讨论的参照标准。我们的分析不是试图回答一个以人类为中心的问题，即对独立于人类文化之外获得世界知识的可能性的信仰或怀疑，而是关注研究的实际作用。我们运用了 "物质转向 "和集合与影响的本体论来揭示研究-集合与事件-集合混合时的微观政治运作。

Materialist analysis of research-assemblage micropolitics, we would simply conclude, opens up possibilities for how research is designed and undertaken, what capacities the research assemblage produces in researchers, research tools, audiences and events, and how a range of methodologies and methods may be critically applied and combined in the pursuit of useful understanding of the social world.

我们的结论是，对研究组合微观政治学的唯物主义分析为以下方面提供了可能性：如何设计和开展研究，研究组合在研究人员、研究工具、受众和事件中产生了哪些能力，以及如何批判性地应用和结合一系列方法论和方法来追求对社会世界的有益理解。

Further reading

更多阅读

Cole, D.R. (2013) Lost in data space: using nomadic analysis to perform social science. In: Coleman, R. and Ringrose, J. (eds.) Deleuze and Research Methodologies. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp. 219-237.

Cole, D.R. (2013) Lost in data space: using nomadic analysis to perform social science.Coleman, R. and Ringrose, J. (eds.) Deleuze and Research：Coleman, R. and Ringrose, J. (eds.) Deleuze and Research Methodologies.Edinburgh：Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp.

Ringrose, J. (2015) Schizo-feminist educational research cartographies. Deleuze Studies, 9(3): 393-409.

Ringrose, J. (2015) Schizo-feminist educational research cartographies.Deleuze Studies, 9(3)：393-409.

Tamboukou, M. (2014) Archival research: unravelling space/time/matter entanglements and fragments. Qualitative Research, 14(5): 617-633.

Tamboukou, M. (2014) Archival research: unravelling space/time/matter entanglements and fragments.定性研究，14（5）：617-633.

10 Change: Action, Policy, SocialTransformation

10 变革：行动、政策、社会变革

Introduction

简介

The previous chapter focused upon social research - a core aspect of how a successful materialist sociology needs to engage with the social world - and set out an analytical approach to the development of a materialist research methodology. While a capacity for social inquiry may be necessary for a useable materialist sociology, particularly for those working in academic and research settings, social research is not the only potential engagement that sociology and its concepts, models and theories may have with the world (Dale and Kalob, 2006: 121). Some of the other potential involvements include:

上一章的重点是社会研究--成功的唯物主义社会学需要与社会世界打交道的一个核心方面--并提出了发展唯物主义研究方法的分析方法。虽然社会调查能力可能是可用的唯物主义社会学所必需的，特别是对于那些在学术和研究环境中工作的人来说，但社会研究并不是社会学及其概念、模型和理论与世界的唯一潜在接触（Dale and Kalob, 2006: 121）。其他一些潜在的参与包括

- Practice (daily social interactions at work, home and personal relationships)

实践（工作、家庭和人际关系中的日常社会交往）

- Education and training

教育和培训

- Policy formulation and application

政策的制定和实施

- Therapy and healing

治疗和康复

- Assessment and evaluation

评估和评价

- Activism and social transformation

激进主义和社会变革

Some of these engagements have not traditionally been regarded as central to sociology, though all of us are caught up in daily social practices at work and in our private lives, and many sociologists are involved in one or more of the others, formally or informally. There are sociologists in all walks of employment - in local government, policy jobs, management, environmental protection, education, social services, human relations, the creative industries - all applying their knowledge and skills to an extent. In the US there are increasing numbers of both employed and independent consultants working as ‘applied’ and ‘clinical’ sociologists, using sociological concepts, models and research methods to provide solutions to social problems; though elsewhere the overwhelming majority of people with the title ‘sociologist’ in their job descriptions or on their business cards work in academic or research settings.

虽然我们每个人在工作和私人生活中都会卷入日常的社会实践，而且许多社会学家都正式或非正式地参与了其中的一项或多项活动，但其中一些活动在传统上并不被视为社会学的核心内容。各行各业都有社会学家的身影--地方政府、政策工作、管理、环境保护、教育、社会服务、人际关系、创意产业--他们都在一定程度上运用着自己的知识和技能。在美国，越来越多的受雇和独立顾问从事 "应用 "和 "临床 "社会学家的工作，利用社会学概念、模型和研究方法为社会问题提供解决方案；但在其他地方，绝大多数在职务说明或名片上带有 "社会学家 "头衔的人都在学术或研究机构工作。

These various kinds of involvement between sociology and the world mark out different ways in which sociological concepts, theories and approaches may engage productively with events, from the practice of daily life through to more formal contributions. They define differing kinds of interactions - for instance, the development of workplace, local or national policies that can enhance the quality of people’s lives or the local environment; educational initiatives to improve health or people’s work opportunities; and interventions or campaigns to bring issues to society’s attention in order to produce social change. In this chapter we shall concern ourselves with the possibilities provided by a materialist sociology in two of these arenas, policy and activism. Both of us, in different ways, have been involved in social transformation in these spheres, and for us, materialist ontology must be judged in part by its capacities to deliver a sociology that is capable of engaging in these ways.

社会学与世界之间的这些不同类型的参与，标志着社会学概念、理论和方法可以通过不同的方式，从日常生活的实践到更为正式的贡献，与各种事件进行富有成效的互动。它们界定了不同类型的互动--例如，制定工作场所、地方或国家政策，以提高人们的生活质量或改善当地环境；开展教育活动，以改善健康状况或人们的工作机会；进行干预或开展运动，以引起社会对问题的关注，从而产生社会变革。在本章中，我们将关注唯物主义社会学在政策和行动主义这两个领域所提供的可能性。我们两人都以不同的方式参与了这些领域的社会变革，对我们而言，唯物主义本体论的部分评判标准必须是它能否提供一种能够以这些方式参与其中的社会学。

In Chapter 2, we set out six propositions for a materialist sociology, addressing the foundational principles of a shift towards a relational, monistic and post- anthropocentric sociology. The breaks from a conventional sociological ontology that these mark out require that we re-think practical sociological interventions such as policy and activism. What, for instance, is the relationship between an event (such as a change in global climate patterns or social deprivation) and the policy developed to address it? How does activism occur when no longer bolstered by essentialism or identity politics?

在第 2 章中，我们提出了唯物主义社会学的六项主张，论述了转向关系、一元和后人类中心主义社会学的基本原则。与传统社会学本体论的决裂要求我们重新思考社会学的实际干预措施，如政策和行动主义。例如，一个事件（如全球气候模式的变化或社会贫困）与为解决这一问题而制定的政策之间的关系是什么？当不再以本质主义或身份政治为支撑时，行动主义如何发生？

At the heart of the exploration of social inquiry in the previous chapter was the analysis of the micropolitics underpinning engagements between events and the research process, or as we called it, the research-assemblage. We delved inside the processes of social research to disclose micropolitical movements of specification and generalization, aggregation and lines of flight that produce the outputs of research, including sociological knowledge. We concluded that chapter by suggesting how we might account for the affectivity of the research assemblage and its constituent machines by understanding the micropolitics that each machine brought into the research/event assemblage.

上一章对社会调查的探索，其核心是分析事件与研究过程（我们称之为 "研究组合"）之间的微观政治。我们深入社会研究过程，揭示了产生研究成果（包括社会学知识）的规格化和概括化、聚合和飞行路线等微观政治运动。在本章的最后，我们提出了如何通过理解每台机器为研究/事件组合带来的微观政治，来解释研究组合及其组成机器的情感性。

In this chapter we shall again apply a micropolitical analysis as we consider policy and activism - to make sense of what these activities entail, and to develop a materialist understanding. For policy and for activism, we need to ask what these different social engagements do, how they work, and what micropolitical movements and intensifications are involved. Before that, however, there is a piece of unfinished business to address, which we first touched upon in Chapter 2 as one of our six materialist propositions. If we are to develop a view on how sociology can contribute to social transformation, we need to have a firm grasp on two associated concepts - power and resistance.

在本章中，我们将再次运用微观政治分析来研究政策和行动主义--以理解这些活动的内涵，并形成一种唯物主义的认识。对于政策和行动主义，我们需要问这些不同的社会参与是做什么的，它们是如何运作的，以及涉及到哪些微观政治运动和强化。不过，在此之前，我们还有一项未完成的工作要做，这就是我们在第 2 章中首次提到的六项唯物主义命题之一。如果我们要对社会学如何促进社会转型形成看法，就必须牢牢把握两个相关概念--权力和抵抗。

Social action, power and resistance

社会行动、权力和抵抗

Throughout its history, sociology has addressed issues of social order and disorder, and the related questions of how social continuity is sustained and how change may be effected (Boudon, 1991; Dale and Kalob, 2006). For most sociologists, these challenges have focused around the connected topics of power and resistance. What is the nature of power and how does it work? Why and how do people resist power, and where is resistance located? For a materialist sociology, understanding power and resistance is critical to how we might pursue social change and transformation, and address injustices or inequalities, whether by practice, by influencing policy or through activism.

纵观其历史，社会学一直致力于解决社会秩序与混乱的问题，以及如何保持社会连续性和如何实现变革的相关问题（Boudon，1991；Dale and Kalob，2006）。对大多数社会学家来说，这些挑战主要围绕着权力和反抗这两个相关主题。权力的本质是什么，它是如何运作的？人们为什么和如何抵制权力？对于唯物主义社会学而言，理解权力和反抗对于我们如何追求社会变革和转型、解决不公正或不平等问题至关重要，无论是通过实践、影响政策还是通过行动主义。

Most of the early sociological ruminations upon power considered it to be a coercive, ‘top-down’ phenomenon. For Weber (1968: 53), power was a dynamic struggle between an individual or group’s aspirations to achieve specific goals and others’ resistance to these aspirations. Marx identified power in the control exerted by the capitalist class and capitalist state over the means of economic production, at the expense of the working class (Nigam, 1996: 9). Later generations of sociologists have drawn on these rival notions, forging Marx-inspired conflict models that have regarded society as an ongoing struggle between the powerful and the dispossessed, while Weberian perspectives have informed sociological studies of social organization in a complex modern society (Clegg, 1990: 157-8). For some, power has been seen as an essential and positive feature of social life. Thus, for Parsons (1963: 236), power was a necessary medium circulating through society, enabling a complex society to work effectively and resistance to be managed (1963: 232).

早期社会学对权力的思考大多认为权力是一种强制性的、"自上而下 "的现象。韦伯（1968：53）认为，权力是个人或群体实现特定目标的愿望与他人对这些愿望的抵制之间的动态斗争。马克思认为，权力是资本主义阶级和资本主义国家以牺牲工人阶级的利益为代价对经济生产资料的控制（Nigam, 1996: 9）。后世的社会学家借鉴了这些对立的概念，形成了受马克思启发的冲突模型，将社会视为权力者与被剥夺者之间的持续斗争，而韦伯的观点则为复杂的现代社会中的社会组织研究提供了依据（Clegg, 1990: 157-8）。在一些人看来，权力是社会生活的基本和积极特征。因此，在帕森斯（1963: 236）看来，权力是社会中流通的必要媒介，它使复杂的社会能够有效运作，并使阻力得到控制（1963: 232）。

Post-structuralists deemed such top-down structuralist and functionalist analyses of power and resistance inadequate to make sense of the disparate power relations they saw in modern societies, or to supply a critical and radical stance to underpin struggles for social justice and plurality (Bonnell and Hunt, 1999: 8; Dean, 2010; Parker, 2002). Notable within this critique was Foucault’s (1980) association of power with knowledge, and of technologies of power such as surveillance and archiving records. Foucault’s earlier work focused on institutions such as schools, hospitals, prisons and workplaces, which he argued incorporated disciplinary regimes of surveillance and body control as a means to regulate and modify behaviour, and to produce ‘docile bodies'(Foucault, 1979: 11; Fox, 2012： 134-6; Lupton, 1997: 101). His later work revealed an even more disseminated power, in which citizens policed their own conduct, thoughts and desires against societal codes and ethics, in a range of daily practices such as sexuality, spirituality or diet (Foucault, 1988: 18; Rose, 1998, 1999).

后结构主义者认为，这种自上而下的权力和抵抗的结构主义和功能主义分析不足以解释他们在现代社会中看到的不同的权力关系，也不足以提供一种批判和激进的立场来支持争取社会正义和多元化的斗争（Bonnell and Hunt, 1999: 8; Dean, 2010; Parker, 2002）。值得注意的是，福柯（1980 年）将权力与知识以及监视和记录存档等权力技术联系在一起。福柯早期的研究集中于学校、医院、监狱和工作场所等机构，他认为这些机构纳入了监视和身体控制的纪律制度，以此来规范和改变行为，并制造 "听话的身体"（Foucault, 1979: 11; Fox, 2012: 134-6; Lupton, 1997: 101）。他后来的著作揭示了一种更为广泛的权力，即公民在性生活、精神生活或饮食等一系列日常实践中，根据社会规范和伦理来约束自己的行为、思想和欲望（Foucault, 1988: 18; Rose, 1998, 1999）。

The sustained concern with issues of power and resistance in sociology was the reason that the fifth materialist proposition that we set out in Chapter 2 addressed these topics. ‘New’ materialism, as we saw in that chapter, and later in Chapter 4, rejects any sense of ‘another level’ of structures, systems or mechanisms working behind the scenes to establish order or produce regularities in social life. Instead, it works with a flat or ‘monistic’ understanding of social ontology, in which it is the events all around us - and nothing else - that produces the social world from minute to minute, year by year. Power, in such a flat ontology, must be integral to what goes on in this daily round of events, rather than some kind of amorphous stuff that somehow permeates the social world and the interactions that it comprises. Consequently, rather than being a unitary, ‘downward’ force upon citizens, power is disseminated, revealed and deployed at the very local level of actions and events (Barad, 2001: 94). This ‘new’ materialist analysis of power marks a clean break both with top-down ideas of power found in historical materialism, and models in which power is so diffuse it cannot be identified, traced or challenged.

