Digital Rubbish: A Natural History of Electronics
Author: Gabrys, Jennifer
Date: 2018-08-15T00:00:00+00:00
Publisher: The University of Michigan Press

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DIGITALCULTUREBOOKS, an imprint of the University of Michigan Press, is dedicated to publishing work in new media studies and the emerging field of digital humanities.
数字文化丛书》是密歇根大学出版社的一个刊物，致力于出版新媒体研究和新兴数字人文领域的作品。

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DIGITAL RUBBISH
数字垃圾

A Natural History of Electronics
电子自然史

Jennifer Gabrys
詹妮弗-加布里斯

The University of Michigan Press
密歇根大学出版社
Ann Arbor
安阿伯

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First paperback edition 2013
2013 年平装本第一版
Copyright © by the University of Michigan 2011
密歇根大学 2011 年版权所有
Some rights reserved
保留部分权利

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, 171 Second Street, Suite 300, San Francisco, California, 94105, USA.
本作品采用知识共享 署名-非商业性-禁止衍生 3.0 美国 许可协议进行许可。如需查看该许可协议的副本，请访问 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ 或致信 Creative Commons, 171 Second Street, Suite 300, San Francisco, California, 94105, USA。

Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press
密歇根大学出版社在美国出版
Manufactured in the United States of America
美国制造
Printed on acid-free paper
无酸纸印刷

2016    2015    2014    2013        5    4    3    2

A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.
大英图书馆可提供此书的 CIP 目录记录。

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
美国国会图书馆编目-出版数据

Gabrys, Jennifer.
加布里斯、詹妮弗

Digital rubbish : a natural history of electronics / Jennifer Gabrys.
Digital rubbish : a natural history of electronics / Jennifer Gabrys.
p. cm.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
包括参考书目和索引。
ISBN 978-0-472-11761-1 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-0-472-11761-1 （布：烷基纸）
1. Electronic waste. 2. Electronic apparatus and appliances—History. I. Title.
1.电子垃圾2.电子仪器和设备-历史。I. 标题。
TD799.85.G33 2011
TD799.85.G33 2011
363.72′88—dc22               2010033747
363.72′88-DC22 2010033747

ISBN 978-0-472-03537-3 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-0-472-03537-3 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-0-472-02940-2 (e-book)
ISBN 978-0-472-02940-2（电子书）

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Preface
序言

What we need is a somber, thoughtful, thorough, hype-free, even lugubrious book that honors the dead and resuscitates the spiritual ancestors of today's mediated frenzy. A book to give its readership a deeper, paleontological perspective right in the dizzy midst of the digital revolution. We need a book about the failures of media, the collapses of media, the supercessions of media, the strangulations of media, a book detailing all the freakish and hideous media mistakes that we should know enough now not to repeat, a book about media that have died on the barbed wire of technological advance, media that didn't make it, martyred media, dead media. The Handbook of Dead Media. A naturalist's field guide for the communication paleontologist.
我们需要的是一本沉痛、深思熟虑、透彻、不炒作，甚至是晦涩难懂的书，来纪念逝者，复苏当今媒体狂潮中的精神祖先。在令人目眩神迷的数字革命中，这本书能给读者带来更深层次的古生物学视角。我们需要一本关于媒体的失败、媒体的崩溃、媒体的超越、媒体的扼杀的书，一本详述所有畸形和狰狞的媒体错误的书，我们现在应该足够了解这些错误，以免重蹈覆辙，一本关于死在技术进步的铁丝网上的媒体、没有成功的媒体、牺牲的媒体、死亡的媒体的书。死亡媒体手册》。传播古生物学家的博物学家野外指南。

—BRUCE STERLING, “The Dead Media Project: A Modest Proposal and a Public Appeal”
-BRUCE STERLING，"死亡媒体项目：最低限度的建议和公众呼吁"

This project did not begin with Sterling's modest proposal, but it is in no small way interested in the challenge of charting the dead and dying qualities of media technologies, particularly our contemporary electronic technologies. The “paleontological” record of dead electronics is surprisingly extensive and diverse. From obsolete software, to the chemical pollution and material waste that issues from microchips, to the sprawling landscapes of technology parks, discards recurrently surface in the electronic realm. Indeed, this project emerged from the discovery that digital technologies, so apparently immaterial, also have their substantial remainders. An often-cited anecdote in the history of computing describes how it was assumed, in the early days of postwar computing, that the demand for digital computers would not exceed even a dozen devices worldwide. With these few bulky and costly mainframes, experts declared, the computing needs of the world would be met. Years later, electronic devices of all shapes and sizes proliferate and pile up at Page vi →end of life. Scan any city street, and you may find discarded monitors and mobile phones, printers and central processing units, scattered on curbsides and stacked in the dark spaces between buildings.
这个项目并非始于斯特林的谦虚提议，但它对描绘媒体技术，尤其是当代电子技术的死亡和垂死特质这一挑战有着浓厚的兴趣。死亡电子产品的 "古生物学 "记录令人惊讶地广泛而多样。从过时的软件，到微芯片产生的化学污染和材料废弃物，再到科技园区无边无际的景观，废弃物在电子领域反复出现。事实上，这个项目的产生源于这样一个发现：表面上看似非物质的数字技术，其实也有其实质性的残留物。计算机史上有一则经常被引用的轶事，描述了在战后计算机发展的早期，人们是如何假定全球对数字计算机的需求不会超过十几台设备的。专家们宣称，只要有这几台笨重而昂贵的大型机，就能满足全世界的计算需求。多年以后，各种形状和大小的电子设备大量涌现，堆积如山，濒临报废。扫视任何一条城市街道，你都会发现废弃的显示器和移动电话、打印机和中央处理器散落在路边，堆放在建筑物之间的阴暗空间里。

These remainders accumulate into a sort of sedimentary record, from which we can potentially piece together the evolution and extinction of past technologies. These fossils are then partial evidence of the materiality of electronics—a materiality that is often only apparent once electronics become waste. In fact, electronics involve an elaborate process of waste making, from the mining of metals and minerals, to the production of microchips through toxic solvents, to the eventual recycling or disposal of equipment. These processes of pollution, remainder, and decay reveal other orders of materiality that have yet to enter the sense of the digital. Here are spaces and processes that exceed the limited transfer of information through hardware and software. Yet these spaces and processes are often lost somewhere between the apparent “virtuality” of information, the increasingly miniature scale of electronics, and the remoteness of electronic manufacture and disposal. It is possible to begin to describe these overlooked infrastructures, however, by developing a study of electronics that proceeds not from the perspective of all that is new but, rather, from the perspective of all that is discarded.
这些残留物累积成一种沉积记录，我们有可能从中拼凑出过去技术的演变和消亡。这些化石是电子产品物质性的部分证据--这种物质性往往只有在电子产品成为废物之后才会显现出来。事实上，从金属和矿物的开采，到使用有毒溶剂生产微芯片，再到设备的最终回收或处理，电子产品涉及一个复杂的废物制造过程。这些污染、剩余和衰变的过程揭示了尚未进入数字意义的其他物质性秩序。这里的空间和过程超越了通过硬件和软件进行的有限的信息传递。然而，这些空间和过程往往迷失在信息明显的 "虚拟性"、电子产品日益微型化以及电子产品制造和处理的遥远性之间。然而，通过对电子产品的研究，我们可以开始描述这些被忽视的基础设施，这种研究不是从所有新产品的角度出发，而是从所有废弃产品的角度出发。

Where does all the electronic detritus go once it has expired? The theory of waste developed in this book describes processes by which electronics end up in the dump, as well as what happens to electronic remainders in their complex circuits prior to the dump. Just as there are material, social, and economic infrastructures that support the growth and circulation of electronics, so, too, are there elaborate infrastructures for removing electronic waste. Underground, global, and peripheral residue turns up in spaces throughout the life and death of electronics. This study considers how electronics migrate and mutate across a number of sites, not only from manufacture to disposal, but also across cultural sites spanning from novelty to decay. My intention is to crack open the black box of electronics[1] and to examine more closely what sediments accumulate in the making and breaking of electronics. Yet, by focusing on waste, this book is less interested in material comprehensiveness, or all that goes into electronics, and is instead more attentive to the proliferations—material, cultural, economic, and otherwise—that characterize electronics. There is much more to electronics than raw materials transformed into neat gadgets that swiftly become obsolete. Electronics are bound up with elaborate mechanisms of fascination, with driving economic forces Page vii →beyond the control of any single person, and with redoubling rates of innovation and decay.
过期的电子垃圾去了哪里？本书提出的废弃物理论描述了电子产品最终被丢弃的过程，以及在丢弃之前，电子产品在其复杂电路中的残留物会发生什么变化。正如支持电子产品增长和流通的物质、社会和经济基础设施一样，清除电子垃圾的基础设施也是精心设计的。在电子产品的整个生命和死亡过程中，地下、全球和周边的残留物都会出现。本研究探讨了电子产品如何在多个场所迁移和变异，不仅包括从制造到处理的过程，还包括从新颖到衰败的文化场所。我的目的是打开电子产品 [1] 的黑匣子，更仔细地研究电子产品在制造和废弃过程中积累了哪些沉淀物。然而，通过关注废弃物，本书对材料的全面性或电子产品的全部内容兴趣不大，而是更加关注电子产品所特有的物质、文化、经济和其他方面的增殖。电子产品的作用远不止于将原材料转化为迅速过时的小玩意儿。电子产品与精心设计的魅力机制、超出任何人控制范围的经济驱动力以及加倍的创新和衰退速度紧密相连。

In a time when media occupy our attention most unmistakably when they are present as new media, a study of dead media would, presumably, begin to describe the invisible resources expended and accumulated in these interlocked ecologies. In his “dead media” proposal, Sterling calls for a paleontological perspective, an approach that would account for the extinctions and sedimentations of lost media technologies, perhaps even with the object of preventing past media mistakes. To pursue this project, I have opted to develop a more particular natural history, which examines outmoded electronics as “fossils” that bear the traces of material, cultural, and economic events. Rather than amass a collection of outdated artifacts, then, this natural history suggests it is necessary not to focus solely on abandoned electronic gadgets but also to consider the extended sites through which electronics and electronic waste circulate, as well as the resources that assemble to facilitate these circulations. This natural history works not, however, from the assumption of never-ending technological evolution and progress but, rather, from the perspective of transience. What do continual cycles of novelty and obsolescence tell us about our material cultures, economies, and imaginaries? What other stories might emerge from the fossils of these obsolete commodities? In the end, this is not the handbook that Sterling describes. It is not an encyclopedic item that features so many odd but strangely attractive dead media. Instead, with any luck, it is the sort of study that, through another natural history method, traces the fossils of digital media within more heterogeneous material, political, and imaginary registers, while also providing insights into the complex ways that electronics fall apart.
当媒体以新媒体的姿态出现在我们面前时，最能明确无误地占据我们的注意力，在这样一个时代，对死亡媒体的研究大概可以开始描述在这些环环相扣的生态中消耗和积累的无形资源。在他的 "死亡媒体 "提案中，斯特林呼吁从古生物学的角度出发，对失落媒体技术的消亡和沉淀做出解释，或许这样做的目的甚至是为了防止过去的媒体错误。为了开展这个项目，我选择发展一种更为特殊的自然史，将过时的电子产品视为 "化石"，它们承载着物质、文化和经济事件的痕迹。因此，这种自然史并不是收集过时的人工制品，而是建议我们不要只关注被遗弃的电子产品，还要考虑电子产品和电子垃圾流通的延伸场所，以及为促进这些流通而聚集的资源。然而，这种自然史并不是从永无止境的技术演变和进步的假设出发的，而是从短暂性的角度出发的。新颖与过时的持续循环对我们的物质文化、经济和想象力有何启示？从这些过时商品的化石中还能发现哪些故事？归根结底，这并不是一本斯特林所描述的手册。它也不是一本百科全书式的书，里面收录了许多奇形怪状但又极具吸引力的废弃媒体。 相反，如果幸运的话，这项研究还能通过另一种自然史方法，在更多不同的物质、政治和想象中追踪数字媒体的化石，同时还能让人们了解电子产品分崩离析的复杂方式。

The topic of electronic waste is situated at the intersection of a number of disciplines and locations. While this project dates to doctoral research begun in 2002, it also has a longer span of interest from the time I spent practicing landscape architecture and conducting fieldwork, design, and research in waste sites in North America. During the course of researching, writing, and revising this text, numerous people, from electronics recyclers to archivists of computing history, have extended support to the project. While not an exhaustive list, I would like to thank faculty and graduate students (past and present) in the Department of Art History and Communication Studies at McGill University, including Will Straw, Sheryl Hamilton, Darin Barney, Cornelius Borck, Jonathan Sterne, Christine Ross, and Jasmine Rault. Faculty members at Concordia University Page viii →in Montreal have also provided valuable help along the way, including Johanne Sloan, Kim Sawchuk, Michael Longford, and Lorraine Oades.
电子废弃物这一主题涉及多个学科和领域。虽然这个项目可以追溯到 2002 年开始的博士论文研究，但我对它的关注时间跨度更长，因为我曾在北美从事景观建筑设计，并在废弃物现场进行实地考察、设计和研究。在研究、写作和修订本文的过程中，从电子产品回收商到计算机历史档案馆馆长等众多人士都对本项目给予了大力支持。在此，我要感谢麦吉尔大学艺术史与传播研究系的教师和研究生（过去和现在），包括威尔-斯特劳（Will Straw）、谢丽尔-汉密尔顿（Sheryl Hamilton）、达林-巴尼（Darin Barney）、科尼利厄斯-博克（Cornelius Borck）、乔纳森-斯特恩（Jonathan Sterne）、克里斯汀-罗斯（Christine Ross）和茉莉-罗特（Jasmine Rault）。蒙特利尔康考迪亚大学（Concordia University Page viii → in Montreal）的教师们也提供了宝贵的帮助，包括约翰-斯隆（Johanne Sloan）、金-索丘克（Kim Sawchuk）、迈克尔-朗福德（Michael Longford）和洛林-奥德斯（Lorraine Oades）。

This project has been made possible and greatly enhanced by funding received from several sources, including the McGill Majors Dissertation Fellowship; the Mellon Foundation Dissertation Fellowship through the Institute of Historical Research in the School of Advanced Study at the University of London; the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Grant for dissertation fieldwork and research through the Research Grants Office at McGill University; the Researcher in Residence program at the Daniel Langlois Foundation, Centre for Research and Documentation (CR+D) in Montreal; a dissertation fellowship from the Center for Research on Intermediality in Montreal; and the Design Department at Goldsmiths, University of London, which provided research and publication assistance. While a researcher in residence at the Langlois Foundation, I developed a wider view of electronic culture and art through reviewing the holdings at the CR+D. I would like to extend my appreciation to everyone at the center, including Vincent Bonin, Alain Depocas, and Jean Gagnon.
本项目之所以能够完成，主要得益于几个方面的资助，其中包括麦吉尔少校学位论文奖学金、伦敦大学高等研究院历史研究所梅隆基金会学位论文奖学金、麦吉尔大学研究补助金办公室用于学位论文实地考察和研究的社会科学与人文科学研究补助金；蒙特利尔丹尼尔-朗格卢瓦基金会研究与文献中心 (CR+D) 的驻校研究员计划；蒙特利尔中间性研究中心 (Center for Research on Intermediality) 提供的论文奖学金；以及伦敦大学金史密斯学院设计系提供的研究和出版帮助。在朗格瓦基金会担任驻校研究员期间，我通过查阅 CR+D 的藏品，对电子文化和艺术有了更广阔的视野。在此，我要向中心的每一位工作人员表示感谢，包括文森特-博宁、阿兰-德波卡斯和让-加尼翁。

With funding from the CR+D, I was further able to visit numerous recyclers of electronic waste in the United States and Canada. I would like to thank individuals from Envirocycle, Back Thru the Future, Waste Management and Recycling Products, Retroworks, and Per Scholas for providing me with tours of their facilities and for explaining more about the complexities of electronics recycling. The recycling practices described in this study are informed by, but do not necessarily directly describe, the operations of these individual businesses. Other individuals who have helped in the research and fieldwork for this project include Megan Shaw Prelinger at the Prelinger Archives in San Francisco, Penny McDaniel at the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency in San Francisco, Bette Fishbein at INFORM in New York City, and Francis Yusoff in Singapore. Thanks are also due to everyone involved with the “Zero Dollar Laptop” project in London, including Ruth Catlow of Furtherfield, Jake Harries of Access Space, and participants from St. Mungo's charity for the homeless, for having me as a guest during their project press launch.
在 CR+D 的资助下，我还访问了美国和加拿大的许多电子废物回收商。我要感谢来自 Envirocycle、Back Thru the Future、Waste Management and Recycling Products、Retroworks 和 Per Scholas 的个人，他们为我提供了参观其设施的机会，并向我解释了电子产品回收的复杂性。本研究中描述的回收做法参考了这些企业的运营情况，但并不一定直接描述这些企业的运营情况。为本项目的研究和实地考察提供帮助的其他人员包括旧金山 Prelinger 档案馆的 Megan Shaw Prelinger、旧金山美国环境保护局的 Penny McDaniel、纽约 INFORM 的 Bette Fishbein 和新加坡的 Francis Yusoff。此外，还要感谢伦敦 "零美元笔记本电脑 "项目的所有参与者，包括Furtherfield的露丝-卡特罗（Ruth Catlow）、Access Space的杰克-哈里斯（Jake Harries）以及圣芒戈无家可归者慈善机构的参与者，感谢他们在项目新闻发布会上邀请我做客。

The funding received in support of this research allowed me to visit archives of computing history and to conduct fieldwork on electronics and electronic waste. I would like to thank archivists for their assistance in accessing holdings in computing history at the Smithsonian Institute in Washington, DC; the Computer History Museum in Mountain View, Page ix →California; the London Science Museum Computing Archives; the British Film Institute in London; the National Archive for the History of Computing in Manchester; and the Charles Babbage Institute at the University of Minnesota in Minneapolis. Tilly Blyth was especially helpful in facilitating my access to the holdings in computing history at the London Science Museum, and Stephanie Crowe made available a wealth of materials at the Charles Babbage Institute. Simon Lavington also provided a useful framework for understanding the history of computing while I was working in archives in the United Kingdom. While I was conducting archival research in London, Scott Lash at the Centre for Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths, University of London, graciously served as my mentor. Thanks are also due to faculty and graduate students at the Centre for Cultural Studies for the seminars and events that provided me with a collegial environment while researching in London.
这项研究获得的资助让我得以参观计算机历史档案，并对电子产品和电子垃圾进行实地考察。我要感谢档案管理员在我查阅华盛顿特区史密森尼学会、加利福尼亚州山景城计算机历史博物馆、伦敦科学博物馆计算机档案馆、伦敦英国电影学院、曼彻斯特国家计算机历史档案馆以及明尼阿波利斯明尼苏达大学查尔斯-巴贝奇研究所的计算机历史资料时提供的帮助。蒂莉-布莱斯在帮助我查阅伦敦科学博物馆的计算史资料方面给予了特别的帮助，而斯蒂芬妮-克劳则为我提供了查尔斯-巴贝奇研究所的大量资料。当我在英国档案馆工作时，西蒙-拉文顿也为我理解计算史提供了一个有用的框架。我在伦敦进行档案研究时，伦敦大学金史密斯学院文化研究中心的斯科特-拉什（Scott Lash）慷慨地担任了我的导师。我还要感谢文化研究中心的教师和研究生，他们举办的研讨会和活动为我在伦敦进行研究时提供了一个友好的环境。

I have received many helpful suggestions from colleagues at conferences and seminars where I have presented parts of this material, including the “Making Use of Culture” conference at the Cultural Theory Institute, University of Manchester; the “Ethics and Politics of Virtuality and Indexicality” conference at the Centre for Cultural Analysis, Theory, and History at the University of Leeds; the “Modernity and Waste” conference at the University of St. Andrews; and the “Design and Social Science” seminar series at the Centre for the Study of Invention and Social Process at Goldsmiths, University of London.
我在一些会议和研讨会上介绍了这些材料的部分内容，其中包括曼彻斯特大学文化理论研究所举办的 "利用文化 "会议；利兹大学文化分析、理论和历史中心举办的 "虚拟性和索引性的伦理与政治 "会议；圣安德鲁斯大学举办的 "现代性与浪费 "会议；以及伦敦大学金史密斯学院发明与社会进程研究中心举办的 "设计与社会科学 "系列研讨会。

Portions of the introduction were published previously by MIT Press and Alphabet City Magazine as “Media in the Dump,” Trash 11 (2006): 156–65; portions of chapter 1 by the MIT Department of Architecture as “The Quick and the Dirty: Ephemeral Systems in Silicon Valley,” Ephemera 31 (2006): 26–31; portions of chapter 3 as “Appliance Theory,” Cabinet 21 (2006): 82–86. Thank you to these presses and publications for permission to republish this material.
导言部分内容曾由麻省理工学院出版社和 Alphabet City 杂志以 "垃圾堆中的媒体 "为题出版，Trash 11 (2006)：156-65；第 1 章的部分内容由麻省理工学院建筑系以 "The Quick and the Dirty：硅谷的短暂系统》，Ephemera 31 (2006)：26-31；第 3 章部分内容为 "电器理论"，Cabinet 21 (2006)：82-86.感谢这些出版社和出版物允许我们重新发表这些资料。

Finally, I would like to thank the anonymous referees for providing useful suggestions for revisions and the staff at the University of Michigan Press, including Tom Dwyer, Alexa Ducsay, and Christina Milton, for their guidance in all aspects of bringing this project to publication. I would also like to thank David Gabrys and Kathryn Yusoff, who have gracefully endured more than a few extended conversations and readings in relation to this text.
最后，我要感谢匿名审稿人提出的有益的修改建议，感谢密歇根大学出版社的工作人员，包括汤姆-德威尔（Tom Dwyer）、阿莱克莎-杜克赛（Alexa Ducsay）和克里斯蒂娜-米尔顿（Christina Milton），感谢他们为本项目的出版提供了全方位的指导。我还要感谢戴维-加布里斯（David Gabrys）和凯瑟琳-尤索夫（Kathryn Yusoff），他们优雅地忍受了与此文有关的多次长时间对话和阅读。

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Contents
内容

Introduction
导言
A NATURAL HISTORY OF ELECTRONICS
电子学自然史

1. Silicon Elephants
1.硅大象
THE TRANSFORMATIVE MATERIALITY OF MICROCHIPS
微型芯片的物质变革性

2. Ephemeral Screens
2.短暂屏幕
EXCHANGE AT THE INTERFACE
界面交换

3. Shipping and Receiving
3.发货和收货
CIRCUITS OF DISPOSAL AND THE “SOCIAL DEATH” OF ELECTRONICS
处理电路和电子产品的 "社会死亡"

4. Museum of Failure
4.失败博物馆
THE MUTABILITY OF ELECTRONIC MEMORY
电子记忆的可变性

5. Media in the Dump
5.垃圾堆中的媒体
SALVAGE STORIES AND SPACES OF REMAINDER
抢救故事和剩余空间

Conclusion
总结
DIGITAL RUBBISH THEORY
数字垃圾理论

Notes
笔记

Bibliography
书目

Index
索引

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Introduction
简介

A NATURAL HISTORY OF ELECTRONICS
电子学自然史

To each truly new configuration of nature—and, at bottom, technology is just such a configuration—there correspond new “images.”
自然界的每一种真正的新构造--而技术恰恰就是这样一种构造--都有相应的新 "图像"。

—WALTER BENJAMIN, “Convolute K,” in The Arcades Project
沃尔特-本杰明，《拱廊计划》中的 "卷曲 K

The domain of machine and non-machine non-humans (the unhuman in my terminology) joins people in the building of the artifactual collective called nature. None of these actants can be considered as simply resource, ground, matrix, object, material, instrument, frozen labor; they are all more unsettling than that.
机器和非机器领域的非人类（我称之为非人类）与人类共同构建了名为 "自然 "的人工集体。这些行为者都不能被简单地视为资源、土壤、基质、物体、材料、工具、被冻结的劳动力；它们都比这更令人不安。

—DONNA HARAWAY, “The Promises of Monsters”
唐娜-哈拉维，"怪物的承诺"

Electronic Waste
电子废物

If you dig down beneath the thin surface crust of Silicon Valley, you will find deep strata of earth and water percolating with errant chemicals. Xylene, trichloroethylene, Freon 113, and sulfuric acid saturate these subterranean landscapes undergirding Silicon Valley. Since the 1980s, 29 of these sites have registered sufficient levels of contamination to be marked by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) as Superfund priority locations, placing them among the worst hazardous waste sites in the country.[1] In fact, Silicon Valley has the highest concentration of Superfund sites in the United States. What is perhaps so unexpected about these sites is that the pollution is not a product of heavy industry but, rather, stems from the manufacture of those seemingly immaterial information technologies. Of the 29 Superfund sites, 20 are related to the microchip industry.[2] The manufacture of components for such technologies as computers, mobile devices, microwaves, and digital cameras has Page 2 →contributed to the accumulation of chemicals underground. Mutating and migrating in the air and earth, these caustic and toxic compounds will linger for decades to come.
如果你深入硅谷薄薄的地表之下，就会发现土层和水层深处都渗透着不合格的化学物质。二甲苯、三氯乙烯、氟里昂 113 和硫酸在硅谷的这些地下景观中饱和。自 20 世纪 80 年代以来，其中 29 个地点的污染程度已达到美国环境保护局（EPA）规定的超级基金（Superfund）优先处理地点的标准，跻身于美国最严重的危险废物处理地点之列。 [1] 事实上，硅谷是美国超级基金场地最集中的地方。让人意想不到的是，这些地方的污染并不是重工业的产物，而是源于那些看似不重要的信息技术的制造。在 29 个超级基金场地中，有 20 个与微型芯片产业有关。 [2] 电脑、移动设备、微波炉和数码相机等技术部件的制造，导致了化学物质在地下的积累。这些腐蚀性有毒化合物会在空气和土壤中变异和迁移，并在未来数十年内挥之不去。

Silicon Valley is a landscape that registers the terminal, but not yet terminated, life of digital technologies—a space where the leftover residue of electronics manufacturing accumulates. Yet this waste is not exclusive to the production of electronics. Electronic waste moves and settles in circuits that span from manufacturing sites to recycling villages, landfills, and markets. Electronics often appear only as “media,” or as interfaces, apparently lacking in material substance. Yet digital media materialize in distinctive ways—not just as raw matter, but also as performances of abundance—often because they are so seemingly immaterial. The elaborate infrastructures required for the manufacture and disposal of electronics can be easily overlooked, yet these spaces reveal the unexpected debris that is a by-product of the digital. The waste from digital devices effectively reorders our understanding of these media and their ecologies.[3]
硅谷是一个记录着数字技术生命终结但尚未终结的景观--一个电子产品制造的剩余残渣堆积的空间。然而，这些废弃物并不只限于电子产品的生产。电子废弃物的移动和沉淀路径从生产基地到回收村、垃圾填埋场和市场。电子产品通常只作为 "媒体 "或界面出现，显然缺乏物质内涵。然而，数字媒体以独特的方式实现了物质化--不仅是作为原始物质，而且是作为丰富的表演--这往往是因为它们看似非物质。制造和处理电子产品所需的精心设计的基础设施很容易被忽视，但这些空间却揭示了作为数码产品副产品的意想不到的废弃物。数码设备产生的废弃物有效地重新调整了我们对这些媒体及其生态环境的理解。 [3]