我们在第二章中提出的第五个唯物主义命题就是为了解决社会学中的权力与反抗问题。新 "唯物主义，正如我们在该章以及稍后的第四章中所看到的，拒绝接受任何在幕后建立秩序或产生社会生活规律的 "另一层次 "的结构、系统或机制。相反，它对社会本体论的理解是平面的或 "一元论 "的，在这种理解中，是我们周围的事件--而不是其他--在分分秒秒、年复一年地制造着社会世界。在这种扁平的本体论中，权力必须是每天发生的事件的组成部分，而不是某种无定形的东西，它以某种方式渗透到社会世界及其所包含的互动之中。因此，权力不是一种对公民 "向下 "的统一力量，而是在行动和事件的地方层面上传播、揭示和部署的（Barad, 2001: 94）。这种对权力的 "新 "唯物主义分析彻底打破了历史唯物主义中自上而下的权力观念，也打破了权力分散到无法识别、追踪或质疑的模式。

The workings of power (and of resistance to power) consequently have to be sought at this localized level, focusing on actions, interactions and events, and within the relational ontology of assemblages and affects that we developed in earlier chapters. Throughout this book we have explored the micropolitics of how relations assemble in different events (creative, sexual, analytical and so on). These micropolitics reflect the specifications and generalizations, aggregations, lines of flight and becomings-other within assemblages; and the capacities all these micropolitical movements produce in bodies and other things. So, for instance, in Chapter 4 we noted how aggregations (groupings or classifications) of bodies into social classes, races or genders defined their opportunities and the limits on what they could do; in Chapter 7 how emotional affects produced all kinds of specifications and aggregations in the interactions between youth cultures and the forces of law and order. From a materialist perspective, the phenomena that sociologists have described as ‘power’ is nothing more nor less than these micropolitical interactions between assembled relations, as they affect and are affected (Patton, 2000: 52).

因此，权力的运作（以及对权力的反抗）必须在这一本地化层面进行探究，重点关注行动、互动和事件，以及我们在前几章中提出的集合和影响的关系本体论。在整本书中，我们探讨了不同事件（创造性事件、性事件、分析性事件等）中如何组合关系的微观政治学。这些微观政治学反映了组合中的规范和概括、聚合、飞行路线和成为他人；以及所有这些微观政治运动在身体和其他事物中产生的能力。例如，在第 4 章中，我们注意到将身体聚合（分组或分类）为社会阶层、种族或性别是如何定义他们的机会和他们所能做的限制的；在第 7 章中，情感影响是如何在青年文化与法律和秩序力量之间的互动中产生各种规范和聚合的。从唯物主义的角度来看，社会学家所描述的 "权力 "现象不过是集合关系之间的微观政治互动，因为它们既影响他人，也被他人影响（Patton, 2000: 52）。

So power, in new materialist ontology, is a transient, fluctuating phenomenon - a momentary exercise of affectivity by one relation over another. Any apparent regularities or continuities in power (for instance, patriarchal power of one gender over another, or the dominance of market models of social interaction in areas of contemporary society such as education) depend upon continued replication of particular affects between assembled relations (Barad, 2001: 95). For example, a repeated categorization (aggregation) of bodies as ‘female’ or ‘black’ establishes the basis for sexist or racist power. Yet any regularity is illusory: power has continuity only as long as it is replicated in the next event, and the one after that, and may quickly evaporate as and when an assemblage’s affect economy changes.

因此，在新唯物主义本体论中，权力是一种短暂的、起伏不定的现象--一种关系对另一种关系的情感的瞬间行使。权力中任何明显的规律性或连续性（例如，一种性别对另一种性别的父权制权力，或市场社会互动模式在教育等当代社会领域的主导地位）都取决于特定情感在组合关系之间的持续复制（Barad, 2001: 95）。例如，将身体反复归类（集合）为 "女性 "或 "黑人"，就为性别歧视或种族主义权力奠定了基础。然而，任何规律性都是虚幻的：权力只有在下一个事件和再下一个事件中被复制时才具有连续性，当一个集合体的情感经济发生变化时，权力可能会迅速消失。

What then of resistance? Whether for structuralists or post-structuralists, sociologists have always recognized the intimate association between power and resistance: where there is one, there is always the potential for the other, by definition (Lupton, 1997: 102). This opposition of power and resistance has underpinned one of sociology’s favourite dualisms, between structure and agency. Indeed, resistance has sometimes been conceptualized as the response of a plucky human agent, unwilling to be ground down by the coercive powers of social structures or Weber’s (1930: 181) ‘iron cage’ of bureaucracy, or by the daily grind of employed work (Marx and Engels, 1952: 52). But as we have seen earlier in the book, new materialist ontology dispenses with this kind of privileged notion of human agency, according affective capacity to all kinds of animate and inanimate relations, with humans considered unexceptional. And as we have just noted, power is no longer to be considered as structural or topdown, but as a nexus of disseminated affects that may be either enabling or constraining in terms of the capacities they produce. We have conceptually dissolved both sides of this power/resistance dualism.

那么，抵抗又是什么呢？无论是结构主义者还是后结构主义者，社会学家们一直都认识到权力与反抗之间的密切联系：顾名思义，有权力的地方就有反抗的可能（Lupton, 1997: 102）。权力与反抗的对立是社会学最受欢迎的二元论之一，即结构与机构之间的对立。事实上，抵抗有时被概念化为勇敢的人类行动者的反应，他们不愿意被社会结构的强制力或韦伯（1930: 181）的官僚主义 "铁笼 "所压制，也不愿意被日常繁重的受雇工作所压制（马克思和恩格斯，1952: 52）。但正如我们在本书前面所看到的，新唯物主义本体论摒弃了这种人类能动性的特权观念，将情感能力赋予各种有生命和无生命的关系，而人类则被视为例外。正如我们刚才所指出的，权力不再被视为结构性的或自上而下的，而是传播的情感的纽带，就其所产生的能力而言，这些情感可能是有利的，也可能是有制约性的。我们从概念上消解了权力/阻力二元论的两面性。

In order to develop a materialist perspective on resistance that articulates with this perspective on power, we need to explore the micropolitics of events again. We will use as an example Nick’s ethnographic study of ‘pro-anorexia’ communities (Fox et al., 2005a).

为了从唯物主义的角度来看待与这种权力观点相衔接的抵抗，我们需要再次探索事件的微观政治学。我们将以尼克对 "支持厌食症 "社区的人种学研究为例（福克斯等人，2005a）。

Micropolitics and resistance in the pro-anorexiamovement

微观政治学与支持anorex运动的阻力

The pro-anorexia or ‘pro-ana’ movement is a radical and transgressive lay approach to the management of anorexia, which has sought to re-define it outside of medical or other professional discourses. It has consequently often been the target of a powerful media backlash that brands it as a dangerous fad. Pro-ana has been facilitated by the development of Web 2.0 internet technologies, and exists within a shadowy world of semi-underground chat rooms and websites.

支持厌食症或 "支持厌食症 "运动是一种激进的、反传统的非专业厌食症治疗方法，它试图在医学或其他专业论述之外重新定义厌食症。因此，它经常成为媒体强力反击的目标，被打上危险时尚的烙印。Web 2.0 互联网技术的发展促进了亲厌食症的发展，它存在于半地下聊天室和网站的阴暗世界中。

Fox and colleagues studied the ‘Anagrrl’ website and forum (not its real name), which - despite having been closed down and re-opened under different names several times - was a thriving, supportive and lively community at the time of the research. The site offered information relating to anorexia and the pro-ana movement, recipes to promote healthy anorectic eating, advice on nutritional supplements to sustain well-being, and ‘thinspiration’: ‘triggering’ photographs of slim celebrities and encouraging tales that aimed to inspire and sustain anorectic behaviour. The users - who posted on a daily basis to multiple 'threads' - were overwhelmingly female, mostly between 17 and 20, in full-time education or working part-time, and predominantly from the US, UK, New Zealand and Australia.

福克斯及其同事研究了 "Anagrrl "网站和论坛（非真名），尽管该网站曾多次关闭，又以不同的名称重新开放，但在研究期间，该网站仍是一个蓬勃发展、相互支持、生机勃勃的社区。该网站提供有关厌食症和支持厌食症运动的信息、促进健康厌食的食谱、维持健康的营养补充剂建议，以及 "瘦身启发"："触发 "瘦身名人的照片和鼓励性故事，旨在激励和维持厌食行为。这些用户每天都在多个 "主题 "上发帖，绝大多数是女性，年龄在 17 到 20 岁之间，接受全日制教育或从事兼职工作，主要来自美国、英国、新西兰和澳大利亚。

This study found that participants in the pro-ana movement saw anorexia as a legitimate way to assert some control over the problems and troubles of daily life, and one that could be sustained while at the same time remaining physically healthy. In a disturbed life, this ‘anti-recovery’ stance provided the pro-ana movement’s members with a safe and positive place to share experience and gain further insight into their condition, away from the territorializing and aggregating scrutiny and judgements of parents, boyfriends, husbands and the medical profession.

本研究发现，支持厌食症运动的参与者将厌食症视为一种合法的方式，可以在一定程度上控制日常生活中的问题和麻烦，而且可以在保持身体健康的同时持续下去。在不安的生活中，这种 "反康复 "的立场为支持厌食症运动的成员提供了一个安全、积极的场所，让他们可以分享经验，进一步了解自己的状况，远离父母、男友、丈夫和医学界的地域化、聚合化的审查和评判。

In this pro-ana community, the aim was no longer to ‘recover’ from anorexia, but to maintain both low body weight and good health, through a balanced diet and the use of dietary supplements, and within a supportive environment of like-minded people who acknowledged anorexia as a legitimate response to the troubles of daily life. The website creator ‘Lily’ described pro-ana as a means to enable participants to take an active role in living with what society considered a debilitating, dangerous and shameful disease. The community was regarded by some participants as a ‘sanctuary’ where they were not continually pressured to eat and gain weight.

在这个支持厌食症的社区中，人们的目标不再是从厌食症中 "康复"，而是通过均衡饮食和使用膳食补充剂，在一个由志同道合者组成的支持性环境中，保持低体重和良好的健康状况。网站创建者 "莉莉 "将 "亲厌食症 "描述为一种手段，使参与者能够积极面对这种被社会视为使人衰弱、危险和可耻的疾病。一些参与者将该社区视为一个 "避难所"，在这里他们不会不断受到进食和增重的压力。

This study offers an insight into the interactions between power and resistance in events. Sociologically, pro-ana may be understood as a challenge to, and a rejection of medical, social and feminist models that regard anorexia as a condition to be ‘cured’. To understand the movements of power and resistance in pro-ana, we might first conjecture an ‘anorexia assemblage’:

这项研究让我们深入了解了事件中权力与反抗之间的相互作用。从社会学角度看，"支持厌食症 "可以理解为对医学、社会和女权主义模式的挑战和拒绝，这些模式将厌食症视为一种需要 "治愈 "的疾病。要理解亲厌食症中的权力与反抗运动，我们可以首先推测一个 "厌食症集合体"：

body - food - diet - body image - mirrors - clothes - hunger - social environment - cultural forces - media - significant others

身体--食物--饮食--身体形象--镜子--衣服--饥饿--社会环境--文化力量--媒体--重要他人

People with anorexia are territorialized by relations in this assemblage in ways that produce the experience and events of anorexic lives. Medical, psychological and feminist assemblages aim to help sufferers to recover from an illness by gaining weight and addressing the underlying causes of disordered eating. For example, if they come to the attention of parents and health professionals, biomedical ideas, re-feeding diets and regimes, treatment strategies, health facilities and even genetics may become part of the assemblage. If involved with psychotherapy or counselling, the assemblage will include psychological perspectives on self-esteem, body image, empowerment, personal development and so forth.

厌食症患者在这一组合中被各种关系地域化，从而产生了厌食症患者的生活经历和事件。医学、心理学和女权主义组合旨在通过增加体重和解决饮食失调的根本原因来帮助患者从疾病中康复。例如，如果厌食症引起了父母和医疗专业人员的注意，生物医学观点、重新喂养饮食和制度、治疗策略、医疗设施甚至遗传学都可能成为组合的一部分。如果涉及心理治疗或咨询，则会包括有关自尊、身体形象、赋权、个人发展等方面的心理学观点。

Though those participating in pro-ana may have been previously caught up in these medical, psychological or feminist assemblages, the study indicated that their involvement in the movement drew them into a distinctive pro-ana assemblage with very different flows and specifications:

尽管那些参与亲非洲运动的人以前可能曾被卷入这些医疗、心理或女权运动的集合体中，但研究表明，他们对运动的参与将他们带入了一个独特的亲非洲集合体中，其流程和规格都截然不同：

body - food - diet - pro-ana philosophy - other anorexic people - ‘thin- spiration’ images - recipes - health

身体--食物--饮食--亲厌食哲学--其他厌食者--"瘦--刺激 "图像--食谱--健康

Whereas relations in biomedical or other traditional approaches to resolving anorexia sought to territorialize and thereby reverse these desires, the physical and conceptual relations in a pro-ana assemblage produced a micropolitics that supplied the means to keep members both alive and anorexic. Participants used the lines of flight provided by pro-ana resources (recipes, thinspiration, support) to resist the forces that would lead to weight gain, and establish an alternative way of being anorexic, and away from the troubles of daily life.