“Waste is now electronic,” writes Gopal Krishna in describing the escalating number of obsolete electronic devices headed for the dump.[4] This is the other side to electronic waste—not a by-product of the manufacturing process, but the dead product headed for disposal. E-waste—trashed electronic hardware, from personal computers and monitors to mobile phones, DVD players, and television sets—is, like the electronics industry, growing at an explosive rate. Electronics consist of a broad range of devices now designed with increasingly shorter life spans, which means that every upgrade will produce its corresponding electronic debris. In the United States, it is expected that by 2010, 3 billion units of consumer electronics will have been scrapped at a rate of 400 million per year.[5] Many of these electronics have yet to enter the waste stream. Of the hundreds of millions of personal computers declared useless, at least 75 percent are stockpiled.[6] Computer owners store the outmoded model as though there might be some way to recuperate its vanishing value, but the PC is one item that does not acquire value over time. At some point, stockpiled computers and electronics enter the waste flow. Most of these consumer devices are landfilled (up to 91 percent in the United States),[7] while a small percentage are recycled or reused. Recycling, moreover, often involves the shipping of electronics for salvage to countries with cheap labor and lax environmental laws. The digital revolution, as it turns out, is littered with rubbish.
戈帕尔-克里希纳（Gopal Krishna）在描述越来越多的废弃电子设备被扔进垃圾场时写道："现在的垃圾是电子垃圾"。 [4] 这是电子垃圾的另一面，它不是生产过程中的副产品，而是要被丢弃的死亡产品。电子垃圾--从个人电脑和显示器到手机、DVD 播放机和电视机等废弃电子硬件--与电子产业一样，正以爆炸性的速度增长。电子产品由各种设备组成，其设计寿命越来越短，这意味着每一次升级都会产生相应的电子垃圾。在美国，预计到 2010 年，将有 30 亿件消费电子产品报废，每年报废 4 亿件。 [5] 其中许多电子产品尚未进入废物流。在数以亿计被宣布无用的个人电脑中，至少有 75% 被囤积起来。 [6] 电脑拥有者将过时的机型储存起来，似乎有办法重新获得其正在消失的价值，但个人电脑是一种不会随着时间推移而获得价值的物品。在某些时候，库存的电脑和电子产品会进入废物流程。这些消费设备大部分被填埋（在美国高达 91%）， [7] ，只有一小部分被回收或再利用。此外，回收往往涉及将电子产品运往劳动力廉价、环保法律宽松的国家进行打捞。事实证明，数字革命充满了垃圾。

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While much of the attention to electronic waste focuses on the recycling and disposal of computers, these devices comprise only a portion of the electronic waste stream. The pervasiveness of electronics—the insertion of microchips into such a wide range of systems and objects—means that the types of waste that emerge from electronics proliferate. Microchips—or “computers on a chip”—recast the extent of computing beyond the medium-sized memory machines that occupy our desktops to encompass miniature devices and distributed systems. Microchips can be found in computers and toys, microwave ovens and mobile phones, fly swatters and network architectures, all of which contribute to the stock of electronic waste.[8] While the use of these devices differs considerably, the material and technological resources that contribute to their “functionality” have a shared substrate in plastic and copper, solvents and silicon. Electronics typically are composed of more than 1,000 different materials, components that form part of a materials program that is far-reaching and spans from microchip to electronic systems.[9]
虽然人们对电子垃圾的关注主要集中在电脑的回收和处理上，但这些设备只占电子垃圾流的一部分。电子产品无处不在--微芯片被植入到如此广泛的系统和物体中--这意味着电子产品产生的废物种类也在不断增加。微型芯片--或者说 "芯片上的计算机"--预示着计算的范围已经超越了占据我们桌面的中型内存机器，涵盖了微型设备和分布式系统。计算机和玩具、微波炉和移动电话、苍蝇拍和网络架构中都有微型芯片，所有这些都造成了电子垃圾的存量。 [8] 虽然这些设备的用途有很大不同，但构成其 "功能 "的材料和技术资源都有一个共同的基底，即塑料和铜、溶剂和硅。电子产品通常由 1000 多种不同的材料组成，这些材料构成了影响深远的材料计划的一部分，涵盖了从微芯片到电子系统的各个领域。 [9]

This book raises questions about how to investigate electronic waste as a specifically electronic form of waste. In what ways do electronics pollute, and what are the qualities and dispersions of this pollution? Electronic waste is more than just a jumble of products at end of life and encompasses new materialities and entire systems of waste making. Wastes related to electronics give rise to entirely new categories of waste classification and ways of regulating waste. While the electronics industries may not consume as many hazardous materials by volume as heavy industry, for instance, no comprehensive criteria account for the degree of toxicity of materials used in the manufacture of electronics.[10] But the proliferation of electronics occurs as much in the form of “hardware” as it does in programs or “software”—those seemingly more immaterial forms of digital technology, from information to networks, that still inevitably rely on material arrangements. Electronics are comprised of complex interlocking technologies, any part of which may become obsolete or fail and render the entire computing “system” inoperable.
本书提出了如何将电子废物作为一种特殊的电子废物形式进行研究的问题。电子产品以何种方式造成污染，这种污染的质量和分布情况如何？电子废物不仅仅是报废产品的混杂物，它还包括新的物质性和整个废物制造系统。与电子产品有关的废物产生了全新的废物分类类别和废物监管方式。虽然电子工业消耗的有害物质在数量上可能不如重工业多，但没有全面的标准来衡量电子产品制造过程中所用材料的毒性程度。 [10] 但是，电子产品的扩散既以 "硬件 "的形式出现，也以程序或 "软件 "的形式出现--从信息到网络，这些看似非物质形式的数字技术仍然不可避免地依赖于物质安排。电子技术由复杂的连锁技术组成，其中任何一部分都可能过时或失效，导致整个计算 "系统 "无法运行。

Current reports and studies generated on electronic waste specifically contend with its increase and control, as well as the environmental dilemmas that emerge with the exportation of waste.[11] While these studies provide invaluable information about the volume, distribution, and policies surrounding electronic waste, my overriding intention is to situate electronic waste within a material and cultural discussion of electronic technologies. Waste is not just sheer matter, so, arguably, the methods Page 4 →for studying waste might also account for more than empirical processes of waste making. The sedimentary layers of waste consist not only of circuit boards and copper wires, material flows and global economies, but also of technological imaginings, progress narratives, and material temporalities. Waste and waste making include not just the actual garbage of discarded machines but also the remnant utopic discourses that describe the ascent of computing technologies—discourses that we still work with today.[12] Exhuming these layers and fragments from an already dense record requires expanded definitions of what constitutes electronic waste, as well as inventive methods for gathering together stories about that waste.
目前有关电子垃圾的报告和研究主要涉及电子垃圾的增加和控制，以及垃圾出口带来的环境困境。 [11] 虽然这些研究提供了有关电子垃圾的数量、分布和政策方面的宝贵信息，但我的首要目的是将电子垃圾置于电子技术的物质和文化讨论中。废弃物不仅仅是纯粹的物质，因此可以说，研究废弃物的方法也不仅仅是经验性的废弃物制造过程。废物的沉积层不仅包括电路板和铜线、物质流和全球经济，还包括技术想象、进步叙事和物质时间性。废弃物和废弃物制造不仅包括废弃机器的实际垃圾，还包括描述计算机技术发展的乌托邦残余论述--我们今天仍在使用的论述。 [12] 要从已经十分密集的记录中挖掘出这些层次和片段，就需要扩大电子垃圾的定义范围，并采用创造性的方法来收集有关电子垃圾的故事。

In this study, I take into account the range of delineations for what constitutes electronic waste, and I further expand the definition of electronic waste to an examination of these material and cultural processes that facilitate and contribute to technological transience. To bring these multiple layers of electronics into play, this investigation registers how and where electronics transform into waste. Through waste, we can register the effects of these devices—the “materiality effects” as well as “the unintended, ‘after-the-fact’ effects” or “perverse performativity.”[13] Electronics continually perform in ways we have not fully anticipated. Electronic waste, chemical contamination, failure, breakdown, obsolescence, and information overload are conditions that emerge as wayward effects of electronic materiality.[14] While these aftereffects are often overlooked, such perverse performativity can provide insights into technological operations that exceed the scope of assumed intentionality or the march of progress, and it can further allow the strangely materialized, generative, or even unpredictable qualities of technologies to surface.[15] Rather than move quickly to proposals for remedying these electronic dilemmas, I look more closely at the mutable qualities of electronics and evaluate the multiple ways in which these technologies fail and stack up as toxic remainders.
在这项研究中，我考虑到了电子垃圾的各种定义，并将电子垃圾的定义进一步扩展到对这些促进和助长技术短暂性的物质和文化过程的研究。为了让这些多层次的电子产品发挥作用，这项调查记录了电子产品如何以及在何处转化为废物。通过废弃物，我们可以记录这些设备的效果--"物质性效果 "以及 "非预期的、'事后'的效果 "或 "反常的表演性"。 [13] 电子产品不断以我们未完全预料到的方式发挥作用。电子垃圾、化学污染、故障、损坏、过时和信息超载等情况都是电子物质性的意外效应。 [14] 虽然这些后遗症常常被忽视，但这种反常的表演性却能让我们深入了解那些超出假定的有意性或进步进程范围的技术运作，还能进一步让技术奇异的物质化、生成性甚至不可预测的特质浮出水面。 [15] 我没有急于提出补救这些电子困境的建议，而是更仔细地研究了电子产品的可变性，并评估了这些技术失败和堆积成有毒残留物的多种方式。

The advantage of focusing on electronics through remainder is that not just the effects but also the material, cultural, and political resources that enable these technologies become more evident in the traces of these fossilized forms. Such an approach interferes with—while taking up—the specters of virtuality and dematerialization, which often ensure that the material “supports” of electronic technologies are less perceptible.[16] But materiality is more than a support, and as this study suggests, virtuality consists not just of the appearance of immateriality. Virtuality, I suggest, can even enable more extensive consumption and wasting. When Page 5 →electronic devices shrink to the scale of paper-thin and handheld devices, they appear to be lightweight and free of material resources. But this sense of immateriality also enables the proliferation of waste, from the processes of manufacture to the development of disposable and transient devices in excess. Here, I take as my point of departure this proliferation of possible types of electronic waste. These waste traces sediment into a natural history of electronics.[17]
通过剩余物来关注电子技术的好处在于，在这些化石形式的痕迹中，不仅是效果，还有使这些技术得以实现的物质、文化和政治资源变得更加明显。这种方法会干扰虚拟性和非物质化的幽灵，而虚拟性和非物质化往往确保电子技术的物质 "支撑 "不易察觉。 [16] 但物质性不仅仅是一种支撑，正如本研究报告所指出的，虚拟性不仅仅是非物质性的表象。我认为，虚拟性甚至可以促成更广泛的消费和浪费。当第 5 页→电子设备缩小到纸张和手持设备的规模时，它们似乎变得轻巧，不需要物质资源。但这种非物质感也导致了浪费的激增，从制造过程到一次性和短暂性设备的过度开发。在此，我以电子废物的扩散为出发点。这些废弃物的踪迹沉淀成一部电子产品的自然史。 [17]

Natural History: A Material Method
自然史：物质方法

Imagine any typical electronic device broken into pieces, scattered into assorted component parts, and cast across disparate sites. Microchip and screen, plastic casing and packaging, electronic memory, peripherals and formless debris—all these sift out from the black box of electronics. Distinct fossils are generated and cast off throughout the life and death of electronics. These fossils bear the traces of electronic operations; they accumulate into a natural history record. But this natural history and these fossils are not remainders from past ice ages. Instead, they are the recently petrified forms from rapidly succeeding technological epochs. These fossils are more than inert objects to be decoded. They are indicative of places and “processes of materialization”[18] that have sedimented into and through these residual forms.
想象一下，任何一个典型的电子设备都会被拆成碎片，散落成各种部件，并被丢弃在不同的地方。微芯片和屏幕、塑料外壳和包装、电子存储器、外围设备和无形的碎片--所有这些都是从电子产品的黑盒子里筛选出来的。在电子产品的生老病死过程中，会产生和遗弃不同的化石。这些 "化石 "留下了电子产品运行的痕迹，它们累积成了自然历史记录。但是，这些自然历史和化石并不是过去冰河时期的遗留物。相反，它们是快速发展的技术时代的最新石化形态。这些化石不仅仅是需要解码的惰性物体。它们表明了沉淀到这些残留形式中的地方和 "物质化过程" [18] 。

Bruce Sterling's proposal (quoted in the preface) to undertake a paleontological examination of dead media was, in fact, previously implemented in a much different way by the twentieth-century German cultural theorist Walter Benjamin, who developed a particular “natural history” method by reflecting on the fossilized commodities in the obsolete arcades of nineteenth-century Paris.[19] Strange, extravagant, yet mundane and ultimately broken-down objects assembled within his natural history, including “the briefcase with interior lighting, the meter-long pocket knife, or the patented umbrella handle with built-in watch and revolver.”[20] For Benjamin, decaying objects and outmoded objects that were no longer fashionable revealed concrete facts about past cultural imaginings. By examining these objects, it might be possible to discern not just their former lives but also the larger contexts in which they circulated, as well as the economic and material forces that contributed to their sedimentation and decay. His natural history presents a method for exploring the transitory impulses that unfold through commodities and technologies.[21]
布鲁斯-斯特林关于对死亡媒体进行古生物学研究的提议（引自序言），其实早在二十世纪德国文化理论家瓦尔特-本雅明（Walter Benjamin）之前就以一种截然不同的方式付诸实施，他通过反思十九世纪巴黎陈旧商场中的化石商品，发展出一种特殊的 "自然史 "方法。 [19] 在他的自然史中，包括 "带内部照明的公文包、一米长的小刀或内置手表和左轮手枪的专利伞柄 "在内的奇异、奢侈、平凡和最终破败的物品组合在一起。 [20] 对本雅明来说，衰败的物品和不再流行的过时物品揭示了过去文化想象的具体事实。通过对这些物品的研究，我们可能不仅能发现它们的前世今生，还能发现它们流通的大背景，以及导致它们沉淀和腐朽的经济和物质力量。他的自然史提出了一种方法，用于探索通过商品和技术展开的短暂冲动。 [21]

Such a natural history is an effective guide for thinking through Page 6 →the remainders of electronic waste. But this is not a conventional rendering of natural history. The emergence of natural history as a more usual practice of classification and description signals, in Michel Foucault's account, the beginning of the “modern episteme.”[22] From the seventeenth century onward, natural history increasingly operated as a process of “purification,” where the allegorical dimensions of naming things and of forming stories about the natural world were erased from scientific practice. In this way, it became possible to represent an animal or vegetable objectively—without the intervention of myth or fable. Such transparent descriptions depended on established and often physical criteria (e.g., color or size) by which specimens could be identified. This practice of natural history has enabled a whole set of modern scientific practices that filter out the noise between words and things and that delete the “play” of calling the world into being through language.[23] Charles Darwin's particular development of a theory of evolution is situated within this longer natural history, but his observations have often been conflated with (Victorian) notions of progress[24]—the same notions of progress within natural history that Benjamin sought to challenge in his own natural history method.
这样的自然史是思考第 6 页 → 电子垃圾残余的有效指南。但这并不是传统意义上的自然史。在米歇尔-福柯（Michel Foucault）看来，自然史作为一种更常见的分类和描述实践的出现，标志着 "现代认识论 "的开始。 [22] 从十七世纪开始，自然史的运作越来越像一个 "净化 "的过程，在这个过程中，命名事物和形成自然世界故事的寓言层面被从科学实践中抹去。这样，客观地描述动物或植物就成为可能--没有神话或寓言的介入。这种透明的描述依赖于既定的、通常是物理的标准（如颜色或大小），通过这些标准可以识别标本。这种自然史实践促成了一整套现代科学实践，这些实践过滤掉了文字与事物之间的噪音，删除了通过语言唤醒世界的 "游戏"。 [23] 查尔斯-达尔文（Charles Darwin）对进化论的特殊阐发就是在这种更长的自然史中进行的，但他的观察往往被混同于（维多利亚时代的）进步概念 [24] ，而本雅明在自己的自然史方法中试图挑战的正是自然史中的进步概念。

Benjamin, in his practice of natural history, at once drew on but departed from the usual, more scientific practice of natural history. While he was fascinated by nineteenth-century depictions of and obsessions with natural history and fossil hunting, he interpreted these historical records of the earth's deep time as a renewed temporal vantage point from which to assess practices of consumption. Obsolete objects returned to a kind of prehistory when they fell out of circulation, at which time they could be examined as resonant material residues—fossils—of economic practices. He reflected on the progress narratives that were woven through Victorian natural histories (and economies) and effectively inverted these progress narratives in order to demonstrate the contingency and transience of commodity worlds.
本雅明在他的自然史实践中，既借鉴了自然史通常的、更加科学的实践，又与之背道而驰。十九世纪对自然史和化石狩猎的描绘和痴迷令他着迷，他将这些地球深层时间的历史记录解释为一个新的时间制高点，从这个制高点来评估消费实践。当过时的物品不再流通时，它们又回到了史前时代，此时，它们可以作为经济实践的物质残留--化石--来进行研究。他反思了维多利亚时期自然历史（和经济）中的进步叙事，并有效地颠倒了这些进步叙事，以展示商品世界的偶然性和短暂性。

In this natural history of electronics, I take up the suggestive and unconventional natural history method developed by Benjamin and extend it—laterally—not as a model to replicate and follow but as a provocation for how to think through the material leftovers of electronics. The natural history method allows for an inquiry into electronics that does not focus on either technological progression or great inventors but, rather, considers the ways in which electronic technologies fail and decay.[25] These failures and sedimentations can be understood in part Page 7 →through the repetitive urge to pursue technological progress and regularly “upgrade.” By focusing on the outmoded, it is further possible to resuscitate the political and imaginary registers that are so often forgotten in histories that rely on the persistent theme of progress.
在这部电子产品自然史中，我采用了本雅明提出的具有启发性且非传统的自然史方法，并对其进行了后期扩展--不是将其作为一种可以复制和效仿的模式，而是作为对如何思考电子产品遗留物质的一种启发。自然史方法允许对电子技术进行探究，这种探究既不关注技术进步，也不关注伟大的发明家，而是考虑电子技术失败和衰落的方式。 [25] 这些失败和沉淀的部分原因在于人们不断追求技术进步和定期 "升级"。通过关注过时的东西，我们还可以重新唤起政治和想象，而这些在以进步为永恒主题的历史中常常被遗忘。

Outmoded commodities are fossilized forms that may—through their inert persistence—ultimately unsettle notions of progress and thereby force a reevaluation of the material present.[26] While commodities might guide us to a space of speculative promise, the vestiges of these promises are all around us. These fossils persist in the present even as the assumed progress of history renders them obsolete. Within and through these forms, more complex narratives accumulate, which describe technologies not only as they promise to be but also as they materialize, function, and fall apart. In this Benjamin-inspired natural history method, such an approach to fossilized commodities becomes a way to circumvent “naturalized” histories, which typically assume that technological progress is automatic and inexorable or even a “natural” event, on par with evolution. Histories of technological forms are often narrated through the logic of “onward and upward,” of crude early devices eventually surpassed by more sophisticated solutions. But rather than examine technology as an inevitable tale of evolution, I take up the notion that these fossil forms are instead evidence of more complex and contingent material events.
过时的商品是一种化石形式，通过其惰性的持久性，最终可能打破进步的概念，从而迫使人们重新评估物质的现状。 [26] 虽然商品可能会引导我们进入一个投机的承诺空间，但这些承诺的残余就在我们身边。这些化石在当下依然存在，即使假定的历史进步将其淘汰。在这些形式之中，以及通过这些形式，积累了更为复杂的叙事，这些叙事不仅描述了技术的承诺，也描述了技术的具体化、功能化和分崩离析。在这种受本雅明启发的自然史方法中，这种处理化石商品的方法成为一种规避 "自然化 "历史的方法，因为 "自然化 "历史通常假定技术进步是自动的、不可阻挡的，甚至是与进化论等同的 "自然 "事件。技术形式的历史往往是通过 "向前、向上 "的逻辑来叙述的，早期的粗糙设备最终被更先进的解决方案所超越。但是，我并没有把技术作为一个不可避免的进化故事来研究，而是认为这些化石形式反而是更复杂、更偶然的物质事件的证据。

This natural history method, then, signals a distinct approach to materiality—not just as raw stuff, but, rather, as materiality effects.[27] Electronic fossils are in many ways indicative of the economies and ecologies of transience that course through these technologies. Electronics are not only “matter,” unfolding through minerals, chemicals, bodies, soil, water, environments, and temporalities. They also provide traces of the economic, cultural, and political contexts in which they circulate. To begin to develop a more material account of these dematerialized technologies requires accounting for the multiple registers of what constitutes materiality—not as the raw matter of unproductive nature made productive, nor even as “second nature,”[28] but as a complex set of material processes and relations.
因此，这种自然史方法标志着一种独特的物质方法--不仅仅是原始材料，而是物质性效应。 [27] 电子化石在很多方面都体现了这些技术所带来的短暂性经济和生态。电子产品不仅是 "物质"，通过矿物、化学物质、身体、土壤、水、环境和时间展开。它们还提供了其流通所处的经济、文化和政治环境的痕迹。要开始对这些非物质化技术进行更加物质化的解释，就需要对构成物质的多重因素进行解释，而不是将物质作为非生产性自然的原始物质转化为生产性物质，甚至也不是作为 "第二自然 " [28] ，而是作为一系列复杂的物质过程和关系。

What would it then mean to do a natural history of electronics, if the sense of natural history encompassed these complex conjugations of materiality, nature, and history and also accounted for the telling of histories not as progress narratives but as more embedded, deeply material, spatial, temporal, and political effects? In this way, the microchip, as one of the fossilized forms discussed here, can be conceived of as a site Page 8 →where materials, environments, bodies, politics, technologies, ecologies, and economies accumulate. The microchip appears to be a thing in itself, similar to the way in which Haraway describes the gene. This is the way in which commodities are fetishized; they seem to be free-floating and without consequence. Yet the microchip, like the gene, requires “all the natural-social articulations and agentic relationships,” from “researchers” to “machines” and “financial instruments,” in order to circulate in the world.[29] Discussing these “things” involves being able to register the complex forces that bring them “into material-semiotic being.”[30] This study does not advocate an approach that attempts to de-fetishize the chip or electronics. Instead I seek to develop a method that can encompass the apparent singularity of the chip together with the things it powers and the disparate fields it affects.
如果自然史的意义包含了物质性、自然和历史的这些复杂结合，并且还考虑到历史不是作为进步的叙事，而是作为更内在、更深刻的物质、空间、时间和政治效应来讲述，那么电子产品的自然史又意味着什么呢？这样一来，微型芯片作为本文讨论的化石形式之一，就可以被看作是材料、环境、身体、政治、技术、生态和经济累积的场所。与哈拉维描述基因的方式类似，微型芯片似乎本身就是一种事物。这就是商品被迷信化的方式；它们似乎是自由浮动的，没有后果。然而，芯片与基因一样，需要 "所有自然-社会的衔接和代理关系"，从 "研究人员 "到 "机器 "和 "金融工具"，才能在世界上流通。 [29] 要讨论这些 "事物"，就必须能够记录将它们 "带入物质--半透明存在 "的复杂力量。 [30] 本研究并不主张采用一种试图将芯片或电子产品去神圣化的方法。相反，我试图开发一种方法，将芯片的表面单一性与它所驱动的事物及其影响的不同领域结合起来。

In this material method, I attempt to develop a practice of thought that works through cast-off objects in order to take up the density and “scatter” of electronic materialities.[31] This is a method that, following Benjamin, focuses on the “micrological and fragmentary,” in order to “relate them directly, in their isolated singularity, to material tendencies and social struggles.”[32] Such a method of natural history is not prescriptive but, rather, works across fragments and fossils to material processes and social conditions. By encountering fragments as traces of material processes, it is possible, as Benjamin notes, “to approach, in this way, ‘what has been’…not historiographically, as heretofore, but politically, in political categories.”[33] By not accepting naturalized histories, it is possible to engage with the political and situated character of materialities, progress narratives, and definitions of history and nature.
在这种物质方法中，我试图发展一种思维实践，通过被丢弃的物品来处理电子物质的密度和 "分散性"。 [31] 这种方法效仿本雅明，关注 "微观逻辑和片段"，以便 "在其孤立的单一性中，将它们与物质趋势和社会斗争直接联系起来"。 [32] 这种自然史方法不是规定性的，而是通过碎片和化石与物质过程和社会条件联系起来。正如本雅明所指出的，通过将碎片作为物质过程的痕迹，就有可能 "以这种方式接近'过去的事物'......不是像以前那样从历史学的角度，而是从政治学的角度，从政治范畴的角度"。 [33] 不接受自然化的历史，就有可能接触到物质性、进步叙事以及历史和自然定义的政治性和情景性特征。

Taking up this more fragmentary approach, I work with the notion of the machine in pieces—of the fossilized forms of microchips, screens and plastic, memory and peripherals—in order to examine how these fossil forms are not just material remainders and effects but also indicative of the changing relations and definitions of technology, culture, nature, and history. “Nature,” as Judith Butler notes, “has a history.”[34] This natural history does not describe a commodity world operating alongside a more essential nature (where commodities, histories, and economies become naturalized); instead, it transforms nature and culture, staging their collision and revealing their shared conditions of transience.[35] Shifting definitions of “nature” can be identified through the different ways in which fossils have been interpreted throughout time. Fossils operate as indicators of changes in the “interrelated conception of nature, culture Page 9 →and history.”[36] At one time, these encrusted forms might be read for proof of the Deluge; at another, they were evidence of the progress of life. From these readings, it is possible to develop an understanding of nature not as an essential or original reference point but as historical matter. Nature is no longer a stable ground against which it is possible to describe the progressions of culture. Benjamin put forward a neat summation of this approach in The Arcades Project: “No historical category without its natural substance, no natural category without its historical filtration.”[37]
我采用了这种更为零碎的方法，将机器的概念分解为微芯片、屏幕和塑料、记忆和外设等化石形式，以研究这些化石形式如何不仅仅是物质的残留物和影响，而且还表明了技术、文化、自然和历史之间不断变化的关系和定义。朱迪斯-巴特勒指出，"自然""是有历史的"。 [34] 这种自然历史并没有描述一个与更本质的自然（商品、历史和经济在此自然化）并存的商品世界；相反，它改变了自然和文化，上演了它们之间的碰撞，揭示了它们共同的短暂性条件。 [35] 通过化石在不同时期的不同解读方式，我们可以发现 "自然 "定义的变化。化石是 "相互关联的自然、文化第 9 页→和历史 "概念变化的指标。 [36] 在某一时期，这些结壳的形态可能被解读为大洪水的证据；在另一时期，它们则是生命进步的证据。从这些解读中，我们有可能形成一种对自然的理解，即自然不是一个基本的或原始的参照点，而是一个历史性的问题。自然不再是描述文化进步的稳定基础。本雅明在《拱廊计划》中对这种方法进行了精辟的总结："没有自然的实质就没有历史的范畴，没有历史的过滤就没有自然的范畴"。 [37]