生物医学或其他解决厌食症的传统方法中的关系试图将这些欲望领土化，从而扭转这些欲望，而亲厌食者集合体中的物理和概念关系则产生了一种微观政治，为保持成员的活力和厌食症提供了手段。参与者利用亲厌食者资源（食谱、瘦身启发、支持）提供的逃生路线来抵制导致体重增加的力量，并建立起另一种厌食方式，远离日常生活的烦恼。

We can see two movements of resistance within pro-ana. Participants described anorexia as itself a resistance: a micropolitical way for young people to gain some degree of control over lives beset by outside forces they could do little about. Second, the practices and perspectives of those involved in the pro- ana movement were a second resistance, a response to the forces of mainstream society that attempted to re-territorialize people with anorexia into a normative body shape. In both cases, a materialist analysis focuses upon the micropolitics of the assemblages within which anorexic bodies are a part. Resistance is not a negative reaction, rather it comes about by introducing new affects into assemblages, in ways that reduce existing forces (‘power’), and open up new possibilities for action and subjectivity, of becoming-other and lines of flight away from these constraints on capacities. Like power, resistance is processual and transitory, and fully part of material affectivity.

我们可以在亲厌食症中看到两种反抗运动。参与者认为厌食症本身就是一种反抗：年轻人通过这种微观政治方式，在一定程度上控制了被外力困扰的生活。其次，参与支持厌食症运动的人的做法和观点是第二种抵抗，是对主流社会试图将厌食症患者重新地域化为一种规范体型的力量的回应。在这两种情况下，唯物主义分析的重点都是厌食症身体所处组合的微观政治。反抗并不是一种消极的反应，而是通过在组合中引入新的影响，以削弱现有力量（"权力"）的方式产生的，并为行动和主观性、成为他人和摆脱这些能力限制开辟了新的可能性。与权力一样，抵抗也是过程性的、短暂的，完全属于物质情感的一部分。

This analysis of resistance in terms of affects complements our earlier analysis of power as affect, and suggests that power and resistance should be understood as two aspects of the same phenomenon. Attention to the micropolitics of assemblages means that both ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ must be explained by considering how particular relations affect or are affected by others, rather than invoking ‘another level’ of social structures or mechanisms where power circulates and against which resistance acts. Furthermore, a shift away from regarding ontologically-prior entities (for instance, a body, food, a skinny celebrity, a social institution) as sources of power or resistance, recognizes instead that relations (human and non-human) gain their capacities to act consequent upon other relations and affects within a particular event or action. This undermines notions of a fixed or stable reality in which power is asserted and resistance mounted. The fluctuating character of assemblage micropolitics means that ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ wax and wane, shift and reverse continually.

这种从影响角度对抵抗进行的分析，补充了我们之前对作为影响的权力的分析，并表明权力和抵抗应被理解为同一现象的两个方面。关注组合的微观政治学意味着，"权力 "和 "阻力 "都必须通过考虑特定关系如何影响他人或被他人影响来解释，而不是援引权力在其中循环和阻力在其中作用的 "另一个层次 "的社会结构或机制。此外，不再将本体论上先行的实体（例如，身体、食物、瘦弱的名人、社会机构）视为权力或抵抗的来源，而是承认关系（人类和非人类关系）在特定事件或行动中，因其他关系和影响而获得行动能力。这就破坏了一种固定或稳定的现实概念，在这种现实中，权力得以伸张，反抗得以进行。集合微观政治学的波动特性意味着 "权力 "和 "抵抗 "不断减弱、转移和逆转。

The pro-ana example illustrates this flux. Events are shaped by transitory affects such as pressure to eat experienced by an anorexic person attending a family meal (which might be labelled as an exercise of ‘power’), or the use of thinspirational images to help a person fast (labelled as ‘resistance’). These labels offer the impression of much more concerted social processes, whereas often the flux of forces in assemblages can shift the capacities of bodies or collections of bodies from moment to moment. As a person moves from an ‘anorexia-assemblage’ event (such as a family mealtime where they try to avoid eating) to a ‘pro-ana assemblage’ event (for instance, an online discussion about how to manage hunger pangs), the fluctuating affect economy between bodies, food, diets, family members, thinspiration and so on shifts bodily and other capacities from moment to moment. What sociology has called power and what it has called resistance are both aspects of the affective flux between relations in particular assemblages; all events are sites in which both ‘power’ and ‘resistance’ may be discerned.

支持厌食症的例子说明了这种变化。事件是由短暂的影响形成的，例如厌食症患者在参加家庭聚餐时所承受的进食压力（这可能被称为 "权力 "的行使），或者使用瘦身励志图片来帮助患者禁食（被称为 "抵抗"）。这些标签给人的印象是更加协调一致的社会进程，而通常情况下，集合体中各种力量的流动会在不同时刻改变身体或身体集合体的能力。当一个人从 "厌食症集合 "事件（比如在家庭聚餐时尽量避免进食）转变为 "支持厌食症集合 "事件（比如在网上讨论如何控制饥饿感）时，身体、食物、饮食、家庭成员、瘦身计划等之间不断波动的情感经济会在不同时刻改变身体和其他方面的能力。社会学所谓的 "权力 "和 "反抗 "都是特定组合中各种关系之间的情感波动的两个方面；所有事件都是可以发现 "权力 "和 "反抗 "的场所。

Analysing an event in terms of its affects, capacities and consequent micropolitics allows us to move beyond these shorthand concepts to focus upon affects, and to unpack precisely how relations intra-act in assemblages and what the consequences are for the capacities of both human and non-human relations. Defining a certain affect as an assertion of power or an effort at resistance is less important than assessing the capacities that these affects produce. Rather than presenting certain events as examples of coercive or disciplinary power, and others as instances of resistance, the task of a materialist sociology is to bring its micropolitical concepts and tools to bear upon the daily actions and encounters between people, things and social formations. We can ask of any affect: does it close down capacities or open them up? This question addresses those foundational sociological questions that we are considering in this chapter, concerning order and disorder, continuity and change.

从影响、能力和随之而来的微观政治学的角度来分析一个事件，使我们能够超越这些速记概念，将注意力集中在影响上，并准确地解读各种关系如何在组合中发生内部作用，以及对人类和非人类关系的能力产生了何种影响。将某种影响定义为对权力的宣示或反抗的努力，不如评估这些影响所产生的能力来得重要。唯物主义社会学的任务不是将某些事件作为强制或惩戒权力的例子，而将其他事件作为反抗的实例，而是将其微观政治概念和工具用于人、事物和社会形态之间的日常行为和遭遇。我们可以对任何影响发问：它是封闭了能力还是开放了能力？这个问题涉及到我们在本章中所考虑的社会学基础问题，即秩序与无序、连续性与变化。

This question also, we would suggest, sets up both a materialist basis for us to confront oppression, exploitation and violence, inequalities and injustices, and to consider the possibilities for affective movements that may produce radical becoming-other or ‘lines of flight’ (Patton, 2000: 66). As such, this micropolitical analysis of power and resistance (which we will call a ‘micropolitics of politics’) supplies the foundation for the following explorations of policy and activism.

我们认为，这一问题也为我们面对压迫、剥削和暴力、不平等和不公正提供了物质基础，并为我们考虑情感运动的可能性提供了物质基础，而情感运动可能会产生激进的 "成为他者 "或 "飞行路线"（Patton, 2000: 66）。因此，这种对权力和反抗的微观政治分析（我们将称之为 "微观政治学"）为以下对政策和行动主义的探索奠定了基础。

The micropolitics of politics and policy

政治和政策的微观政治学

With the benefit of this discussion of power and resistance, we are in a position to focus upon the first of the two sociological engagements that we consider here: policy. What can a materialist ontology bring to bear upon a sociological understanding of policy formulation and implementation? What are the limitations of policy, as seen from a materialist model of social continuities and change?

有了对权力与反抗的讨论，我们就可以集中讨论我们在此考虑的两种社会学参与中的第一种：政策。唯物主义本体论能为社会学对政策制定和实施的理解带来什么影响？从社会连续性和变化的唯物主义模式来看，政策有哪些局限性？

Policy may be defined as the responses of a collectivity - an informal group, an organization, an interest group or a government - to some aspect of life that is deemed significant: an issue, a value or a problem. The aim of policy is in some way to improve or reform the social or natural world, and may address issues bearing upon economic and political stability, continuity, security and cultural integrity, individual and collective safety, and liberty and rights to selfactualization of citizens (Shore and Wright, 1997: 30-1). Policy covers a range of interventions, from development of guidelines for conduct, to legislation and statutory regulation of individual or institutional activities, to enforcement and sanctions for policy transgression.

政策可以被定义为一个集体--一个非正式团体、一个组织、一个利益集团或一个政府--对生活中被认为重要的某些方面（一个问题、一种价值观或一个难题）的反应。政策的目的是以某种方式改善或改革社会或自然世界，并可能解决与经济和政治稳定、连续性、安全和文化完整性、个人和集体安全以及公民自由和自我实现权利有关的问题（Shore 和 Wright，1997 年：30-1）。政策涵盖一系列干预措施，从制定行为准则，到立法和对个人或机构活动的法定规 范，再到执行和制裁违反政策的行为。

Social policy is principally concerned with issues associated with the needs or welfare of human beings (Coffey, 2004: 2), while policy may also be directed toward other living entities, the natural environment or technology, or to abstractions such as economics or politics. In the former category are matters such as health, housing, social divisions, care of the vulnerable; in the latter issues include animal welfare, loss of animal or plant habitats by human action, climate change, scientific and technological innovations and the conduct of economic and political life.

社会政策主要关注与人类需求或福利相关的问题（Coffey, 2004: 2），而政策也可能针对其他生命实体、自然环境或技术，或经济或政治等抽象概念。前者包括健康、住房、社会分工、照顾弱势群体等问题；后者包括动物福利、人类行为造成的动物或植物栖息地的丧失、气候变化、科技创新以及经济和政治生活的开展等问题。

Sociological data, findings and theories have variously informed the development of policy, though with mixed responses from policy-makers (Davies, 2004: 449). However, policy development and implementation have themselves been a focus for sociological research, principally either in terms of interest groups or of institutional structures (Lascoumes and Le Gales, 2007: 4). According to the former, groupings including industry and commerce, professions, scientists and religious groups who are active within a social setting influence the shape of policy (Burstein and Linton, 2002; Macmillan, 2003). In the latter, structural factors within societies and governments and/or institutional history determine the shape of policy outcomes, shaping how interests exert influence, and what impact interest groups have on policy (Banchoff, 2005: 207; Lascoumes and Le Gales, 2007: 4; Wiktorowicz, 2003: 618).

社会学数据、研究成果和理论为政策的制定提供了各种信息，但政策制定者对此的反应却不尽相同（Davies, 2004: 449）。然而，政策的制定和实施本身也是社会学研究的重点，主要是在利益集团或制度结构方面（Lascoumes and Le Gales, 2007: 4）。前者认为，在社会环境中活跃的工商业、专业、科学家和宗教团体等群体会影响政策的制定（Burstein 和 Linton, 2002; Macmillan, 2003）。就后者而言，社会和政府内部的结构性因素和/或制度历史决定了政策结果的形态、利益集团如何施加影响以及利益集团对政策的影响（Banchoff, 2005: 207; Lascoumes and Le Gales, 2007：4; Wiktorowicz, 2003: 618）。

The value of an interests perspective is that it supplies a critical position from which to assess policy, suggesting that policy is often compromised by a failure to address the interests of the broad range of stakeholders, and the differential powers of individuals and institutions (Macmillan, 2003: 188). A structural view provides an understanding of institutional influences upon policy, by suggesting that the structures and historical legacies of governments and states determine who has the power to set policy agendas, and which stakeholders’ voices are heard (Banchoff, 2005: 230).

利益视角的价值在于，它提供了一个评估政策的关键位置，表明政策往往由于未能解决广泛的利益相关者的利益以及个人和机构的不同权力而受到损害（麦克米伦，2003：188）。结构性观点认为，政府和国家的结构和历史遗产决定了谁有权制定政策议程，以及哪些利益相关者的声音能够被听到（Banchoff, 2005: 230），从而提供了对机构对政策影响的理解。

Both these perspectives focus upon what may be described as the ‘macro’ level of governments, states and institutional structures. As we have shown throughout this book, a materialist and monist sociology steps away from structural explanations, and - as we have already seen in this chapter - understands power and resistance in terms of affective movements within events. For these reasons, when it comes to policy (and politics more generally), a materialist sociology needs to shift from a macro-sociology of governments and states firmly back to the micropolitics of events. This micropolitical focus is a theme running through materialist scholarship on issues of policy and politics: for Widder (2012: 125) ‘politics begins with micropolitics’, while DeLanda (2006: 87) treats governments as assemblages in which some relations legitimate its authority, while others enable its enforcement. Patton (2000: 68) has pointed to the ‘politics of desire’ at the heart of Deleuze and Guattari’s project, which included exploration of the micropolitics (territorializations and aggregations) of the State and its apparatuses of control (Deleuze and Guattari, 1988: 223).