Why is it important—in a study of electronic waste—to think through the history of nature and the nature of history? Distributions and definitions of nature are never static, and through their shifting registers and relations to “culture” and “history,” these definitions also inevitably inform the politics of matter and processes of materialization. Nature, while historical, cannot be reduced to either sheer process of social construction or inert matter. Because it is historical, it is emergent, contingent, embodied, and political. It is not absolute, which is important to articulate when anything cultural comes to seem to be an absolute condition. Technologies, economies, and commodities may appear to be natural or naturalized. But this is because they operate through a whole set of what Butler calls “sedimented effects.”[38] Material appears to be given—as matter—because it has stabilized or sedimented, as Butler writes, “over time to produce the effect of boundary, fixity, and surface we call matter.” This is the “process of materialization.”[39] The fossils I investigate are not just congealed electronics but also a contaminated mixture of nature, history, and technology. Fossils effectively work to denaturalize technology and its effects. In this way, it is possible to engage with materiality not just as materialization but also as ultimately prone to instability and breakdown.
为什么在研究电子废弃物时必须思考自然的历史和历史的自然？自然的分布和定义从来都不是一成不变的，通过它们与 "文化 "和 "历史 "之间不断变化的寄存器和关系，这些定义也不可避免地为物质政治和物质化进程提供信息。自然虽然是历史的，但却不能被简化为纯粹的社会建构过程或惰性物质。因为它是历史的，所以它是涌现的、偶然的、体现的和政治的。它不是绝对的，这一点在任何文化事物似乎成为绝对条件时都必须阐明。技术、经济和商品看似自然或自然化。但这是因为它们是通过一整套巴特勒所说的 "沉积效应 "来运作的。 [38] 正如巴特勒所写，"随着时间的推移，产生了我们称之为物质的边界、固定性和表面效果"。这就是 "物质化的过程"。 [39] 我所研究的化石不仅是凝固的电子产品，也是自然、历史和技术的混合体。化石有效地将技术及其影响非自然化。这样，我们就有可能将物质性不仅作为物质化，而且作为最终容易不稳定和崩溃的物质性。

Fossils—the remainders and residues of technology and media—are, then, potent forms that bear the imprint of events (both actual and imagined); they are traces of prior lives, events, and ecologies. Residual matter and the unintended consequences of technology have emerged as a topic of interest within contemporary media studies, as well as studies of science and technology. In the edited collection Residual Media, media theorist Charles Acland suggests that residuals allow expanded ways of engaging with media beyond the obligatory narratives of media revolutions.[40] Similarly, in his media-archaeological investigations into the “deep time” of media, Siegfried Zielinski begins with the “rubbish Page 10 →heaps” of media, to suggest that bundled into media are more complex temporalities and imaginings that exceed the simple or assumed progression toward advanced devices.[41] By decoupling histories of media and technology from progress, it is possible to examine the more complex temporalities and materialities that accompany distinct media technologies. Such extended terrains further resonate with what media theorists, from Marshall McLuhan to Friedrich Kittler, have called the “media environment”[42]—understood as the material conditions and discursive “networks” that constitute media[43] or as the set of processes and effects that even suggest that “there are no media.”[44] Rather than isolated media objects, there are institutions, practices, and devices that—assembled together—enable media operations.
因此，化石--技术和媒体的残留物--是带有事件（实际的和想象的）印记的有效形式；它们是先前生活、事件和生态的痕迹。残留物和技术的意外后果已成为当代媒体研究以及科学与技术研究中备受关注的话题。媒体理论家查尔斯-阿克兰（Charles Acland）在其编著的《残留媒体》（Residual Media）一书中指出，残留物允许人们以更广阔的方式接触媒体，而不局限于强制性的媒体革命叙事。 [40] 同样，齐格弗里德-泽林斯基（Siegfried Zielinski）在他的媒体考古学中对媒体的 "深层时间 "进行了研究，他从媒体的 "垃圾第 10 页→堆 "开始，提出媒体中包含着更复杂的时间性和想象，超越了简单或假定的向先进设备发展的过程。 [41] 将媒体和技术的历史与进步分离开来，就有可能研究出伴随着不同媒体技术的更为复杂的时间性和物质性。这种扩展的领域与从马歇尔-麦克卢汉（Marshall McLuhan）到弗里德里希-基特勒（Friedrich Kittler）等媒体理论家所称的 "媒体环境 " [42] ，即构成媒体 [43] 的物质条件和话语 "网络"，或甚至暗示 "没有媒体 "的一系列过程和效果。 [44] 与其说存在孤立的媒体对象，不如说存在机构、实践和设备，它们组合在一起，使媒体运作成为可能。

The fossils studied here do not assemble into a network, however, nor are they “actors” in a planar field of influence.[45] Rather than circumscribing systems, these figures open into spaces of relation and resonance.[46] Fossils are not abstract distributions but, rather, temporal sedimentations and transformations; they are mutable and contingent forms. From this perspective, users—as well as electronics waste workers—are also part of the materiality effects of electronic technology. However, the focus in this book is less on how users engage with a vast array of computing devices—particularly since waste workers, among others, often play a much different role as “agents” in their engagement with electronic technologies.[47] The material culture of electronics discussed here is not centered on users as manipulators of media content but, instead, focuses on how materialized workers, technologists, and consumers all emerge in relation to processes of electronic obsolescence and decay.
然而，本文所研究的化石并没有组合成一个网络，也不是平面影响领域中的 "行动者"。 [45] 与其说这些化石包围了整个系统，不如说它们打开了关系和共鸣的空间。 [46] 化石不是抽象的分布，而是时间的沉淀和转化；它们是可变的、偶然的形式。从这个角度看，用户和电子垃圾处理工人也是电子技术物质效应的一部分。然而，本书的重点并不在于用户如何使用大量的计算设备，特别是因为电子垃圾处理工人等在使用电子技术的过程中往往扮演着不同的 "代理人 "角色。 [47] 这里讨论的电子产品物质文化并不以用户作为媒体内容的操纵者为中心，而是侧重于物化工人、技术专家和消费者如何在电子产品的淘汰和衰变过程中出现。

Materiality is a topic and focus that is now pervasive across multiple disciplines, from media studies to geography and science and technology studies. Given its concern with drawing out the complex material processes of digital media, this study is primarily located within media studies, but it also draws on writings within cultural geography and science and technology studies to analyze these technologies.[48] What becomes evident in these writings is a shared interest in describing how matter matters, and in this way multiple terms emerge that are used both similarly and dissimilarly. Material may rematerialize or dematerialize, it may be performative or transformative, or it may circulate in or as a network, system, or circuit. While this study does deploy these terms, it calls out the ways in which many of these terms Page 11 →have specific histories within computing and information theory. The histories of these terms are material histories as much as intellectual histories, and where relevant I discuss the ways in which these often apparently abstract terms work in quite specific ways in the digital realm.
物质性 "这一话题和焦点如今已渗透到多个学科，从媒体研究到地理学和科学技术研究。鉴于本研究关注的是数字媒体复杂的物质过程，因此它主要属于媒体研究范畴，但也借鉴了文化地理学和科学技术研究领域的著作来分析这些技术。 [48] 在这些著作中显而易见的是，人们对描述物质如何重要有着共同的兴趣。物质可能是再物质化或非物质化的，可能是表演性的或变革性的，也可能在网络、系统或电路中循环或作为网络、系统或电路循环。本研究在使用这些术语的同时，也指出了其中许多术语在计算和信息理论中的具体历史。这些术语的历史既是物质的历史，也是思想的历史，在相关的地方，我将讨论这些通常看似抽象的术语在数字领域中的具体运作方式。

It may be tempting to chart a sort of life-cycle analysis of electronics in order to track the comprehensive movement from raw material to waste product.[49] But I intentionally do not seek to understand the circuits of electronic waste through a life-cycle analysis, which would run the risk of appearing to be a tidy analysis of inputs and outputs to the neglect of both the material and imaginative residues that accompany electronics. Instead, the circuits I pursue are spatial and material instantiations of how electronics generate waste, whether in the form of chemical contamination or information overload. But there is more to expiration than just the guilt of discards. As Benjamin demonstrates, outmoded commodities “release” the imaginary and wishful dimensions that made them so compelling when first distributed as novel objects. Natural history, as a study of expiration, also engages with this mythic aspect of innovation. Any investigation into electronics would be incomplete if it did not account for this more fantastic register of technologies, as well as the ways in which technology does not constitute an orderly narrative.[50]
为了追踪电子产品从原材料到废品的整个过程，对电子产品进行某种生命周期分析可能很有诱惑力。 [49] 但我并不打算通过生命周期分析来理解电子废弃物的循环过程，因为这样做有可能导致对输入和输出进行整齐划一的分析，而忽略了电子产品所伴随的物质和想象残留物。相反，我所追求的电路是电子产品如何产生废物的空间和物质实例，无论是以化学污染的形式还是以信息超载的形式。但是，过期不仅仅是废弃物的罪过。正如本雅明（Benjamin）所证明的那样，过时的商品 "释放 "了想象和愿望的维度，而这些维度正是这些商品最初作为新奇物品流通时的魅力所在。自然史作为对失效的研究，也涉及创新的这一神话层面。如果对电子产品的研究不考虑技术的这种更为梦幻的形式，以及技术并不构成有序叙事的方式，那么这种研究将是不完整的。 [50]

Electronic waste is a topic that challenges the methods and delineations used to describe it. Benjamin's natural history method suggests ways to mobilize the possible play of relations within material culture, economies, consumers, dreams, and politics. This is a natural history method that is simultaneously political and poetic, concrete and literary. Data is never devoid of dreaming. What registers as empirical matter bears an inevitable relationship to theories that would identify and describe that matter. Deciding what counts as empirical matter is also a process of materialization.[51] As much as it draws attention to the complex material effects of electronics and electronic wastes, this natural history method is ultimately a strategy for rematerializing electronics.[52] Electronics can be rematerialized both in the way their pasts accumulate—as fragmentary and the outmoded—and in the way ecologies, politics, and imaginings emerge from the rubble. Natural history—as a theory, practice, and method—brings together questions of materialities, time, politics, environments, technology, commodities, and imaginings; it also reorients the relations between nature, history, culture, matter, and time. This is a method for collecting material residues and for reorienting the histories and temporalities that emerge with technologies. It moves across scales, from the fossilized fragment to the temporal landscape. It Page 12 →tells material histories not as fixed, abstract, or essential but as dynamic, concrete, and entangled.
电子废弃物是一个挑战描述方法和界限的话题。本雅明的自然史方法提出了调动物质文化、经济、消费者、梦想和政治中各种可能关系的方法。这是一种同时具有政治性和诗意性、具体性和文学性的自然史方法。数据从来不缺乏梦想。被记录为经验的事物与识别和描述该事物的理论有着不可避免的关系。决定什么是经验问题也是一个具体化的过程。 [51] 这种自然史方法不仅能引起人们对电子产品和电子垃圾的复杂物质效应的关注，归根结底还是一种将电子产品再物质化的策略。 [52] 电子产品的再物质化既体现在其过去的积累方式--零散和过时，也体现在生态、政治和想象从废墟中浮现的方式。作为一种理论、实践和方法，自然史将物质性、时间、政治、环境、技术、商品和想象力等问题结合在一起；它还重新调整了自然、历史、文化、物质和时间之间的关系。这是一种收集物质残留物的方法，也是一种重新定位技术所产生的历史和时间的方法。它跨越尺度，从化石碎片到时间景观。它不是以固定、抽象或本质的方式，而是以动态、具体和纠缠的方式讲述物质历史。

This natural history is grounded in the time of electronics, situated within a historical framework that primarily coincides with the development of the microchip, although it also draws on the longer postwar history of computing and automation. The material, references, and sites assembled in the following chapters draw on diverse sources relevant to electronics and the material economies and ecologies of which they are a part. While this method is rooted in fieldwork and draws on theoretical literature in technology, media, and material studies, it also engages with primary sources, including archived objects and documents, Web pages and online interviews with electronic “pioneers,” reports by governmental and nongovernmental organizations, annual reports, newspaper articles, and popular commentaries, which together capture not just the material textures of electronic waste but also the material textures of language relating to electronics.
这部自然史立足于电子时代，其历史框架主要与微芯片的发展相吻合，但也借鉴了战后计算机和自动化的悠久历史。以下各章所收集的资料、参考文献和遗址均来自与电子产品及其所属的物质经济和生态相关的各种来源。虽然这种方法植根于实地考察，并借鉴了技术、媒体和材料研究方面的理论文献，但它也使用了原始资料，包括存档物品和文件、网页和对电子 "先驱 "的在线访谈、政府和非政府组织的报告、年度报告、报刊文章和大众评论，这些资料不仅捕捉到了电子垃圾的物质纹理，也捕捉到了与电子有关的语言的物质纹理。

I explore the material-semiotic aspects of electronics by writing alongside these texts, in a further attempt to work with—and even transform—the “technophilic” and “technophobic” approaches that can emerge, at turns, in relation to electronics.[53] This project is neither utopic nor dystopic in its discussion of electronics, but it does draw on both the hyperbolic promises and informational and material excesses through which electronics are described. My intention is to move beyond a utopic/ dystopic “e-mail address,” as Haraway suggests when describing her attempts to forge another position in relation to cultural salvation-or-catastrophe discourses.[54] Similarly seeking to find another route around the steady oscillations between positive and negative renderings of cultural history, Benjamin suggests, “Overcoming the concept of ‘progress’ and overcoming the concept of ‘period of decline’ are two sides of one and the same thing.”[55] Benjamin then makes a “modest methodological proposal” to find a new “positive element,” where failure is not just the flip side to progress but, rather, offers an opening or rupture into other material relations and imaginings.[56]
我通过与这些文本一起写作来探索电子产品的物质--交际方面，进一步尝试与电子产品相关的 "亲技术 "和 "疏技术 "方法进行合作，甚至进行转换。 [53] 这个项目对电子产品的讨论既不是乌托邦式的，也不是歇斯底里式的，但它确实借鉴了电子产品被描述的夸张承诺以及信息和物质上的过剩。正如哈拉维（Haraway）在描述她试图在文化救赎或灾难论述中形成另一种立场时所暗示的那样，我的意图是超越乌托邦/末世论的 "电子邮件地址"。 [54] 本雅明同样试图在文化史的积极和消极渲染之间的稳定摇摆中找到另一条道路，他提出："克服'进步'的概念和克服'衰落期'的概念是同一事物的两个方面"。 [55] 本雅明随后提出了一个 "适度的方法论建议"，以寻找一种新的 "积极因素"，即失败不仅仅是进步的反面，相反，它提供了一个通向其他物质关系和想象的开口或断裂。 [56]