这两种观点都侧重于政府、国家和制度结构的 "宏观 "层面。正如我们在本书中所展示的那样，唯物主义和一元论社会学摒弃了结构性解释，正如我们在本章中所看到的那样，从事件中的情感运动的角度来理解权力和抵抗。基于这些原因，当涉及政策（以及更广泛的政治）时，唯物主义社会学需要从政府和国家的宏观社会学坚定地转向事件的微观政治学。对微观政治的关注是贯穿唯物主义政策与政治学术研究的一个主题：维德（2012: 125）认为 "政治始于微观政治"，而迪兰达（2006: 87）则将政府视为一个集合体，在这个集合体中，一些关系使政府的权威合法化，而另一些关系则使政府的权威得以实施。Patton（2000: 68）指出 "欲望政治 "是德勒兹和瓜塔里项目的核心，其中包括对国家及其控制机构的微观政治（领土化和集合）的探索（德勒兹和瓜塔里，1988: 223）。

This orientation, we suggest, is the basis for a micropolitics of politics, which aims to explore how legislation, governance and policy-making events work, in terms of the movements of power and resistance that derive from these political activities. What, for instance, are the consequences of consumer protection legislation for local traders and customers, how is the law enacted on a daily basis in shops and markets, and in what ways is it transgressed? What is significant about this move is that it emphasizes the processual character of policy: policy is not just something that is ‘made’ once and for all. Rather, policy-making needs to be understood as an always unfinished project; continually under review and revision in the myriad events that follow its initiation (McCann and Ward, 2012: 46). This suggests that policy implementation is of far more interest sociologically than its formulation, whether at the level of national policy or a policy initiative by an organization such as a school. To illustrate this approach to policy, we will explore the impact that the emergence of internet commerce had upon policy concerning the advertising of pharmaceutical medicines (Fox et al., 2006).

我们认为，这种定位是政治微观政治学的基础，旨在从这些政治活动所产生的权力运动和抵抗运动的角度，探讨立法、治理和决策活动是如何运作的。例如，消费者保护法对当地商贩和顾客有什么影响，该法在商店和市场中是如何日常实施的，又是以何种方式被违反的？这一举措的重要意义在于，它强调了政策的过程性特征：政策并不是一劳永逸地 "制定 "出来的。相反，政策制定需要被理解为一个始终未完成的项目；在其启动后的无数事件中不断接受审查和修订（McCann and Ward, 2012: 46）。这表明，从社会学角度来看，政策的实施远比政策的制定更有意义，无论是国家政策层面还是学校等组织的政策倡议。为了说明这种政策方法，我们将探讨互联网商业的出现对药品广告政策的影响（Fox 等人，2006 年）。

The internet and pharmaceutical advertising

互联网与药品广告

Pharmaceutical products, particularly those only available to consumers/patients possessing a prescription from a doctor or nurse, are among the most highly regulated products in the market place. This is not surprising - many medicines are potent chemicals that can endanger human health or life if used inappropriately. National and supra-national (e.g. European Union) legislation governs the manufacture, testing, marketing and consumption of these compounds, with variations between countries in the precise laws and regulatory frameworks in place. The emergence of the internet as a medium for commerce posed a major challenge to policy-makers and regulators during the 2000s, both in terms of control over prescribing and the marketing of prescription-only medicines (POMs) direct to users (Fox et al., 2006).

医药产品，尤其是那些只有消费者/病人持有医生或护士处方才能购买的产品，是市场上监管最严格的产品之一。这并不奇怪--许多药品都是烈性化学品，如果使用不当，可能会危及人体健康或生命。国家和超国家（如欧盟）立法对这些化合物的生产、测试、营销和消费进行监管，不同国家的确切法律和监管框架也不尽相同。2000 年代，互联网作为一种商业媒介的出现对政策制定者和监管者构成了重大挑战，这既涉及到对处方的控制，也涉及到直接向用户销售处方药（POMs）的问题（Fox 等人，2006 年）。

In the UK, two laws: the Medicines (Advertising) Regulations 1994 Act and the European Directive 2001/83/EC have prevented direct-to-consumer (DTC) advertising of POMs to UK citizens, though marketing to health professionals is permitted. All European countries have similar legislation; however, US laws permit manufacturers and retailers to promote a wide range of POMs directly to consumers. This difference was of marginal importance prior to the internet. However, when global pharmaceutical companies such as Pfizer or Novartis developed websites to advertise their products to US consumers, there was nothing to prevent UK and other EU citizens accessing this online material (Muscardini, 2001: 56). Meanwhile, overseas web-based pharmacies began to market directly to UK consumers, often with no medical oversight, and subject only to the laws of their host country. These developments raised issues of patient safety, as UK citizens may legally purchase and import POMs (apart from controlled substances) for personal use.

在英国，有两项法律：《1994 年药品（广告）条例法》和《2001/83/EC 号欧洲指令》禁止向英国公民直接推销 POM，但允许向医疗专业人员推销。所有欧洲国家都有类似的立法；不过，美国法律允许制造商和零售商直接向消费者推销各种口服植物提取物。在互联网出现之前，这一差异并不重要。然而，当辉瑞（Pfizer）或诺华（Novartis）等全球性制药公司开发网站向美国消费者宣传其产品时，英国和其他欧盟国家的公民也可以访问这些在线资料（Muscardini, 2001:56）。与此同时，海外网络药店开始直接向英国消费者销售产品，通常没有医疗监督，只受所在国法律的约束。这些发展引起了患者安全问题，因为英国公民可以合法购买和进口供个人使用的 POM（受管制物质除外）。

In the UK, the policy on DTC marketing is policed by an advertising unit within the Medicine and HealthCare Products Regulatory Agency (MHRA), which scrutinizes print and other media promotions of, and claims about, prescription medicines. As internet commerce developed, the MHRA stated that pharmaceutical websites (not intended exclusively for healthcare professionals) could publish only technical data on their products concerning dosage, drug interactions and contra-indications (Medicines Control Agency, 1999: 16). In an interview in Fox et al.’s (2006) study, a respondent from the MHRA confirmed that this extension to the UK,s DTC advertising policy had been negotiated with UK-based pharmaceutical companies on a voluntary self-regulatory basis.

在英国，DTC 营销政策由药品和保健品监管局 (MHRA) 下属的广告部门负责监管，该部门负责审查印刷品和其他媒体对处方药的宣传和声称。随着互联网商业的发展，MHRA 规定，医药网站（并非专为医疗保健专业人士服务）只能发布其产品的技术数据，包括剂量、药物相互作用和禁忌症（Medicines Control Agency, 1999: 16）。在 Fox 等人（2006 年）的研究访谈中，MHRA 的一位受访者证实，英国 DTC 广告政策的这一扩展是在自愿自律的基础上与英国制药公司协商达成的。

This response by the UK regulator, Fox et al. (2006) argued, indicated a pragmatism as far as the ipolicing, of pharmaceutical advertising governance goes - a pragmatic reaction also noted in the regulation of online pharmacies (Fox et al., 2005b). The MHRA respondent acknowledged that their agreement with pharmaceutical companies did not cover overseas websites, but argued that where consumers accessed these sites, this was acceptable, as it represented a 'pull, rather than a ‘push, in relation to accessing drug information.

Fox 等人（2006）认为，英国监管机构的这一反应表明，在药品广告管理的ipolicing方面，英国监管机构采取了一种实用主义的态度--这种实用主义的反应在网上药店的监管中也有所体现（Fox 等人，2005b）。MHRA 的回答者承认，他们与制药公司签订的协议并不包括海外网站，但认为如果消费者访问这些网站，这也是可以接受的，因为在获取药品信息方面，这是一种 "拉动"，而不是 "推动"。

I think people are quite aware of the information they see on the internet, that they,re looking at foreign information. I don,t think that I would accept that that constitutes direct to consumer advertising in the UK. I accept that consumers can, if they search for the advertising material, but it would be a long step from companies targeting UK consumers. That,s UK consumers trying hard to find the information. (Fox et al., 2006: 323)

我认为人们很清楚他们在互联网上看到的信息，他们看到的是外国信息。在英国，我不认为这构成了直接面向消费者的广告。我承认，如果消费者搜索广告材料，他们可以这样做，但这与公司以英国消费者为目标的做法相去甚远。这就是英国消费者努力寻找信息的过程。(福克斯等人，2006 年：323）。

This 'fix' ensured the continued viability of advertising policy as reasonable and legitimate, in the face of the global reach of the internet that arguably made a mockery of the UK,s efforts to prevent marketing of pharmaceuticals to its citizens.

这种 "修复 "确保了广告政策的合理性和合法性，而面对互联网的全球影响力，可以说是对英国阻止向其公民推销药品的努力的嘲弄。

We would argue that the apparently casual response by the regulator to what appeared major challenges to policy on prescription medicines demonstrates that government policy is not a once-made entity, but an on-going project that must respond to shifts in power and resistance between material actors (in our ontology, in the micropolitics of the ‘policy-assemblage’). Sustaining policy in the case of POMs and the internet entailed a substantial degree of behind- closed-doors discussion with industry, professional associations and so forth, leading to new agreements and adaptations to voluntary codes. The regulator responded to ‘consumer power’ (capacities to access information and purchase POMs online), which underpinned the need to adapt to new market forces and demands. This analysis supports a processual perspective on policy-making, based on ‘continuing dialogue and resource-sharing’ (Jessop, 2003: 101) among social actors to achieve beneficial outcomes and manage contradictions. Indeed, policy and its governance needs to be understood not as top-down activities, but as disseminated across the events and assemblages of civil society (McCann and Ward, 2012).

我们认为，监管机构对处方药政策所面临的重大挑战做出了看似随意的回应，这表明政府政策并不是一劳永逸的，而是一项持续的工程，必须对权力的变化和物质行为者之间的抵制做出回应（在我们的本体论中，即 "政策组合 "的微观政治中）。就管理局和互联网而言，政策的维持需要与行业、专业协会等进行大量的闭门讨论，从而达成新的协议并对自愿守则进行调整。监管机构对 "消费者力量"（获取信息和在线购买 POM 的能力）做出了回应，这也是适应新的市场力量和需求的基础。这一分析支持对政策制定的过程性观点，其基础是社会参与者之间的 "持续对话和资源共享"（Jessop，2003：101），以实现有益的结果并管理矛盾。事实上，政策及其治理不应被理解为自上而下的活动，而应被理解为在公民社会的各种活动和组合中传播（McCann and Ward, 2012）。

This is a view of policy as a dynamic process that is never fully achieved, and depends upon a broad base of consent from those within the ‘policy-assemblage’ (Prince, 2010). Thus, for example, policy-makers have negotiated consent from forest-owners to support biodiversity through voluntary agreements, even though the owners’ underlying values and interests stand in opposition to this policy (Hysing and Olsson, 2005). We are reminded too of the lack of popular consent that led to the failure by UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to successfully introduce a ‘poll tax’ (an annual flat-rate charge levied on all adult citizens) in the 1980s. This tax was generally regarded as contrary to fundamental (British) notions of individual liberty and fairness, and was repealed after wide scale protest, despite Thatcher’s large parliamentary majority, a loyal civil service and a weak opposition (Butler et al., 1994).

这种观点认为，政策是一个动态的过程，永远不会完全实现，它取决于 "政策组合 "内各方的广泛同意（Prince，2010 年）。因此，举例来说，政策制定者通过自愿协议与森林所有者协商，以获得他们的同意来支持生物多样性，尽管森林所有者的基本价值观和利益与这一政策背道而驰（Hysing 和 Olsson，2005 年）。英国首相玛格丽特-撒切尔（Margaret Thatcher）在 20 世纪 80 年代未能成功引入 "人头税"（每年向所有成年公民征收的统一税率），这也让我们想起了缺乏民众同意的情况。尽管撒切尔在议会中占多数，公务员队伍忠心耿耿，反对派力量薄弱，但这一税收仍被普遍认为有悖于（英国）个人自由和公平的基本理念，并在广泛抗议后被废除（Butler et al.）

This materialist perspective on policy reflects the position that we developed earlier on power and resistance as affective movements within the flux of an unfolding social world. What is clear is that policy, and politics and government more generally, can no longer be treated as top-down exercises of power, or as one-off events that determine the shape of social interactions. Policies and laws (for instance, a school policy against homophobic bullying, or a national policy to reduce the prevalence of obesity) may often be relations within assemblages, and will have an effect on the capacities of assembled bodies and other relations. Good policy can be productive of new opportunities and becomings, while poor or repressive policies or laws close these down.

对政策的这种唯物主义视角反映了我们之前提出的立场，即权力和抵抗是在不断发展的社会世界中的情感运动。显而易见的是，政策、政治和政府不能再被视为自上而下的权力行使，或决定社会互动形式的一次性事件。政策和法律（例如，反对同性恋欺凌的学校政策，或降低肥胖症发病率的国家政策）往往可能是集合体中的关系，并将对集合体的能力和其他关系产生影响。好的政策可以产生新的机会和新的成为，而差的或压制性的政策或法律则会关闭这些机会和新的成为。

But at the same time, in every event assemblage in which a policy, a law or a regulatory framework is a relation, the micropolitical flow between relations will impact upon the affective capacities of that policy or law itself. In other words, the effectiveness of a policy or law is continually subject to the micropolitics of events. What this suggests is a sociological engagement with policy that may begin with research or analysis of its formulation, but can also inform its practical delivery and impact on events, or offer insights that can aid its refinement, revision or - on occasions - its dissolution. This leads us neatly on to consider sociological activism.

但与此同时，在每一个以政策、法律或监管框架为关系的事件组合中，关系之间的微观政治流动都会对政策或法律本身的影响能力产生影响。换句话说，政策或法律的有效性不断受制于事件的微观政治学。这表明，社会学对政策的参与可以从研究或分析政策的制定开始，但也可以为政策的实际执行和对事件的影响提供信息，或提供有助于政策完善、修订或--有时--解散的见解。这就使我们开始考虑社会学的行动主义。

Materialism and activism

物质主义和行动主义

There is a long tradition of sociological activism, motivated by sociologists’ desires for social reform and improvements to the quality of life. After all, Karl Marx - one of the early influences upon sociology - had stated that the task facing society was not merely to interpret the world, but to change it (Marx, 1969). Sociologists have been involved in campaigns that have included women’s suffrage, racism, child labour, union rights, educational reform and opposition to wars (Dale and Kalob, 2006: 121).