When Benjamin undertook his investigations into the natural history of commodities, he did so in urban landscapes that emerged through accreted registers of consumption. He focused on the “dying arcades” of Paris, where “the early industrial commodities have created an antediluvian landscape, an ‘ur-landscape of consumption.’”[57] In the arcades, “a past become space,”[58] he was able to imagine how commodities and technologies Page 13 →transformed into residues that contained traces of the resources, labor, and imaginations that went into these transformations. Similarly, electronic waste calls attention to the spatial and material infrastructures that support the transformations of these technologies. In addition to the texts, documents, and objects already discussed, I here focus on a number of key sites in which the remains of electronics can be studied. Fieldwork conducted in the gathering of these spatial stories has ranged from Silicon Valley to Singapore and from the Bronx to London. Superfund sites and museums of the electronics industry, shipping yards and electronics recycling facilities, computing archives, and electronics superstores and repair shops inform the content, texture, and structure of this study, which takes up natural history as much as a method as a theoretical point of inquiry.
本雅明在对商品的自然史进行研究时，是在城市景观中进行的，而城市景观是通过累积的消费登记册出现的。他把目光投向巴黎 "垂死的拱廊"，"早期的工业商品在这里创造了一种前新古典主义的景观，一种'消费的乌尔景观'"。 [57] 在拱廊这个 "过去的空间 "中， [58] ，他能够想象商品和技术是如何第 13 页 → 转化为残留物的，这些残留物包含了资源、劳动和想象力的痕迹，而这些痕迹正是这些转化所产生的。同样，电子垃圾也唤起了人们对支持这些技术转化的空间和物质基础设施的关注。除了已经讨论过的文本、文件和物品之外，我在这里还重点关注了一些可以研究电子产品遗存的关键场所。从硅谷到新加坡，从布朗克斯区到伦敦，为收集这些空间故事而开展的实地工作不胜枚举。电子工业的超级垃圾场和博物馆、船坞和电子产品回收设施、计算机档案馆以及电子产品超市和维修店，都为本研究的内容、质地和结构提供了信息。

To chart the multilayered spatial and material infrastructure of electronic waste, I have organized the chapters in this book around five sites in which distinct electronic fossils can be located. I unearth these fossils found throughout the life and death of electronics, in order to register the diverse resources, materials, and imaginaries that undergird this technology.[59] These sites and fossils are microchips in Silicon Valley; screens used in market transactions of the National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotations system (NASDAQ); plastics—in the form of housing, packaging, and more—as they move through the spaces of shipping and receiving, consumption and disposability; memory devices stored and at work in the electronic archive; and all the peripherals and scrap, from printed circuit boards to copper wires, which can finally be found in the landfill and salvage sites. These fossils and spaces of remainder each embody specific processes of electronic materialities and electronic waste. These are not just “waste sites” but also temporal zones that register the speed and volume of production, consumption, and disposal of digital technologies.
为了描绘电子废弃物多层次的空间和物质基础设施，我围绕五个可以找到不同电子化石的地点组织了本书的章节。我在电子产品的生老病死中发掘这些化石，以记录支撑这项技术的各种资源、材料和想象。 [59] 这些地点和化石包括：硅谷的微芯片；全美证券交易商协会自动报价系统（NASDAQ）市场交易中使用的屏幕；塑料（外壳、包装等）--它们在运输和接收、消费和废弃的空间中流动；电子档案中存储和工作的记忆设备；以及所有外围设备和废料，从印刷电路板到铜线，最终都能在垃圾填埋场和废品回收站找到。这些化石和剩余空间各自体现了电子物质性和电子废物的特定过程。这些不仅是 "废料场"，也是记录数字技术生产、消费和处理速度和数量的时间区域。

The aging electronics that occupy dumpsters and landfills register not just as fossils from successive upgrades but also as objects that circulate through a number of spaces in the process of their making and unmaking. Circulation, as described throughout this study, is a method both for mapping electronic waste as it congeals in and moves through diverse spaces and, at the same time, for registering the often amorphous or mutable arrangements of electronics and electronic residues.[60] This research describes not a “society of flows” but, rather, sites of unexpected accumulation. I take up these scraps and fossils in the sites where they Page 14 →are found, in order to think through the disparate effects, sedimentations, and imaginaries that inform the making and breaking of electronics.
占据垃圾箱和垃圾填埋场的老旧电子产品不仅是历次升级的化石，也是在制造和解体过程中在多个空间循环往复的物品。正如本研究中所描述的，"循环 "既是描绘电子废弃物在不同空间凝结和流动的一种方法，同时也是记录电子产品和电子残留物的无定形或易变排列的一种方法。 [60] 这项研究描述的不是 "流动的社会"，而是意想不到的积累场所。我在这些碎片和化石被发现的地方捡拾它们，以便思考电子产品的制造和分解所产生的不同影响、沉淀和想象。

This book begins with the perception that digital technology is light, postindustrial, or dematerialized. Worldwide, discarded electronics account for an average 35 million tons of trash per year.[61] Such a mass of discards has been compared to an equivalent disposal of 1,000 elephants every hour.[62] A colossal parade of elephants—silicon elephants—marches to the dump and beyond; suddenly, the immaterial abundance of digital technology appears deeply material. A considerable amount of waste is also generated at the point of electronics manufacture. Chapter 1 traces these economies of abundance and focuses specifically on the waste that emerges in the interrelated production of microchips, information, and environments. Through a study of these material relations, it is possible to examine how “overload” is a condition that describes information and contaminated environments alike.
本书从数字技术的轻量化、后工业化或非物质化这一观点出发。在全球范围内，废弃电子产品平均每年产生 3500 万吨垃圾。 [61] 这些废弃物的数量相当于每小时处理 1000 头大象。 [62] 庞大的大象队伍--硅大象--向垃圾场及其他地方进发；突然之间，数字技术的非物质丰饶性变得深具物质性。电子产品生产过程中也会产生大量废弃物。第 1 章追溯了这些丰裕经济，并特别关注了在微芯片、信息和环境的相互关联的生产过程中产生的废弃物。通过对这些物质关系的研究，我们可以探究 "超载 "是如何成为描述信息和污染环境的一种条件。

Before it becomes trash, however, digital technology drives another type of abundance, this time in the dematerialized space of electronic trading. NASDAQ is the electronic trading market that specializes in technology companies, and it is also the world's first electronic stock market. Established in 1971, NASDAQ was described in its 2004 annual report “Built for Business” as the world's largest “electronic screen-based equity securities market.” NASDAQ is an index of the volume and value of technologies, but it is also a digital technology of its own. As an automated system programmed to deliver financial data across a scattering of sites, its telecommunication networks enable market activity to take place across a vast and decentralized geographic terrain. In this sense, the NASDAQ network is located in multiple locations, from individual screens, to stories-high display screens in Times Square, to the massive server farms that collect and disperse data. Chapter 2 turns to the screen as a fossil figure, to examine the electronic market interface and to track the processes of dematerialization and automation that characterize electronic exchanges.
然而，在成为垃圾之前，数字技术推动了另一种类型的丰富，这一次是在电子交易的非物质化领域。纳斯达克是专门针对科技公司的电子交易市场，也是世界上第一个电子股票市场。纳斯达克成立于 1971 年，在其 2004 年年度报告《为商业而建》中，纳斯达克被描述为世界上最大的 "基于电子屏幕的股权证券市场"。纳斯达克是一个技术数量和价值的指数，但它本身也是一种数字技术。纳斯达克是一个自动化系统，通过编程在分散的网站上传送金融数据，其电信网络使市场活动能够在广阔而分散的地理区域内进行。从这个意义上说，纳斯达克网络分布在多个地点，从单个屏幕到时代广场层楼高的显示屏，再到收集和分散数据的大型服务器群。第二章将屏幕作为化石形象，研究电子市场界面，追踪电子交易所特有的非物质化和自动化进程。

Chapter 3 investigates the locations and processes of electronic disposal and focuses on plastics as a fossil form and critical material that facilitates disposability. Electronics primarily consist of a complex composite of plastics, and plastics are the emblematic material of the “throwaway society.” In this sense, plastics are both disposable and mobile, because once they are discarded, they also inevitably circulate through extended geographies. In the end, transportable electronic waste follows Page 15 →the path of the most undesirable forms of trash—from economically privileged country to poorer one. The primary exporter of electronic waste is the United States, a country that does not consider the export of waste to be illegal. But electronic wastes from the United Kingdom to Singapore turn up in places as distant as the rural districts and urban slums of China, India, and Nigeria. Recycling methods in these regions are typically toxic for both workers and the environment.[63] Chapter 3 trawls through these circuits in order to examine the material exchanges and geographies of disposal.
第 3 章调查了电子废弃物的处置地点和过程，重点关注塑料这种化石形式和促进废弃物处置的关键材料。电子产品主要由塑料复合而成，而塑料是 "可丢弃社会 "的标志性材料。从这个意义上说，塑料既是一次性的，也是可移动的，因为一旦被丢弃，它们也不可避免地在地域范围内流通。最终，可运输的电子垃圾会沿着第 15 页→最不受欢迎的垃圾形式的路径--从经济优越的国家流向更贫穷的国家。电子垃圾的主要出口国是美国，因为美国并不认为出口垃圾是非法的。但是，从英国到新加坡的电子垃圾却出现在遥远的地方，如中国、印度和尼日利亚的农村地区和城市贫民窟。这些地区的回收方法通常对工人和环境都有毒害。 [63] 第 3 章通过对这些途径的调查，研究了物质交换和处理的地理学。

Chapter 4 considers electronic archives and memory as a site and fossil in which the accelerated temporalities of electronics become evident in sedimented form. The electronic archive operates as a kind of extended memory for the select electronic devices that are relegated not to the bin but, rather, to the archive and the museum. For every ton of electronic material cast out, a select portion ends up preserved in the halls of history. Much of the technology in the museum or archive of electronic history is inaccessible, however: ancient computers do not function, software manuals are unreadable to all but a few, spools of punch tape separate from decoding devices, keyboards and printers and peripherals have no point of attachment, and training films cannot be viewed. Artifacts meant to connect to systems now exist as hollow forms covered with dust. In this sense, the electronic archive can be seen as a “museum of failure.”[64] It is a record of failed and outdated technologies. If it collects anything, it collects a record of obsolescence. The idleness of these electronic artifacts ultimately raises questions about how technology demarcates duration. How does one preserve media that have a built-in tendency toward their own termination?
第 4 章将电子档案和记忆视为一种场所和化石，在其中，电子产品的加速时间性以沉淀的形式显现出来。电子档案作为一种扩展的记忆，适用于那些被丢弃到档案馆和博物馆的电子设备。每扔掉一吨电子材料，就会有一部分被保存在历史的殿堂里。然而，电子历史博物馆或档案馆中的大部分技术都无法使用：古老的计算机无法运行，软件手册除少数人外无法阅读，打孔带轴与解码设备分离，键盘、打印机和外围设备没有连接点，培训影片无法观看。本应与系统相连接的人工制品现在却变成了布满灰尘的空壳。从这个意义上说，电子档案可以被视为 "失败的博物馆"。 [64] 它记录了失败和过时的技术。如果说它收集了什么，那么它收集的就是过时的记录。这些电子文物的闲置最终引发了关于技术如何划分期限的问题。如何保存本身就有终止趋势的媒体？

Most electronics do not advance to preservation, however. Instead, idle machines, at end of life and end of utility, stack up in landfills, are burned, or are buried. More formally known in the Western world as the “sanitary landfill,” the dump is the terminal site of decay, where electronics of all shapes and sizes commingle with banana peels and phone books. Plastic, lead, mercury, and cadmium break down and begin their terrestrial migrations. Electronics—media in the dump—require geological time spans to decompose. Chapter 5 begins and ends in the dump. Extending the discussions made in previous chapters, chapter 5 draws on the disposal practices developed in chapter 3 and the notions of time and preservation discussed in chapter 4. It dwells on the masses of scrap and peripherals, as fossil forms that are stripped, Page 16 →salvaged, burned, and finally dumped, often far from the sites of their initial consumption.
然而，大多数电子产品并没有进入保存阶段。相反，闲置的机器在报废或失去效用后，被堆放在垃圾填埋场，或被焚烧，或被掩埋。垃圾场在西方世界被称为 "卫生填埋场"，是腐烂的终点站，在这里，各种形状和大小的电子产品与香蕉皮和电话簿混杂在一起。塑料、铅、汞和镉在这里分解，并开始向陆地迁移。电子产品--垃圾场中的媒体--需要地质学上的时间跨度来分解。第 5 章从垃圾场开始，也在垃圾场结束。在前几章讨论的基础上，第 5 章借鉴了第 3 章中的处理方法以及第 4 章中讨论的时间和保存概念。它将大量废料和外围设备作为化石形式，从剥离、第 16 页 → 修复、焚烧到最终倾倒，往往远离其最初的消费地。

Digital Rubbish Theory
数字垃圾理论

The dump is a site where objects typically absent of utility or value collect. Except through the work of invisible salvagers, from mice to treasure seekers, the material here is unrecoverable. Yet garbologist William Rathje suggests that the best way to investigate contemporary material culture is through this apparently useless garbage.[65] Much as archaeologists study the relics of the distant past, Rathje unearths the refuse of the recent past to measure human consumption. Garbology examines cultural phenomena by linking discarded artifacts with consumption patterns. Garbage Project crew members set out to landfills to draw core samples, tabulate and catalog discrete waste objects, and thereby chart significant patterns of consumption. In this sense, a dump is not just about waste, it is also about understanding our cultural and material metabolism. A dump registers the speed and voracity of consumption, the transience of objects and our relation with them, and the enduring materiality of those objects.
垃圾场是典型的无用或无价值物品的聚集地。除了无形的打捞者，从老鼠到寻宝者，这里的物质都是无法回收的。然而，服装学家威廉-拉斯杰（William Rathje）认为，研究当代物质文化的最佳途径就是通过这些看似无用的垃圾。 [65] 就像考古学家研究遥远过去的遗物一样，拉斯杰挖掘出近代的垃圾来衡量人类的消费。垃圾学通过将废弃文物与消费模式联系起来来研究文化现象。垃圾项目的工作人员前往垃圾填埋场提取核心样本，将离散的废弃物制成表格和目录，从而描绘出重要的消费模式。从这个意义上说，垃圾场不仅是关于垃圾的，也是关于了解我们的文化和物质新陈代谢的。垃圾场记录了消费的速度和速度、物品的短暂性和我们与它们的关系，以及这些物品持久的物质性。