社会学激进主义的传统由来已久，其动机是社会学家希望进行社会改革和提高生活质量。毕竟，卡尔-马克思--社会学的早期影响者之一--曾指出，社会面临的任务不仅仅是解释世界，而是改变世界（马克思，1969 年）。社会学家参与的运动包括妇女选举权、种族主义、童工、工会权利、教育改革和反对战争（Dale and Kalob, 2006: 121）。

Activism, however, is not a core feature of contemporary sociology. Perhaps the subject’s entrenchment into the relative security of academic institutions, and the progressive shaping of sociology by narrow evaluations of research knowledge and scholarship (Burrows, 2012; Freshwater, 2014: 328), has tempered the activist urge within the sociological imagination. However, this academic ‘bunker’ mentality has been challenged in recent years by sociologists such as Michael Burawoy (a past president of both American and International Sociological Associations) who has called for a more engaged ‘public sociology’ (Burawoy, 2005) that brings sociological knowledge to bear upon real-world issues. In addition, groups of sociologists inside and outside academia have emerged that consider activism as a direct means to demonstrate the ‘impact’ of sociological theories, models and research findings (some links are provided at the end of the chapter).

然而，激进主义并非当代社会学的核心特征。也许是这门学科被固化在学术机构的相对安全环境中，以及对研究知识和学术的狭隘评价对社会学的逐步塑造（Burrows，2012；Freshwater，2014：328），削弱了社会学想象中的激进主义冲动。然而，这种学术 "碉堡 "心态近年来受到了迈克尔-布拉沃伊（Michael Burawoy，美国和国际社会学协会前任主席）等社会学家的挑战，他们呼吁建立一种更具参与性的 "公共社会学"（Burawoy，2005），将社会学知识应用于现实世界的问题。此外，学术界内外还出现了一些社会学家团体，他们认为行动主义是展示社会学理论、模型和研究成果 "影响 "的直接手段（本章末尾提供了一些链接）。

However, we would suggest that there is a further reason for sociological ambivalence to activism, deriving from divergence between the models of humans and society held by academics and activists, leading to different perspectives on social engagement. Over the past 40 years, sociology has become embroiled in epistemological debates between realists and constructionists over how to know the social world. One area of sociological theory at issue in this debate has been around the ways in which social identities (for instance, as ‘woman’, ‘LGBT’, ‘British’ and so forth) have been understood in sociology. In general, sociologists have favoured a model of identity as socially constructed, rather than innate or ‘essentialist’ (Brubaker and Cooper, 2000: 6). This has contrasted with some activist perspectives, for instance by feminists and antiracism campaigners, for whom an essentialist approach to social identity (which has informed the consequent ‘identity-politics’) has sometimes underpinned activist campaigns (Alldred and Dennison, 2000： 126-7; Burman, 1990; El-Bushra, 2007: 142; Higgins, 1996: 99).

然而，我们认为，社会学界对激进主义持矛盾态度还有一个原因，那就是学者和激进主义者对人类和社会所持的模式不同，从而导致了对社会参与的不同看法。过去 40 年来，社会学陷入了现实主义者和建构主义者之间关于如何认识社会世界的认识论争论。在这场争论中，社会学理论的一个争议领域是社会学如何理解社会身份（如 "女性"、"女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和变性者"、"英国人 "等）。一般来说，社会学家倾向于将身份认同视为社会建构的模式，而非与生俱来或 "本质主义 "的模式（Brubaker and Cooper, 2000: 6）。这与一些激进主义者的观点形成了鲜明对比，例如女权主义者和反种族主义运动者，对他们而言，社会身份的本质主义方法（为随之而来的 "身份政治 "提供了依据）有时是激进主义运动的基础（Alldred and Dennison, 2000： 126-7；Burman, 1990；El-Bushra, 2007：142; Higgins, 1996: 99）。

To explore this divergence in greater detail, and as the basis for developing a materialist approach to activism, we want to take as an example dissent between activist and academic responses to the perceived inappropriate ‘sexualization, of young people in contemporary society (Fox and Bale, forthcoming).

为了更详细地探讨这种分歧，并在此基础上制定一种唯物主义的行动主义方法，我们想以行动主义和学术界对当代社会中被认为不适当的年轻人 "性化"（Fox 和 Bale，即将出版）的反应之间的分歧为例。

Activist and academic perspective on sexualization

积极分子和学术界对性化的看法

Anxieties over access to internet pornography and other media sexual content by children and teenagers, and their consequent precocious isexualization,, has been the basis for an improbable activist coalition (Duschinsky, 2013) between religious organizations, conservative parent groups (such as iMumsnet, and the Mothers, Union in the UK) and some feminists concerned at the shaping of girls and women within a male model of sexuality, the commodification of sexuality and the objectification of girls, and young women,s bodies (Gill, 2003: 105; Horvath et al, 2013). These diverse constituencies share a view of sexualization as a social problem to be addressed by policy initiatives and/or activism.

宗教组织、保守的家长团体（如 iMumsnet 和英国的母亲联盟）和一些关注在男性性爱模式中塑造女童和妇女、性爱商品化以及女童和年轻女性身体物化的女权主义者之间，在对儿童和青少年接触网络色情和其他媒体性爱内容以及由此导致的性早熟的焦虑基础上，形成了一个不可能的活动联盟（Duschinsky，2013 年）（Gill，2003 年，第 105 页；Horvath 等人，2013 年）：105; Horvath et al, 2013）。这些不同的支持者都认为性化是一个社会问题，需要通过政策倡议和/或行动来解决。

This activist analysis of sexualization possesses a realist flavour, as may be seen in two reports commissioned by the UK government - the 2011 Bailey Review of the Commercialisation and Sexualisation of Childhood and a report by psychologist Linda Papadopoulos (2010): the Sexualisation of Young People Review. A review of literature for the Office of the Children's Commissioner (Horvath et al., 2013: 7) suggests that increased access to pornography is linked to unrealistic attitudes to sex and relationships, more sexually permissive attitudes, beliefs that women are sex objects, less progressive gender role attitudes, and to children and young people engaging in risky sexual behaviours. Concern over increasing access to pornography by teenagers (Hines, 2011; Paul, 2005) features alongside other social issues concerning young people, including historical child sexual abuse (Mendelson and Letourneau, 2015) and sexting and cybersex (Levine, 2013; Mitchell et al, 2014; Phippen, 2012). Recommendations from these assessments have included tightening controls on music video content and broadcast media, and enhancing parental control over children,s internet access (Bailey, 2011: 14-15).

正如英国政府委托编写的两份报告--2011 年《贝利童年商业化和性化审查报告》和心理学家琳达-帕帕佐普洛斯（2010 年）的报告《青少年性化审查报告》--所显示的那样，这种对性化的积极分析具有现实主义色彩。儿童专员办公室的文献综述（Horvath et al.人们对青少年接触色情制品的机会越来越多表示担忧（Hines，2011 年；Paul，2005 年），同时还存在其他涉及青少年的社会问题，包括历史上的儿童性虐待（Mendelson 和 Letourneau，2015 年）以及色情短讯和网络性交易（Levine，2013 年；Mitchell 等人，2014 年；Phippen，2012 年）。这些评估提出的建议包括加强对音乐视频内容和广播媒体的控制，以及加强家长对儿童上网的控制（Bailey，2011：14-15）。

Academic analyses of sexualization have diverged from these realist approaches. Drawing on post-structuralist, feminist and queer theory, scholars have argued that the ways that societies think about sexualization are influenced by cultural discourses and narratives that shape social and moral concerns about young people, sexuality and sexual conduct. Underlying contemporary societal anxieties and moral panics around sexualization of children (particularly girls) are underpinned by foundational, essentialist models that establish a distinction between iinnocent child, and iresponsible adulf (Barker and Duschinsky, 2012: 305; Duschinsky, 2013: 150). Egan (2013: 17) identified four ‘long-standing Anglophone anxieties’ deployed in contemporary discussions of sexualization: concern over unfettered female heterosexuality; racialized concerns over sexual innocence and its corruption; middle-class anxieties about working-class sexuality; and disgust, anger and repressed desire over the eroticism of the child. These anxieties produced moral panics around children’s access to pornography, safety of children from sexual predators and sexualization of young children, as reflected in the various policy reviews, strategies and sanctions noted earlier.

学术界对 "性化 "的分析与这些现实主义方法有所不同。学者们借鉴后结构主义、女权主义和同性恋理论，认为社会对性化的思考方式受到文化话语和叙事的影响，这些话语和叙事形成了对年轻人、性行为和性行为的社会和道德关切。当代社会对儿童（尤其是女童）性化问题的焦虑和道德恐慌的基础是基本的本质主义模式，这种模式将无辜的儿童与负责任的成人区分开来（Barker and Duschinsky, 2012: 305; Duschinsky, 2013: 150）。Egan（2013: 17）指出了当代性化讨论中的四种 "长期存在的英语焦虑"：对不受约束的女性异性恋的担忧；对性纯真及其堕落的种族化担忧；中产阶级对工人阶级性行为的焦虑；以及对儿童色情的厌恶、愤怒和压抑的欲望。这些焦虑围绕着儿童接触色情制品、儿童免受性掠夺者侵害以及幼儿性化等问题产生了道德恐慌，这反映在前面提到的各种政策审查、战略和制裁措施中。

These academic perspectives have provided the basis for a critique of activist discourses on sex and sexualization, which they argue over-simplify concerns around girls, bodies, sex and sexuality in ways that ‘flatten out social and cultural difference’ (Renold and Ringrose, 2011: 391), and add a further constraint ‘that fetters girls’ (a)sexuality to morality, appearance and age’ (Jackson and Vares, 2015). Gill (2012: 742) notes the ‘profoundly classed, racialized and heteronormative framing of the sexualization debate, while Egan (2013: 134) points to how realist discourses on the media’s role in sexualization depend upon constructing girls as deviant, rather than addressing the sexism, racism, classism and homophobia in popular culture.

这些学术观点为批判激进的性和性化论述提供了基础，他们认为这些论述以 "抹平社会和文化差异"（Renold and Ringrose, 2011: 391）的方式过度简化了对女孩、身体、性和性的关注，并增加了 "将女孩的（a）性束缚于道德、外表和年龄"（Jackson and Vares, 2015）的限制。Gill（2012: 742）指出 "性化辩论中存在着深刻的阶级化、种族化和异性恋规范"，而 Egan（2013: 134）则指出关于媒体在性化中的作用的现实主义论述是如何依赖于将女孩构建为离经叛道者，而不是解决流行文化中的性别歧视、种族主义、阶级歧视和同性恋恐惧症。

This comparison between activist and academic responses reveals the divergence between essentialist and constructionist perspectives on sexualization. But critically for our discussion here, they also demonstrate very different propositions for policy and social change. The activist perspective advocates initiatives to counter a very real danger to young people, often founded upon an unproblematized assessment that society should ‘let children be children’ (the title of Bailey’s (2011) review). By contrast, academic analyses have denied the notion of the essential nature of the child or the adult, and have concluded that activist responses to sexualization are themselves part of the problem or at best a distraction - to the extent that they mask more deep-seated issues. The problems to be addressed, in this latter view, concern contemporary society’s attitudes to sex and sexuality, the marketization and commodification of sex and sexual bodies, and societal sexism, racism and homophobia.

对活动家和学术界的回应进行比较，揭示了本质主义和建构主义在性化问题上的分歧。但对于我们在这里的讨论来说，至关重要的是，它们还展示了非常不同的政策和社会变革主张。活动家的观点主张采取主动行动，应对年轻人面临的现实危险，而这种主动行动往往建立在一种没有问题的评估基础之上，即社会应该 "让孩子做孩子"（贝利（2011 年）评论的标题）。与此相反，学术界的分析否定了儿童或成人的本质属性这一概念，并得出结论认为，针对性化问题的积极应对措施本身就是问题的一部分，或者充其量只是分散注意力--因为它们掩盖了更深层次的问题。后一种观点认为，需要解决的问题涉及当代社会对性和性行为的态度、性和性身体的市场化和商品化，以及社会性别歧视、种族主义和仇视同性恋。

The consequence of this divergence is that while activism has advocated direct policy initiatives, some of which have been readily adopted by Western governments eager to assuage voter concerns, academic approaches struggle to engage directly with issues of sexualization. Indeed, even the term ‘sexualization’ has been problematic for some feminist scholars, who prefer to focus more upon the workings of power in relation to sex and sexualities (Duschinsky, 2013: 152; Gill, 2012: 742). The propositions for action or for policy that follow from constructionist analyses (for instance, to eradicate gender inequalities or the commodification of female bodies) consequently lack immediacy, and may require a utopian (Ringrose et al., 2013: 319) shift in culture or dominant ideologies. Indeed, the immediate target for action in these academic studies have been the anti-sexualization campaign itself, which has been criticized for establishing a further constraining discourse on female sexuality and eroticism (Renold and Ringrose, 2013: 248), while leaving more fundamental issues of patriarchy and neoliberalism largely unaddressed (Attwood, 2009: xv-xvi; Egan and Hawkes, 2008: 294).