Electronics linger in the dump, where they stack up as a concrete register of consumption. The garbology of electronic waste may have an obvious reference point in landfills, but from Silicon Valley Superfund sites to recycling villages in China, there emerges an even more expansive array of waste sites where electronic debris expands, sifts, and settles. Electronics, media, landscapes, and waste are all linked and in constant transformation. From the virtual to the chemical and from the ephemeral to the disposable, the accumulation of these electronic wastes creates new residual ecologies and requires expanded practices of garbology. With electronic waste, it is possible to expand the thin surface of digital interfaces to encompass those material processes that work to support the appearance of immateriality. In the dump, our digital media and technologies turn out to be deeply material.
电子产品在垃圾场徘徊，堆积如山，成为消费的具体记录。电子废弃物的成衣学可能有一个明显的参照点，那就是垃圾填埋场，但从硅谷的超级基金场地到中国的回收村，出现了一系列更为广阔的废弃物场地，电子废弃物在那里膨胀、筛选和沉淀。电子产品、媒体、景观和废弃物都是相互关联的，并在不断发生变化。从虚拟到化学，从短暂到一次性，这些电子垃圾的积累创造了新的残余生态，并要求扩大服装学的实践。有了电子垃圾，我们就有可能扩大数字界面的薄薄表面，将那些支持非物质性外观的物质过程包括在内。在垃圾场中，我们的数字媒体和技术变成了深层次的物质。

As the Garbage Project demonstrates, sorting trash into categories can become a habitual and absorbing project. A liminal zone, the in-between, the fringe, the outside of the inside, a site of expenditure and revitalization—the demarcations for waste are potentially endless. The ambiguity of determining when waste definitively becomes waste points to its role as a dynamic category. Waste oscillates in relation to ordering systems and structures of value. It is a variable within what Michael Thompson Page 17 →calls an “economy of values.” As Thompson states in his authoritative Rubbish Theory, rubbish is a way of understanding the relative position of value relations.[66] Waste is, in this sense, what cultural theorist Walter Moser calls a “category of transition, a limit category.”[67] Waste reveals the economies of value within digital technology that render valueless, for instance, a computer that is more than three years old. This collapse in value demonstrates assumptions within electronics—based on duration, novelty, and consistent consumption—that might otherwise go unnoticed, if it were not for the now-looming rubbish pile.
正如 "垃圾项目 "所展示的，将垃圾分门别类可以成为一项习惯性的、令人着迷的项目。一个边缘地带、中间地带、边缘地带、内部的外部地带、消耗和振兴之地--对垃圾的划分可能是无止境的。废弃物何时明确成为废弃物的问题模棱两可，这说明废弃物是一个动态的范畴。废物在与秩序系统和价值结构的关系中摇摆不定。它是迈克尔-汤普森（Michael Thompson）所称的 "价值经济 "中的一个变量。正如汤普森在其权威的《垃圾理论》中所说，垃圾是理解价值关系相对位置的一种方式。 [66] 从这个意义上说，垃圾就是文化理论家沃尔特-莫泽（Walter Moser）所说的 "过渡范畴、极限范畴"。 [67] 垃圾揭示了数字技术中的价值经济，例如，一台使用超过三年的电脑就失去了价值。这种价值的崩溃展示了电子产品基于持续时间、新颖性和持续消费的假设，如果不是因为现在即将出现的垃圾堆，这些假设可能会被忽视。

The interdisciplinary method of natural history developed in this book not only draws on studies of media, materiality, and technology, as already discussed, but also works through rubbish theories and waste studies, which critically inform this examination of the decay of electronics. The processes of materialization discussed here focus on “what was wasted”[68] in the manufacture, imagining, consumption, and disposal of electronics. The natural history method that emerges in this study is informed by these transformations and migrations to waste. Benjamin's method was, in fact, an early form of rubbish theory, where ruins, transience, fragments, and fossils served as key figures for thinking through exactly what is wasted in processes of materialization. The digital rubbish theory developed here weaves together these theories of waste and materiality in order to examine the material cultures and geographies of electronics through their dissolution.
本书所采用的自然史跨学科方法不仅借鉴了前文所述的媒体、物质性和技术研究，还通过垃圾理论和废弃物研究，对电子产品的衰变进行了批判性研究。这里讨论的物质化过程侧重于电子产品在制造、想象、消费和处置过程中 "被浪费了什么 " [68] 。本研究中出现的自然史方法就是以这些向废弃物的转化和迁移为基础的。本雅明的方法实际上是垃圾理论的早期形式，其中废墟、短暂性、碎片和化石是思考物质化过程中究竟浪费了什么的关键形象。本文提出的数字垃圾理论将这些关于浪费和物质性的理论结合在一起，通过电子产品的解体来研究它们的物质文化和地理学。

Michel Serres asks, “Where do we put the dirt?”[69] Dirt, he suggests, may present another way for considering systems and relations through perceived imperfections. Where is the dirt of electronics? How does dirt inform the making of electronic materials and spaces? Electronic waste presents a crucial case study of dirt, of both how it is generated and where it is distributed. The nature of electronic waste suggests that it may be necessary to sort through the trash at an even finer scale to understand the implications of electronic modes of waste. Electronic waste, moreover, presents a critical subject for reevaluating our relationship with “new media.” Digital technologies are disposable, and data is transient. Yet the rapidity of technological progress leads to enduring and toxic electronic materials. Electronic waste gives rise to a distinctly electronic version of garbology, a digital rubbish theory. Organized into chapters that focus on the previously described fossils and sites, the research that follows considers how remainders—and dirt—may be the most compelling devices for registering the transience of electronic technologies.
米歇尔-塞雷斯问道："我们把泥土放在哪里？ [69] 他认为，"泥土 "可能是通过感知到的不完美来考虑系统和关系的另一种方式。电子产品的污垢在哪里？污垢如何影响电子材料和空间的制造？电子垃圾是研究污垢的一个重要案例，它既涉及污垢的产生方式，也涉及污垢的分布地点。电子垃圾的性质表明，可能有必要对垃圾进行更精细的分类，以了解电子垃圾模式的影响。此外，电子垃圾还是重新评估我们与 "新媒体 "之间关系的一个重要课题。数字技术是一次性的，数据是短暂的。然而，技术的飞速发展导致了电子材料的持久性和毒性。电子垃圾催生了一种独特的电子版服装学，即数字垃圾理论。接下来的研究将以前面描述的化石和遗址为重点，分章节探讨残留物和污垢如何成为记录电子技术短暂性的最有说服力的工具。

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ONE
一

Silicon Elephants
硅大象

THE TRANSFORMATIVE MATERIALITY OF MICROCHIPS
微型芯片的物质变革性

Out of the chip you can in fact untangle the entire planet, on which the subjects and objects are sedimented.
从芯片中，你实际上可以解开整个星球，而主体和客体都沉淀在这个星球上。

—DONNA HARAWAY, “Cyborgs, Coyotes, and Dogs”
-DONNA HARAWAY，"机器人、土狼和狗"

Untangling the Chip
解开芯片

In Palo Alto, California, one can tune the TV set not just to the nightly news and game shows but also to local programming designed to instruct viewers on the finer points of computer systems. A computer system, one such program notes, is comprised of two elements: hardware and software. But here in Silicon Valley, it becomes apparent that the “system” of computing extends across a far wider horizon. In this sprawling landscape of sun and speed, one can detect other formations left over from the advancement of electronic technologies. Yet these formations inevitably fall outside the crisp diagrams that instruct on digital functions. Electronic technologies signal toward a future without residue, but in Silicon Valley, the epicenter of all things digital, one also finds the highest number of Superfund sites within the United States. Many of these sites, now in remediation, are saturated with chemical pollution not from heavy industry but, rather, from the manufacture of electronic components, primarily microchips. At one time, this part of California was founded on gold and the processing of gold ore. Now, however, this region is founded on another element and technology: silicon and microchips.[1] This is a region that grew out of silicon, that mineral bedrock of the digital age. Yet Silicon Valley is located here not necessarily for its wealth of raw materials (as silicon is one of the most abundant elements anywhere in the earth's crust) but for its ability to transform silicon into microchips.
在加利福尼亚州帕洛阿尔托，人们不仅可以收看晚间新闻和游戏节目，还可以收看旨在指导观众了解计算机系统精髓的本地节目。此类节目指出，计算机系统由硬件和软件两部分组成。但在硅谷，计算机 "系统 "的范围显然要宽广得多。在这片充满阳光和速度的广袤土地上，人们可以发现电子技术进步所遗留下来的其他形式。然而，这些形态不可避免地脱离了指导数字功能的清晰图表。电子技术预示着一个没有残留物的未来，但在硅谷这个所有数字事物的中心，人们也发现了美国数量最多的超级基金遗址。这些遗址中的许多目前正在进行修复，它们所饱含的化学污染并非来自重工业，而是来自电子元件（主要是微型芯片）的制造。加利福尼亚州的这一地区曾一度以黄金和金矿加工为生。然而现在，这个地区是建立在另一种元素和技术之上：硅和微型芯片。 [1] 硅是数字时代的基石。然而，硅谷之所以位于此地，并不一定是因为它拥有丰富的原材料（因为硅是地壳中最丰富的元素之一），而是因为它有能力将硅转化为微型芯片。

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From silicon to microchip and from microchip to underground contamination, a complex set of mutations occurs to enable the development of electronic technologies. In the process of microchip manufacture, silicon does not long remain in its raw state but is transformed from ingots of silicon into thin wafers and finally into minute electrical assemblages. These assemblages, microchips, are the hardware that facilitates the transfer of information in the form of electrical signals, or on-off signals.[2] The transmission of information into bits, or binary units that correspond to electrical pulses, requires this composite of silicon, chemicals, metals, plastics, and energy.[3] It would be impossible to separate the zeros and ones of information from the firing of these electrical pulses and the processed silicon through which they course. A miniature device that performs seemingly immaterial operations, the chip, in fact, requires a wealth of material inputs.
从硅到微型芯片，再从微型芯片到地下污染，一系列复杂的变异使电子技术得以发展。在制造微型芯片的过程中，硅不会长期保持原始状态，而是从硅锭变成薄片，最后变成微小的电子组件。这些组合体，即微型芯片，是以电信号或开关信号形式传输信息的硬件。 [2] 将信息转换成比特或与电脉冲相对应的二进制单位，需要硅、化学品、金属、塑料和能源的组合。 [3] 要想将信息的 0 和 1 与这些电脉冲的发射和经过处理的硅分离开来是不可能的。芯片是一个微型装置，可以执行看似非物质的操作，但实际上却需要大量的物质投入。

This chapter “untangles” the chip by mapping the sites of its multiple transformations and by examining the residue that accumulates from these transformations. But microchips—and, by extension, information—have more than just an intricate material substrate in electricity and chemicals, and the scope of transformation from silicon to microchip is not limited just to the transfer of “raw” materials into pervasive electronics. Instead, silicon transforms from integrated circuits into electronic devices, chemical pollution and information overload, technological districts and architectural relics. The chip, as unearthed from manufacturing residues and dredged up in discarded devices, is embedded in complex material and cultural arrangements. By untangling this fossil, I do not arrive at a more discrete description of this technology but, rather, scratch the surface of a device that—despite its apparent simplicity and ubiquity—is exceptionally dense and entangled. I trace the extended contours of the chip in this way in order to begin to describe (though not quite) the “entire planet” in the enfolded layers of silicon and electrons, labor and new economies, contaminated bodies and environments, information and calculation, sprawling architectures and technological imaginaries. The material relations that can be traced through these contours—etched in the charged pathways and buried leftovers of electronics—sediment into this natural history of electronics.
本章通过描绘芯片的多重转化过程，以及研究这些转化过程中积累的残留物，"解开 "芯片的神秘面纱。但是，微芯片--以及由此引申的信息--不仅仅是电力和化学物质的复杂材料基底，从硅到微芯片的转化范围也不仅仅局限于将 "原始 "材料转化为无处不在的电子产品。相反，硅从集成电路转变为电子设备、化学污染和信息过载、技术区和建筑遗迹。从生产残留物中发掘出来的芯片，以及从废弃设备中挖出的芯片，都嵌入了复杂的物质和文化安排之中。通过解开这块化石，我并没有对这一技术做出更多离散的描述，而是从表面上揭开了这一设备的神秘面纱--尽管它看似简单、普遍，但却异常密集、纠缠不清。我以这种方式追溯芯片的延伸轮廓，以便在硅和电子、劳动力和新经济、受污染的身体和环境、信息和计算、不断扩张的建筑和技术想象的层层包裹中，开始描述（尽管不完全是）"整个地球"。通过这些轮廓可以追溯到的物质关系--刻在电子产品的带电路径和埋藏的残留物中--沉淀为电子产品的自然史。