这种分歧造成的后果是，激进主义倡导直接的政策措施，其中一些已被急于平息选民担忧的西方政府欣然采纳，而学术方法却难以直接涉及性化问题。事实上，即使是 "性化 "一词对于一些女权主义学者来说也是一个问题，她们更倾向于关注与性和性别相关的权力运作（Duschinsky, 2013: 152; Gill, 2012: 742）。因此，建构主义分析提出的行动或政策建议（例如，消除性别不平等或女性身体商品化）缺乏直接性，可能需要文化或主流意识形态发生乌托邦式的转变（Ringrose et al.事实上，这些学术研究的直接行动目标是反性化运动本身，有人批评该运动进一步限制了关于女性性行为和情色的论述（Renold and Ringrose, 2013: 248），而父权制和新自由主义等更根本的问题却基本上没有得到解决（Attwood, 2009: xv-xvi; Egan and Hawkes, 2008: 294）。

We should assure readers at this point that the example of sexualization is not an isolated case. We have written elsewhere (Alldred and Fox, 2015a) about the difficulties that social scientists have faced in relation to LGBT activism, which has similarly been underpinned by essentialized notions of sexual identities (as gay, lesbian, asexual and so forth). For constructionists (for instance, those informed by Foucault’s (1990) analysis of sexuality), these identities are not fixed or stable, but constructed and culturally-contingent. Sociologists and psychologists have as a consequence found it problematic to engage uncritically with people’s struggles against discrimination (Kitzinger, 1999). One solution was ‘strategic essentialism’ (Eide, 2010; Spivak, 1996: 214), an approach whereby politically-engaged social scientists ‘bracketed’ (temporarily set to one side) ontological problems of gender or sexuality essentialism, in order to build strategic alliances around notions such as ‘woman’ or ‘lesbian’ that could be a rallying-point to stage challenges to patriarchy or heteronormativity.

在这一点上，我们应该向读者保证，性化的例子并非个案。我们曾在其他文章（Alldred and Fox, 2015a）中提到过社会科学家在 LGBT 活动中遇到的困难，这些活动同样也是以本质化的性身份概念（如同性恋、女同性恋、无性恋等）为基础的。对于建构主义者（例如，福柯（1990 年）的性分析）来说，这些身份并不是固定或稳定的，而是建构的，是与文化相适应的。因此，社会学家和心理学家发现，不加批判地参与人们反对歧视的斗争是有问题的（Kitzinger，1999 年）。一种解决方法是 "战略本质论"（Eide, 2010; Spivak, 1996: 214），即参与政治的社会科学家将性别或性本质论的本体论问题 "括弧化"（暂时搁置一边），以便围绕 "妇女 "或 "女同性恋 "等概念建立战略联盟，这些概念可以成为挑战父权制或异性恋的集结点。

Throughout the book, we have noted that the ‘new’ materialist perspectives we have been exploring provide a space in which to cut across the traditional dualism between essentialism and constructionism. We have developed and worked with a dynamic understanding of assemblages of relations (bodies, things, social formations, ideas, memories) linked by a shifting network of forces that produce an ever-evolving skein of material possibilities constrained neither by fixed capacities of pre-existing entities (as in essentialism), nor within a fixed (social) context of choices (as in social constructionism) (Barad, 2001: 103). Now once again, we are going to invoke materialist ontology as a means to transcend the divergences between activist and academic perspectives that we have identified. To do this, we return to the previous example of sexualization, to consider how a materialist analysis by Fox and Bale (forthcoming) provides a new approach to sexualization.

纵观全书，我们注意到，我们一直在探索的 "新 "唯物主义视角提供了一个空间，可以跨越本质主义和建构主义之间的传统二元论。我们对各种关系（身体、事物、社会形态、观念、记忆）的组合形成了一种动态的理解，这些关系通过不断变化的力量网络联系在一起，产生了不断发展的物质可能性，这些可能性既不受制于先存实体的固定能力（如本质主义），也不受制于固定的（社会）选择环境（如社会建构主义）（Barad, 2001: 103）。现在，我们将再次援引唯物主义本体论，以此来超越我们所发现的活动家与学术界观点之间的分歧。为此，我们回到之前的 "性化 "例子，考虑福克斯和贝尔（即将出版）的唯物主义分析如何为 "性化 "提供了一种新的方法。

This study explored the sexual development and conduct of young people, using in-depth qualitative interviews with 22 college students aged 16-19 years. During these interviews, participants were encouraged to tell their own stories and experiences, describe their sexual behaviours and sexuality, and how they engaged with sexual media content and pornography. The analysis was informed by materialist concepts and sought to identify the relations in the ‘sexualization-assemblages’ of individual participants, and to understand the affects that made these assemblages work, and the consequences in terms of what these young people could do, feel or desire. The aim of this analytical methodology was to make the assemblage rather than the student the focus of attention, and to investigate the range of forces in the assemblage that produced capacities.

本研究通过对 22 名 16-19 岁的大学生进行深入的定性访谈，探讨了青少年的性发展和性行为。在访谈过程中，我们鼓励参与者讲述自己的故事和经历，描述他们的性行为和性行为，以及他们如何接触性媒体内容和色情制品。分析以唯物主义概念为基础，试图确定参与者个人的 "性化组合 "中的关系，并理解使这些组合发挥作用的影响，以及这些年轻人可以做什么、感觉到什么或渴望什么的后果。这种分析方法的目的是使集合体而不是学生成为关注的焦点，并调查集合体中产生能力的各种力量。

The wide range of relations identified in this way included family, friends and peers; material things such as alcohol, condoms, social events, money, cars and sex education materials; social formations such as moral standards, norms and street culture; and idiosyncratic elements such as celebrities or skateboards. Sexualization assemblages varied, of course. So, for instance, ‘Steve’ (a 17-year- old male sports science student, in a heterosexual relationship since the age of 15) was part of an assemblage that included:

以这种方式确定的广泛关系包括：家庭、朋友和同伴；酒精、避孕套、社交活动、金钱、汽车和性教育材料等物质；道德标准、规范和街头文化等社会形态；以及名人或滑板等特殊元素。当然，性化组合也各不相同。例如，"史蒂夫"（一名 17 岁的体育科学专业男生，自 15 岁以来一直保持着异性关系）就属于一个包括以下内容的集合体：

friends - school - college - peers - media - parents - girlfriend - memories - fantasies - gender and sexual norms, beliefs and customs - learning - personal standards - parties and social events - alcohol - pornography - sex education - factual information about sex matters - sexual experiences and tastes

朋友 - 学校 - 大学 - 同龄人 - 媒体 - 父母 - 女朋友 - 回忆 - 幻想 - 性别和性规范、信仰和习俗 - 学习 - 个人标准 - 聚会和社交活动 - 酒精 - 色情制品 - 性教育 - 有关性问题的事实信息 - 性经历和品味

The analysis then looked more generally at the affects that linked these and other relations for the 22 participants. It explored how the affect-economies produced micropolitical effects on the young people, both constraining their sexualities and opening up possibilities for action. This detailed assessment suggested that sexualized media and pornography were components within a much wider range of materialities that affected young people’s bodies and conduct.

然后，分析对 22 名参与者的这些关系和其他关系之间的联系进行了更广泛的研究。分析探讨了情感经济如何对年轻人产生微观政治影响，既限制了他们的性取向，又为他们的行动提供了可能性。这一详细评估表明，性化媒体和色情制品是影响年轻人身体和行为的更广泛物质性的组成部 分。

Realist approaches to sexualization (such as those reviewed earlier) have tended to view children and young people as passive future-beings (Jenks, 2005), absorbing the differing messages that a society mediates, from the wellmeaning efforts of parents, teachers and sex educators through to the insidious influences of consumer culture and pornographers. The materialist approach adopted by Fox and Bale recognized the affectivity of all these elements, but considered the young people not as compliant recipients of social forces, nor as people-in-waiting (Alldred and David, 2007: 118), but as ‘becomings’ within a continuously assembling and dis-assembling flux of relations. Young people’s capacities to do, think and feel emerged and receded according to the mix at any one moment in time and space. Furthermore, the data suggested that, rather than being singularly pervasive and corrosive influences, media and pornography were relations in a broad, fluctuating affect economy that produced a multiplicity of capacities, sexual and non-sexual in young people, rather than some kind of monstrous ‘sexualized’ teenager.

现实主义的性化研究方法（如前文所述）倾向于将儿童和青少年视为被动的未来人（Jenks，2005 年），他们吸收着社会传递的不同信息，包括父母、教师和性教育者的善意努力，以及消费文化和色情业者的阴险影响。福克斯和贝尔采用的唯物主义方法承认所有这些因素的情感性，但认为年轻人不是社会力量的顺从接受者，也不是等待中的人（Alldred and David, 2007: 118），而是在不断组合和分解的各种关系中的 "成为"。年轻人做事、思考和感受的能力会随着时间和空间的组合而出现和消退。此外，数据还表明，媒体和色情制品并不是单一的、普遍的和腐蚀性的影响，而是一种广泛的、波动的情感经济关系，它在年轻人身上产生了多重能力，包括性能力和非性能力，而不是某种畸形的 "性化 "青少年。

Neither, however, did this materialist analysis recapitulate the conclusions of the constructionist approaches we have reviewed. On one hand it recognized that media and pornography contributed affects that might open up new possibilities for young people’s emergent sexualities (for instance, as a source of information about sexuality or as an opportunity to explore possible sources of sexual pleasure), acting as a de-territorialization or even a sexual ‘line of flight’ from existing sexual repertories and capacities. But the analysis also disclosed affects deriving from media and pornographic materials that produced powerful specifications of sexuality. The limited and unimaginative practices portrayed in pornography and sexualized media imposed narrow and circumscribed definitions of what sex and sexuality comprise. By specifying and aggregating bodies into prescriptive formulations of sexuality, these definitions could reproduce and reinforce misogyny, sexual objectification and sexual consumerism, and constrain rather than promote sexual diversity.

然而，这种唯物主义分析也没有重述我们所回顾的建构主义方法的结论。一方面，它承认媒体和色情作品所产生的影响可能会为年轻人新出现的性行为开辟新的可能性（例如，作为性行为信息的来源，或作为探索可能的性快感来源的机会），从现有的性记忆和性能力中起到去地域化，甚至是性 "逃逸线 "的作用。但是，分析也揭示了来自媒体和色情材料的影响，这些影响产生了强大的性规范。色情制品和性化媒体中描绘的有限而缺乏想象力的做法，对性和性行为的内涵强加了狭隘而局限的定义。这些定义通过将身体具体化和聚合成规定性的表述，可以复制和强化厌女症、性物化和性消费主义，并限制而非促进性多样性。

The radical conclusion of this materialist assessment of the production and consumption of pornography and other sexual media content is not that they are good for some (consenting adults) and bad for others (children), but that they contribute to a pernicious sexualization-assemblage of bodies, body parts, money and desires that limits what is culturally understood as ‘sexual’ and contributes to broad sexual grooming. Genitalized pornography is a threat not to moral decency or to childhood innocence, but to all our capacities to enjoy and explore the full range of possibilities of sexualities and becoming-other (see also the discussion in Chapter 6 of body intensifications). This analysis consequently supplies the basis for activism and policy development around pornography and sexual media content that radically questions not only their effects on children, but their wider social consequences for adult sexualities too. This conclusion is quite distinct from those of both parties in the sexualization debates that we reviewed earlier.

对色情制品和其他性媒体内容的生产和消费进行的这种唯物主义评估得出的根本结论并不是说它们对某些人（同意的成年人）是好的，而对其他人（儿童）是坏的，而是说它们助长了一种有害的性化--身体、身体部位、金钱和欲望的组合，限制了文化上对 "性 "的理解，助长了广泛的性诱导。生殖器色情威胁的不是道德体面或童年纯真，而是我们享受和探索性与成为他人的全部可能性的能力（另见第 6 章关于身体强化的讨论）。因此，这一分析为围绕色情制品和性媒体内容开展活动和制定政策提供了基础，不仅从根本上质疑其对儿童的影响，而且质疑其对成人性行为造成的更广泛的社会后果。这一结论与我们之前回顾的性化辩论中双方的结论截然不同。

We hope that this example demonstrates a materialist approach to social issues that overcomes the divergences between an essentialist, identity politics- driven agenda on one hand, and a constructionist sociological assessment on the other. The non-anthropocentric and posthuman approach that we have applied to this and to other social issues throughout this book shifts attention from individual bodies or human subjects to exploration of affective flows within assemblages of human and non-human relations whose capacities for action, feeling and desire are fluid and undetermined. It focuses on the micropolitics of assemblages, supplying the basis not only for academic theory, but also for application in settings beyond the academic, to actually engage and perhaps change the social world and human lives for the better. It feeds into, and off the materialist understanding of power and resistance that we explored earlier in the chapter, enabling micropolitical engagements with events.

我们希望这个例子能够展示一种处理社会问题的唯物主义方法，这种方法能够克服本质主义、身份政治驱动的议程与建构主义社会学评估之间的分歧。我们在本书中对这一社会问题和其他社会问题所采用的非人类中心主义和后人类方法，将注意力从个体身体或人类主体转移到对人类和非人类关系组合中的情感流动的探索上，这些关系组合的行动、情感和欲望能力是流动的、不确定的。本书关注集合体的微观政治，不仅为学术理论提供基础，也为在学术之外的环境中应用提供基础，以实际参与并或许改变社会世界和人类生活。它与我们在本章前面所探讨的对权力和抵抗的唯物主义理解相辅相成，使微观政治参与事件成为可能。

Conclusion: an engaged sociology of materiality

结论：参与式物质性社会学

Much of this book has had a strict academic orientation, very much concerned with setting out an alternative perspective on sociological theory and its application to a range of academic sociology topics. But in this chapter we have stepped beyond the confines of the university department, to focus on what is arguably the principal reason for doing sociology and social science in the first place, to make a difference to the world and to people’s lives.

本书的大部分内容都有严格的学术取向，非常注重从另一个角度阐述社会学理论及其在一系列社会学学术课题中的应用。但在本章中，我们将跳出大学系科的局限，关注研究社会学和社会科学的主要原因，即改变世界和人们的生活。

To that end, we have suggested that materialist sociology has some important tools that may be employed to seek social change, whether this is achieved by disseminating findings from research, influencing policy development, or working with people to enhance the quality of their lives or the lives of others. We began by developing a materialist model of power and resistance that recognizes both as integral to the events that produce the world from moment to moment, rather than some kind of amorphous stuff that shapes or structures social life. We then suggested how materialist ontology can break through divergences between popular movements based around identity-politics or other manifestations of essentialism and academic sociological models. Finally, we looked at policy and the challenges it poses for developing initiatives that engage with the issues that it seeks to address.

为此，我们提出，唯物主义社会学拥有一些重要的工具，可以用来寻求社会变革，无论是通过传播研究成果、影响政策制定，还是与人们合作提高自己或他人的生活质量。我们首先建立了一个关于权力和反抗的唯物主义模型，该模型认为权力和反抗都是每时每刻产生世界的事件的组成部分，而不是塑造或构建社会生活的某种无定形的东西。然后，我们提出了唯物主义本体论如何突破以身份政治或其他本质主义表现形式为基础的民众运动与学术社会学模式之间的分歧。最后，我们探讨了政策问题，以及政策在制定与政策所要解决的问题相关的倡议时所面临的挑战。

In our view, sociology - as seen through the materialist lens - cannot help but be engaged with the world in multiple ways. As we conclude this chapter and this book, we hope we have been able to suggest some possibilities that a materialist perspective offers, to extend a sociological imagination well beyond the confines of the academic lecture hall, out into the world.

在我们看来，社会学--从唯物主义的视角来看--不能不以多种方式与世界打交道。在结束本章和本书的最后，我们希望我们能够提出唯物主义视角所提供的一些可能性，将社会学的想象力延伸到学术讲堂之外，延伸到世界之中。

Further reading

更多阅读

DeLanda, M. (2006) A New Philosophy of Society. London: Continuum. Chapter 4.

DeLanda, M. (2006) A New Philosophy of Society.London：Continuum.第 4 章.

McCann, E. and Ward, K. (2012) Assembling urbanism: following policies and ‘studying through’ the sites and situations of policy making. Environment and Planning A, 44: 42-51.

McCann, E. and Ward, K. (2012) Assembling urbanism: following policies and 'study through' the sites and situations of policy making.Environment and Planning A, 44: 42-51.

Patton, P. (2000) Deleuze and the Political. London: Routledge. Chapter 5.

Patton, P. (2000) Deleuze and the Political.伦敦：Routledge.第 5 章.

Relevant websites

相关网站

Activism in Sociology Forum - www.britsoc.co.uk/groups/activism-in-sociology-forum.aspx

社会学中的激进主义论坛 - www.britsoc.co.uk/groups/activism-in-sociology-forum.aspx

Everyday Sociology - www.everydaysociologyblog.com/

日常社会学 - www.everydaysociologyblog.com/

Glossary

术语表

Note: q.v. (quod vide, or ‘see this item’) indicates a term also appears within the glossary.

注：q.v.（quod vide，或 "参见本条"）表示术语表中也出现了该术语。

activism : Action by citizens to effect social change or to improve or ameliorate social conditions.

行动主义：公民为实现社会变革或改善社会状况而采取的行动。

actor-network theory, ANT : Approach to social theory and research that recognizes objects as agents operating alongside humans in networks or assemblages. affect economy : The interaction of affective movements circulating within an assemblage that together establishes its capacities.

行动者网络理论（actor-network theory, ANT）：社会理论和研究方法，承认物 体是在网络或集合体中与人类并肩作战的行动者。 情感经济（affect economy）：在集合体中流通的情感运动的相互作用，共同建 立了集合体的能力。

affect, affectivity : May be used to refer to emotions, but in this book affect is used to connote ‘something that affects or is affected’.

affect，affectivity：可用于指情感，但在本书中，affect 用于指 "影响或被影响的事物"。

agency : Used in sociology to describe action, usually associated with humans, and sometimes contrasted with social structure (q.v.).

机构：在社会学中用于描述行动，通常与人有关，有时与社会结构（q.v. ）相对。

aggregation : A micropolitical movement within an assemblage that establishes similarities between persons, bodies or objects.

聚合：集合体中的微观政治运动，在人、身体或物体之间建立起相似性。

anthropocene : An unofficial term used by some scientists to describe a subdivision of geological time during which human activity has affected the Earth’s geology and ecosystems.

人类世（anthropocene）：一些科学家使用的非官方术语，用来描述人类活动对地球地质和生态系统产生影响的一段地质年代。

anthropocentrism : A perspective that takes humans as the central focus and the standard against which other animate or inanimate entities are judged.

人类中心主义（anthropocentrism）：以人为中心，以人类作为评判其他有生命或无生命实体的标准。

anti-humanism : A philosophical position that rejects and seeks to overturn humanist assertions of the inherent value of human thoughts, beliefs and/or actions.

反人文主义：一种哲学立场，反对并试图推翻人文主义关于人类思想、信仰和/或行为固有价值的主张。

assemblage : Common translation of agencement (arrangement) in Deleuze and Guattari’s work, connoting an unstable coalescence of relations (q.v.).

assemblage：德勒兹和瓜塔里作品中 agencement（安排）的通用译法，意指不稳定的关系凝聚（q.v.）。

base : In Marxist dualist theory describes the economic foundations of a social system such as capitalism upon which a superstructure of social relations may be built.

基础：在马克思主义二元论中，指资本主义等社会制度的经济基础，在此基础上可以建立社会关系的上层建筑。

becoming, becoming-other : A process of transformation usually associated with an increase in or diversification of capacities to act.

becoming, becoming-other ：转变过程，通常与行动能力的提高或多样化有关。

biophilosophy : A branch of philosophy focusing on biology, the biological and issues concerning life.

生物哲学（biophilosophy）：哲学的一个分支，侧重于生物学、生物和有关生命的问题。

body-with-organs : The body of biomedical theory, understood in terms of biological function, and comprised of inter-dependent organs.

body-with-organs ：生物医学理论的主体，从生物功能角度理解，由相互依存的器官组成。

body-without-organs : A term used by Deleuze and Guattari to refer to the limits of what a body (a biological body or any assemblage of relations) can do, in terms of its capacities.

body-without-organs ：德勒兹和瓜塔里使用的一个术语，指身体（生物体或任何关系的集合体）在能力方面的极限。

capacity : An ability to do, think or desire; in new materialist theory capacities are not considered as fixed attributes but as properties of bodies or things emergent within particular contexts.

能力：做事、思考或欲望的能力；在新唯物主义理论中，能力不被视为固定的属性，而是在特定环境中出现的身体或事物的属性。

capital : In Marxist theory, capital refers solely to economic resources such as money, raw materials and the means of material production (factories, machinery); this economic capital was supplemented in Pierre Bourdieu’s analysis to incorporate symbolic capital (respect, reputation), social capital (social connections, mutual obligations) and cultural capital (knowledge, skills).

资本：在马克思主义理论中，资本仅指货币、原材料和物质生产资料（工厂、机器）等经济资源；皮埃尔-布迪厄（Pierre Bourdieu）在分析中对经济资本进行了补充，纳入了象征资本（尊重、声誉）、社会资本（社会关系、相互义务）和文化资本（知识、技能）。

capitalism : An economic and social system that establishes and promotes private ownership of the means of economic production, requiring workers to sell their labour to the owners of capital, in return for a wage.

资本主义：一种建立和促进经济生产资料私有制的经济和社会制度，要求工人向资本所有者出卖劳动力以换取工资。

cartography : Map-making, used in Deleuzian and feminist materialist theory to describe an approach that aims to map the flows of affects, power and lines of flight (q.v.) in an event or assemblage, recognizing that mapping is itself experimental and a ‘becoming’ (q.v.).

制图：制图，在德勒兹和女性主义唯物主义理论中用来描述一种方法，旨在绘制事件或组合中的情感流、权力流和飞行线（q.v. ），认识到制图本身是实验性的，是一种 "成为"（q.v. ）。

constructionism : A social theory of knowledge that focuses upon humans’ construction of a shared understanding of the world. Extreme versions regard these social constructs as the only knowable entities, in contrast with realism (q.v.). See also ‘post-structuralism’.

建构主义（constructionism）：一种关于知识的社会理论，侧重于人类建构对世界的共同理解。极端的版本将这些社会建构视为唯一可知的实体，与现实主义（同上）形成鲜明对比。另见 "后结构主义"。

critical psychology : A strand within psychology that questions the individualism of the subject’s mainstream, to offer a more social and political analysis of psychological phenomena.

批判心理学：心理学中的一个分支，质疑该学科主流的个人主义，对心理现象进行更具社会性和政治性的分析。

critical realism : A philosophy of (social) science that seeks to disclose the mechanisms that underpin social events, though acknowledging that these mechanisms may be affected by social processes.

批判现实主义：一种（社会）科学哲学，旨在揭示社会事件的基本机制，但也承认这些机制可能受到社会进程的影响。

cultural capital : See ‘capital’.

文化资本：参见 "资本"。

cyborg : In science fiction, an amalgam of living tissues and machines; in materialist theory also used as a metaphor to acknowledge that culture and nature are both material.

cyborg（生化人）：在科幻小说中，活体组织与机器的混合体；在唯物主义理论中，也被用来比喻承认文化和自然都是物质的。

desire : Conventionally understood as an absence to be filled by the acquisition of a desired object; used by Deleuze and Guattari to describe a force or affect productive of actions, interactions or ideas.

欲望（desire）：通常被理解为通过获取想要的东西来填补的缺失；德勒兹和瓜塔里用它来描述一种产生行动、互动或观念的力量或影响。

de-territorialization : A generalizing process within an assemblage that counters specification, definition or territorialization (q.v.).

去地域化：在一个集合体中的一个普遍化过程，它抵消了具体化、定义或地域化（q.v. ）。

diffractive methodology : An approach developed by Donna Haraway and Karen Barad in an effort to avoid linear representations and explore interferences, for instance by reading multiple data sources together, or reading different theorists alongside one another.

衍射方法论（diffractive methodology）：唐娜-哈拉维（Donna Haraway）和凯伦-巴拉德（Karen Barad）提出的一种方法，旨在避免线性表述，探索干扰因素，例如将多个数据源放在一起阅读，或将不同的理论家放在一起阅读。

dualism, dualistic : The division of a phenomenon into two opposed or contrasting aspects, such as male/female.

dualism，dualistic（二元论）：将一种现象分为对立或对比的两个方面，如男性/女性。

ecology : The study of interactions between organisms and their environment.

生态学：研究生物与其环境之间的相互作用。

empiricism : An approach to social inquiry (q.v.) that emphasizes the importance of observations of events. In materialist ontology, an empiricist focus is underpinned by the proposition of the ‘exteriority of relations’ (q.v.) which considers that an entity’s capacities depend entirely upon its relations to other assembled entities.

经验主义：一种社会调查方法（q.v.），强调对事件观察的重要性。在唯物主义本体论中，"关系的外部性"（q.v.）命题支撑着经验主义的重点，该命题认为一个实体的能力完全取决于它与其他集合实体的关系。

epistemology : An aspect of the philosophy of science that addresses how these things can be known by an observer.

认识论：科学哲学的一个方面，涉及观察者如何认识这些事物。

essence, essentialism : A perspective that holds that an entity such as a body or a stone has intrinsic attributes or properties that define it absolutely.

本质、本质主义：认为身体或石头等实体具有绝对定义它的内在属性或特性的观点。

event : An occurrence in time and space marked by some kind of physical, social, cultural, psychological or other interaction by assembled relations; events comprise the flow of history and to social production and as such are the focus for materialist social inquiry.

事件 ：事件：在时间和空间上发生的、以某种物理、社会、文化、心理或其他组合关系的互动为标志的事件；事件构成了历史和社会生产的流程，因此是唯物主义社会探究的焦点。

evolutionary psychology : An approach that explores which aspects of human psychology are associated with evolutionary processes of natural and sexual selection.

进化心理学：一种探讨人类心理的哪些方面与自然选择和性选择的进化过程有关的方法。

exteriority of relations : A principle in materialist theory that an entity’s capacities depend entirely upon its relations to other assembled entities, rather than because of essential or interior attributes or characteristics.

关系的外部性 ：唯物主义理论中的一个原则，即一个实体的能力完全取决于它与其他集合实体的关系，而不是因为本质或内部属性或特征。

Gaia : A hypothesis formulated by chemist James Lovelock in the 1970s that argues that the Earth is a complex, self-regulating ecosystem.

盖亚：盖娅：化学家詹姆斯-洛夫洛克（James Lovelock）在 20 世纪 70 年代提出的一种假说，认为地球是一个复杂的、自我调节的生态系统。

generalization : A micropolitical process within an assemblage that increases a relation’s capacities; synonymous with ‘de-territorialization’ (q.v.).

泛化：在一个集合体中增加关系能力的微观政治过程；与 "去领土化"（q.v.）同义。

governmentality : A Foucauldian concept that addresses the social shaping of conduct through the disseminated operation of power and knowledge throughout a society.

政府性（governmentality）：福柯尔德的一个概念，涉及通过权力和知识在整个社会的传播运作对行为进行社会塑造。

hegemonic masculinity : A concept used by some sexualities theorists to refer to the dominant form/s of masculinity in particular societies; contemporary Western forms are founded upon heterosexuality, homophobia and misogyny.

霸权男性气质：一些性理论家使用的概念，指特定社会中占主导地位的男性气质形式；当代西方的男性气质形式建立在异性恋、仇视同性恋和厌恶女性的基础上。

heteronormativity : A societal understanding that asserts heterosexuality as a norm and other sexualities as deviant.

异性恋规范：一种社会理解，它认为异性恋是一种规范，而其他性行为则是一种偏差。

historical materialism : A theory of history most closely associated with Karl Marx, in which a society’s organisation and development are understood in terms of the material processes associated with economic production.

历史唯物主义：一种与卡尔-马克思关系最为密切的历史理论，从与经济生产相关的物质过程来理解社会的组织和发展。

humanism : A view that asserts the inherent value of human thoughts, beliefs and/ or actions.

人文主义：主张人类思想、信仰和/或行动具有固有价值的观点。

idealism : In sociology, a perspective that emphasizes the role played by human ideas, beliefs and values in shaping both society and our capacity to gain research knowledge of the social world.

理想主义：社会学中的一种观点，强调人类的思想、信仰和价值观在塑造社会和我们获取社会世界研究知识的能力方面所起的作用。

intensity, intensification : Used in this book to assess the strength of affectivity within assemblages; the process of increasing affective intensity.

intensity（强度），intenseification（强化）：本书中用于评估组合中情感的强度；情感强度的增加过程。

intra-action : A neologism coined by Karen Barad (as an alternative to ‘interaction’), to stress her view that entities are not prior and independent, but themselves emerge from their ‘intra-active’ relationality with other entities.

intra-action：凯伦-巴拉德（Karen Barad）创造的一个新词（作为 "互动 "的替代词），强调她的观点，即实体不是先验和独立的，而是从与其他实体的 "intra-active "关系中产生的。

line of flight : An extreme de-territorialization (q.v.) - an 'escape route' from territorialization - that opens up hitherto untapped capacities for a body or thing, and may lead to the formation of novel assemblages.

飞行路线：一种极端的去领土化（q.v.）--一种摆脱领土化的 "逃逸路线"--为一个体或一个事物开辟了迄今为止尚未开发的能力，并可能导致形成新的组合。

linguistic turn : A term sometimes used to describe the shift within the humanities and social sciences to post-structuralist (q.v.) concerns with language, texts and knowledge as the basis for social organisation and power.

语言学转向：这一术语有时被用来描述人文和社会科学转向后结构主义（参见后文），将语言、文本和知识视为社会组织和权力的基础。

materiality : The quality of being composed of matter; also used as a plural noun in new materialist theory to describe the range of things capable of having material effects.

物质性（materiality）：由物质构成的品质；在新唯物主义理论中也用作复数名词，用来描述能够产生物质效应的各种事物。

micropolitics : Used here to describe the internal movements of power and resistance within assemblages; contrasted with ‘macro’ level politics applied in social science to examine social movements or governments.

微观政治学：这里用来描述集合体内部的权力和抵抗运动；与社会科学中用于研究社会运动或政府的 "宏观 "政治学形成对比。

modernism : An era from about 1800 to the present day characterized by application of rational and/or scientific efforts to elucidate the world (for example by observation, experiment and the development of theoretical models), and linked to ideas of social and scientific progress through the exercise of these techniques.

现代主义：大约从 1800 年至今的一个时代，其特点是运用理性和/或科学的努力来阐释世界（例如通过观察、实验和发展理论模型），并与通过运用这些技术来实现社会和科学进步的理念联系在一起。

molar : A term (deriving from physical chemistry) used by Deleuze and Guattari to describe aggregated relations, or aggregative affects within assemblages (see aggregation).

molar（摩尔）：德勒兹和瓜塔里使用的一个术语（源于物理化学），用于描述集合体中的聚集关系或聚集影响（见聚集）。

molecular : A term (deriving from physical chemistry) used by Deleuze and Guattari to describe unique or singular relations and affects in assemblages.

分子：德勒兹和瓜塔里使用的一个术语（源于物理化学），用来描述组合体中独特或单一的关系和影响。

monism : A philosophical perspective that considers that phenomena inhabit a single realm or are comprised of a single substance (for example, matter), in contrast to dualistic (q.v.) ontologies.

一元论：一种哲学观点，与二元论（q.v. ）本体论相反，它认为现象栖息于单一领域或由单一物质（如物质）构成。

neo-liberalism : A set of market-oriented practices, and a philosophical and policy orientation towards individualized self-interest and the market as the foundation for most if not all human interaction.

新自由主义：一套以市场为导向的做法，以及一种哲学和政策导向，即把个人化的自我利益和市场作为大多数（如果不是全部）人类互动的基础。

nomadology : Deleuze and Guattari’s philosophical project to develop a science and strategy for living that celebrates and encourages becoming and diversity rather than norms and aggregation (q.v.).

游牧学：德勒兹和瓜塔里的哲学项目，旨在发展一种生活科学和策略，颂扬并鼓励 "成为 "和 "多样性"，而非 "规范 "和 "聚合"（q.v.）。

non-representational theory : An approach developed in human geography by Nigel Thrift and others that focuses on events, activities and practices rather than representations such as human accounts, texts and images.

非表象理论：Nigel Thrift 等人在人文地理学中提出的一种方法，其重点是事件、 活动和实践，而不是人的叙述、文本和图像等表象。

onto-epistemology : A term introduced by Karen Barad to make the point that events and observation are part of the same phenomenon - their 'intra-action' (q.v.) means that issues of epistemology are intimately linked to ontology.

onto-epistemology：凯伦-巴拉德（Karen Barad）提出的一个术语，旨在说明事件和观察是同一现象的一部分--它们的 "内部作用"（intra-action）（q.v. ）意味着认识论问题与本体论密切相关。

ontology : Concerns propositions about the fundamental nature of things and the kinds of things that exist.

本体论：关于事物的基本性质和存在的事物种类的命题。

post-colonial studies : Critical approach to the history and the cultural and material legacies of colonialism and imperialism.

后殖民研究 ：对殖民主义和帝国主义的历史、文化和物质遗产进行批判性研究。

posthumanism, posthuman : A philosophical position - most clearly articulated by Rosi Braidotti - that acknowledges the continuities between human and nonhuman, nature and culture. The post-human is the assemblage reflecting these continuities (see also ‘cyborg’).

后人文主义（posthumanism）、后人类（posthuman）：罗西-布赖多蒂（Rosi Braidotti）最清晰地阐述的一种哲学立场，承认人类与非人类、自然与文化之间的连续性。后人类是反映这些连续性的集合体（另见 "半机械人"）。

post-modernism : Perspective in the arts, humanities and social sciences that is suspicious of the commitments of modernism (q.v.) to rationality, science and grand theories of the social and the human subject.

后现代主义：艺术、人文和社会科学领域的一种观点，怀疑现代主义（参见后文）对理性、科学以及关于社会和人类主体的宏大理论的承诺。

post-structuralism : A range of philosophical perspectives in the arts, humanities and social sciences that reject structural explanations, seeking to explore the links between knowledge and power, as exemplified in the work of Foucault, Derrida and Lyotard.

后结构主义：艺术、人文和社会科学领域的一系列哲学观点，拒绝结构性解释，力图探索知识与权力之间的联系，福柯、德里达和利奥塔的作品就是例证。

quantum mechanics : A branch of physics that explores the behaviour of sub-atomic particles and waves, recognising the interactions between events and observers.

量子力学：物理学的一个分支，探索亚原子粒子和波的行为，认识事件和观察者之间的相互作用。

queer theory : Critical and deconstructive approach within social theory that acknowledges the constructed and therefore contextual character of the social world, rejects essentialism, and decouples and reverses the conventional relations between sex, gender and sexuality.

同性恋理论：社会理论中的批判性和解构性方法，承认社会世界是建构的，因此也是有背景的，反对本质主义，将性、性别和性行为之间的传统关系分离开来并加以扭转。

realism : Philosophical perspective that asserts the existence of entities independent from human constructs; in contrast to constructionist (q.v.) approaches.

现实主义：主张存在独立于人类建构之外的实体的哲学观点；与建构主义（q.v. ）方法相反。

reductionism : Approach that seeks explanations of complex events (such as social organization) in terms of more ‘basic’ processes (such as biology, biochemistry or genetics).

还原论：试图用更 "基本 "的过程（如生物学、生物化学或遗传学）来解释复杂事件（如社会组织）的方法。

relations : In Deleuzian theory, the components comprising assemblages, defined by their relational (rather than essential) capacities.

关系：在德勒兹理论中，指构成组合的各个组成部分，由其关系能力（而非基本能力）来定义。

responsibilize, responsibilization : A technique of power that seeks to make an individual responsible for their own actions and conduct.

responsibilize，responsibilization：一种权力技巧，旨在让个人对自己的行动和行为负责。

re-territorialization : See territorialization.

重新领土化：见领土化。

rhizome, rhizomic : Metaphor used by Deleuze and Guattari to describe a branching, reversing, coalescing and rupturing flow, in contrast to linearity.

rhizome, rhizomic：德勒兹和瓜塔里用来比喻分支、逆转、凝聚和破裂的流动，与线性形成对比。

schizoanalysis : Deleuze and Guattari’s alternative to psychoanalysis, an approach that encourages complexity, de-territorialization (q.v.) and becoming-other.

精神分裂症：德勒兹和瓜塔里对精神分析的另一种选择，这种方法鼓励复杂性、去领土化（q.v. ）和成为他者。

singular : Used in this book to describe an affect (q.v.) that acts uniquely upon a single relation, in contrast to aggregative (q.v.) affects that operate on multiple relations.

单数：在本书中用来描述一种只作用于单一关系的影响（q.v. ），与作用于多重关系的聚集性影响（q.v. ）不同。

social capital : See ‘capital’.

社会资本：参见 "资本"。

social inquiry : Use of research and theory to make sense of the social world.

社会探究：利用研究和理论来认识社会世界。

social construct : Idea or concept that contributes to a shared understanding of the world. See also ‘constructionism’.

社会建构：有助于共同理解世界的想法或概念。另见 "建构主义"。

social structure : A term used widely in sociology to denote processes or systems of social relations that influence (often constraining or limiting) human actions and interactions.

社会结构（social structure）：社会学中广泛使用的术语，指影响（通常制约或限制）人类行动和互动的社会关系过程或系统。

social stratification : The categorizations or aggregations (for instance into classes, races or genders) by a society, culture or by social scientists.

社会分层：由社会、文化或社会科学家进行的分类或聚合（例如分为阶级、种族或性别）。

sociobiology : An approach that claims that much human social behaviour may be explained by evolutionary needs; in particular, the need to pass on genetic material through reproduction.

社会生物学（sociobiology）：一种声称人类的许多社会行为可以用进化需求来解释的方法，尤其是通过繁殖来传递遗传物质的需求。

sociological imagination : A term coined by C. Wright Mills to connote the insights that sociology can bring to the understanding of social processes.

社会学想象力：C. Wright Mills 创造的一个术语，意指社会学对理解社会进程的洞察力。

sociology of associations : A term used by Bruno Latour to assert his monist (q.v.) view that sociology should attend solely to the material connections between entities (both ‘social’ and ‘natural’).

关联社会学：布鲁诺-拉图尔（Bruno Latour）用这个词来表达他的一元论观点，即社会学应只关注实体（包括 "社会 "和 "自然 "实体）之间的物质联系。

specification : Used in this book as an equivalent to the Deleuzian term ‘territori- alization’ (q.v), to describe how affects (q.v.) circumscribe capacities.

specification（说明）：在本书中与德勒兹的术语 "territori-alization"（领土化）（q.v.）相对应，用来描述影响（q.v.）如何限定能力。

superstructure : In Marxist dualist theory, describes the culture, structures and social relations between people; contrasted with the economic base (q.v.).

上层建筑：在马克思主义二元论中，指文化、结构和人与人之间的社会关系；与经济基础（q.v. ）相对。

territorialization : A term in Deleuze and Guattari’s work (related to the French concept of terroir, which recognizes the influence of environmental factors on the qualities of produce such as wine and honey) that addresses how an entity’s capacities are specified by its relationships in assemblages.

地域化（territorialization）：德勒兹和瓜塔里著作中的一个术语（与法国的 "风土 "概念有关，该概念承认环境因素对葡萄酒和蜂蜜等农产品品质的影响），指一个实体的能力如何通过其在集合体中的关系而具体化。

text, textuality : In post-structuralism used to describe any symbolic or representational system.

text, textuality：在后结构主义中，用于描述任何符号或表征系统。

transgression : A breach or contravention of a code, law or ethics of behaviour.

越轨行为：违反或违背行为准则、法律或道德规范的行为。

transversal, transversality : Cutting across; used in this book to describe new materialist ontology’s relation to sociological dualisms.

transversal，transversality：跨越；在本书中用来描述新唯物主义本体论与社会学二元论的关系。

turn to matter : Shorthand term for the move towards materialism in the social sciences, arts and humanities; contrasted with the ‘linguistic turn’ of post-structuralism (q.v.).

转向物质：社会科学、艺术和人文学科转向物质主义的简称；与后结构主义的 "语言转向"（q.v. ）形成对比。

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Table of Contents

About the Authors

Part 1 New Materialism and the Sociological Imagination

1 Introduction

2 Foundations: New Materialism and theSociological Imagination

3 Environment: Humans, Posthumans and Ecological Sociology

4 Society: Beyond Systems, Structuresand Stratification

Part 2 Applying New Materialism Sociologically

5 Creativity Imagination, Social Production and Social Change

6 Sexuality: Desire, Intensification,Becoming

7 Emotions: Embodiment, Continuity and Change

8 Health: Beyond the Body-with-Organs

Part 3 Research, Policy and Activism

9 Research: Designs, Methods and theResearch Assemblage

10 Change: Action, Policy, SocialTransformation

Glossary

Bibliography