To write this narrative, I do not comprehensively follow all the resource inputs and effects that are added and discarded in the process of chip manufacture;[4] instead, I select moments in the scattered relations Page 25 →of chip manufacture and information processing that resonate as key processes of materialization. This chapter traces the fossilized remains of the chip from manufacture and chemical inputs, through pervasive electronics and information overload, to end in the spatial arrangements and enduring material residues of Silicon Valley. Drawing on historical and contemporary reports of electronics and information technology, as well as descriptions of Superfund sites and the microchip production process, this chapter synthesizes the material and discursive aspects of microchips in order to describe a natural history of electronics that encompasses the abundant and the immaterial, the miniature and the toxic, the futuristic and the fossilized. These electronic proliferations fall outside the usual delineation of computing systems, but they are no less integral to how these technologies perform, materialize, and stack up as irrecoverable remainder.
在撰写这篇叙事时，我并没有全面追踪芯片制造过程中所有的资源投入和增减效应； [4] ，而是在芯片制造和信息处理的零散关系中，选择了一些能引起共鸣的时刻，作为物化的关键过程。本章追溯了芯片的化石遗迹，从制造和化学投入开始，经过无处不在的电子产品和信息超载，最终形成硅谷的空间布局和持久的物质残留。本章借鉴了有关电子和信息技术的历史和当代报道，以及对超级基金遗址和微型芯片生产过程的描述，综合了微型芯片的物质和话语方面，以描述电子产品的自然史，其中包括丰富的和非物质的、微型的和有毒的、未来的和化石的。这些电子产品的增殖不属于计算系统的常规范畴，但它们对于这些技术的性能、物化和堆积成不可复原的剩余物的方式同样不可或缺。

The Chemistry of Speed
速度的化学

During the 1960s, Silicon Valley was home to a number of newly established technology firms that manufactured microchips, printed circuit boards, and developed related technologies that would transform both computers and electronics.[5] The same technology companies that were instrumental to the rise of electronics—from Fairchild Semiconductor to Intel, Raytheon, IBM, and Siemens—contributed over time to the formation of invisible Superfund sites through their widespread use of chemical compounds in the electronics manufacturing process. During and after production, many of these chemical compounds were stored in underground tanks made of metal and fiberglass. These tanks eventually leaked into the surrounding soil and groundwater. When the contamination was detected in the 1980s, it was revealed that tens of thousands of gallons of solvents had been leaking over a span of 10 to 20 years. Beneath the prosperous surface of Silicon Valley were plumes of poisoned groundwater that stretched over three miles long and 180 feet deep.[6] The removal of these underground contaminants continues to this day and may require several more decades of processing in order to reach acceptable levels of decontamination.[7] Chemicals that enabled the abundant manufacture and optimal functioning of microchips had contributed to intensive, long-term pollution.
20 世纪 60 年代，硅谷是许多新兴技术公司的发源地，这些公司生产微芯片、印制电路板，并开发相关技术，从而改变了计算机和电子产品。 [5] 这些对电子产品的崛起起到重要作用的科技公司--从飞兆半导体到英特尔、雷神、IBM 和西门子--由于在电子产品制造过程中广泛使用化学物质，逐渐形成了看不见的超级基金场地。在生产过程中和生产结束后，许多此类化合物被储存在由金属和玻璃纤维制成的地下储罐中。这些储罐最终泄漏到周围的土壤和地下水中。20 世纪 80 年代，当污染被发现时，人们发现在 10 到 20 年的时间里，数万加仑的溶剂已经泄漏。在硅谷繁华的地表下，是绵延三英里长、180 英尺深的有毒地下水。 [6] 清除这些地下污染物的工作一直持续到今天，可能还需要几十年的处理才能达到可接受的净化水平。 [7] 使微型芯片得以大量生产和最佳运作的化学品造成了长期的密集污染。

The same basic process of microchip production prevalent at the start of the electronics industry is still in use today, and while the conditions for chemical transfer and storage have become less precarious, the manufacture Page 26 →of microchips still depends on a vast number of chemical compounds in order to assemble electronically charged devices. Microchip production may begin with the relatively benign and abundant material of silicon, but for silicon to be transformed into a conducting or insulating medium, it must first be chemically purified. This processed silicon is then melted and transformed into a silicon ingot, or rod-shaped piece of silicon, and sliced into thin wafers, the surface of which will be further altered through a chemical and material procedure of insulating and coating, masking, etching, adding layers, doping, creating contacts, adding metal, and completing the wafer. This elaborate and resource-intensive process transforms the conductivity of silicon and creates a grooved template. These charged pathways are the channels for the on-off electrical signals that will fire across and through the assemblage of copper transistors and chemically altered silicon. From this template, the wafers are cut into individual dies and packaged according to their use, from placement on circuit boards to insertion in other electronics, from mobile phones to calculators.[8]
虽然化学物质转移和储存的条件已不再那么不稳定，但微型芯片的制造仍然依赖于大量的化学物质来组装电子设备。微型芯片的生产可以从相对无害和丰富的硅材料开始，但要将硅转化为导电或绝缘介质，首先必须对其进行化学提纯。然后，经过处理的硅被熔化并转化为硅锭（或棒状硅片），再切成薄片，其表面将通过绝缘和涂层、掩蔽、蚀刻、添加层、掺杂、创建触点、添加金属和完成晶片等化学和材料程序进一步改变。这一复杂且资源密集的过程改变了硅的导电性，并形成了一个凹槽模板。这些带电通路是电信号的开关通道，电信号将穿过铜晶体管和经过化学变化的硅的组合体。从这个模板出发，晶圆被切割成单个芯片，并根据用途进行包装，从放置在电路板上到插入其他电子产品（从手机到计算器）。 [8]

From design to manufacture, the typical microchip (as produced at Intel) requires more than 200 workers, two years, and considerable material and chemical inputs to reach completion. The exact chip “recipe,” as Intel terms it, depends on the particular use for the chip, but generally speaking, the input of chemicals, gas, light, and other materials can require up to 300 phases to reach a complete chip.[9] At each stage of the transformation of silicon on its way to microchips, a complex set of chemical and material inputs, together with considerable labor, contributes to the final chip. Many of these material inputs are not reflected in the end electronic product but are instead discarded as part of the hidden resource flows that contribute to electronics. In fact, microchips require far more resources than these miniature devices imply. To produce a two-gram memory microchip, 1.3 kilograms of fossil fuels and materials are required.[10] In this process, just a fraction of the material used to manufacture microchips is actually contained in the final product, with as much as 99 percent of materials used discarded during the production process.[11] Many of these discarded materials are chemicals—contaminating, inert, or even of unidentified levels of toxicity.
典型的微芯片（如英特尔公司生产的芯片）从设计到制造，需要 200 多名工人、两年时间以及大量的材料和化学投入才能完成。英特尔公司所说的芯片 "配方"，取决于芯片的具体用途，但一般来说，化学品、气体、光和其他材料的投入可能需要多达 300 个阶段才能形成完整的芯片。 [9] 在硅向微型芯片转化的每个阶段，都需要投入一系列复杂的化学和材料，再加上大量的劳动力，才能最终形成芯片。其中许多材料投入并没有反映在最终的电子产品中，而是作为电子产品的隐性资源流的一部分被丢弃。事实上，微型芯片所需的资源远比这些微型设备所暗示的要多得多。生产一个 2 克重的存储微芯片需要 1.3 千克化石燃料和材料。 [10] 在这一过程中，用于制造微型芯片的材料只有一小部分真正包含在最终产品中，多达 99% 的材料在生产过程中被丢弃。 [11] 这些被丢弃的材料中，有许多是具有污染性、惰性、甚至毒性不明的化学物质。

Chemicals are primarily used not just to adjust the electrical conductivity of the silicon wafers and to print or etch patterns onto the wafers where electrical circuitry will be placed but also to wash away any impurities or dust that may interfere with the functioning of the circuit. Page 27 →Dust can damage chips irreparably, wedging like boulders into the narrow pathways of transistors, gouging the thin architecture of chips and impeding the flow of electricity. The clean rooms within fabrication facilities (or “fabs”) where microchips are assembled are zones specifically designed to be free of dust, as even the smallest impurity may ruin the minute transistors.[12] Ventilation systems, additional chemicals, ultraviolet light, and metal dust-free surfaces are required in order to achieve these contamination-free clean rooms.[13] Workers, moreover, don uniforms otherwise known as “bunny suits”—not so much to protect themselves from the chemicals but to protect the microchips from the dirt and debris that workers bring into the clean rooms. An uncanny inversion of waste occurs with microchip production, where clean rooms ensure the purity of electronics while simultaneously contributing to the contamination of workers’ bodies, many of whom are low-paid immigrants and women of color. Indeed, it is increasingly suspected that the chemicals used in microchip manufacture cause everything from cancer to birth defects.[14]
化学品的主要用途不仅是调整硅片的导电性，在放置电路的硅片上打印或蚀刻图案，还可以洗去可能影响电路运行的杂质或灰尘。第 27 页 →灰尘会像巨石一样楔入晶体管的狭窄通道，凿穿芯片的薄结构，阻碍电力流动，从而对芯片造成不可修复的损坏。组装微型芯片的制造设施（或称 "晶圆厂"）内的无尘室是专门设计的无尘区域，因为即使是最小的杂质也可能破坏微小的晶体管。 [12] 为了实现这些无污染的无尘室，需要通风系统、额外的化学品、紫外线和金属无尘表面。 [13] 此外，工人还要穿上被称为 "兔子服 "的工作服--与其说是为了保护自己免受化学品的伤害，不如说是为了保护微型芯片免受工人带入无尘室的灰尘和碎屑的伤害。微型芯片生产中出现了一种不可思议的废物倒置现象，无尘室在确保电子产品纯净的同时，也造成了工人身体的污染，而这些工人中很多都是低收入的移民和有色人种妇女。事实上，越来越多的人怀疑，微型芯片生产中使用的化学物质会导致从癌症到先天缺陷等各种疾病。 [14]

The transformation of silicon into an essential material of the information revolution was in part enabled, as evidenced by the Silicon Valley Superfund sites, by an equally momentous revolution in chemicals.[15] Parallel to the electronics industry, there emerged multiple infrastructures and industries developed to supply, process, and dispose of the chemicals used in the manufacture of electronics.[16] In the space of 35 years during and following World War II, the development and manufacture of chemicals in the United States increased from nearly 1 billion pounds in 1940 to 300 billion pounds in 1976.[17] The postwar development of the chemical industry enabled rapid advancements in electronics. The increasing output of chemicals is closely paired with the development of electronics, and the introduction of new chemicals can even enable the basis for new electronic innovations. In this sense, the development of microchips not only depends on chemical compounds to ensure the accurate conductivity of silicon; it further depends on chemical compounds in order to increase conductivity. The terms of constant innovation and doubling of circuit capacity, which are captured by Moore's Law, have a chemical foundation.
正如硅谷超级基金遗址所证明的那样，将硅转化为信息革命的基本材料在一定程度上是由同样重要的化学品革命促成的。 [15] 在电子工业发展的同时，还出现了多种基础设施和工业，用于供应、加工和处理电子产品制造过程中使用的化学品。 [16] 在第二次世界大战期间和战后的 35 年间，美国的化学品开发和制造量从 1940 年的近 10 亿磅增加到 1976 年的 3000 亿磅。 [17] 战后化学工业的发展使电子技术突飞猛进。化学品产量的增加与电子技术的发展密切相关，新化学品的引入甚至可以为新的电子技术创新奠定基础。从这个意义上说，微芯片的开发不仅要依靠化合物来确保硅的精确导电性，还要依靠化合物来提高导电性。摩尔定律所体现的不断创新和电路容量翻番，都是以化学为基础的。

In this unfolding material alchemy, it becomes apparent that a chemical revolution not only enables the information revolution by facilitating the transformation of silicon into charged integrated circuits; it further facilitates the abundance and speed of these technologies. The quicker the transmission required, the more highly processed the silicon must be. Page 28 →Chemical transformations involve more than making apparently “raw” materials usable and efficient within processes of manufacture, however. These transformations are bound up with technological trajectories and imaginings, as well as arrangements of labor, economy, and resources, which together enable the profitable making of unprocessed silicon. Silicon becomes indispensable to Silicon Valley—and the information revolution—through these arrangements. While reference is often made to the quickening of information through digital technologies, it is evident that speed has a necessarily material, cultural, and chemical composition.
在这个不断发展的材料炼金术中，化学革命不仅促进了硅向带电集成电路的转化，从而推动了信息革命，而且还进一步促进了这些技术的丰富性和速度。所需的传输速度越快，硅的加工程度就越高。第 28 页 →然而，化学转化所涉及的不仅仅是使表面上看似 "原材料 "的材料在制造过程中 变得可用和有效。这些转变与技术轨迹和想象，以及劳动、经济和资源的安排息息相关，它们共同促成了未加工硅的生产，并使之有利可图。通过这些安排，硅成为硅谷和信息革命不可或缺的一部分。尽管人们经常提到数字技术加快了信息的传播速度，但显而易见的是，速度必然包含物质、文化和化学成分。

This natural history begins by tracing the remains from the seemingly most basic element of electronics in the form of silicon, but even this initial account makes perceptible how the transformation of silicon into chips enlists an entire inventory of material, environmental, bodily, technological, economic, and political effects. One material, one technology, untangles into entire fields of complexity. The density of a particular material, the histories and spaces within which it assembles, inevitably reveals interconnected narratives.[18] The recent history of electronics can also be read not just through silicon but also through plastics, metals, and any number of chemical compounds. Even with these compound material histories, we would further have to account for the fact that materials are, as cultural theorist Esther Leslie suggests in the context of coal and the Industrial Revolution, “transformative, transitory, non-eternal, productive.”[19] To be productive, materials inevitably enter into processes of alteration, consumption, deformation, and decay. As materials are already tipping toward yet another process of transformation and exist only briefly in a seemingly absolute state, such as coal or silicon, this study of material histories raises the further question of why we should not tell such a history in reverse, by focusing on all that is wasted in the process of these materials coming into and lapsing out of finished and productive states. The material history of silicon and the microchip, that basic electronic component, exists not in an ideal or stable state but through multiple, migratory and transformative materializations. In the alchemy of electronics, silicon is transformed from a relatively common substance into a microchip and from a miniature electronic unit into a massive accumulation of waste.
这部自然史的开端是追溯硅这一看似最基本的电子元件的残骸，但即使是这一开头的描述，也能让人感知到硅转化为芯片的过程是如何产生一系列物质、环境、身体、技术、经济和政治影响的。一种材料，一种技术，会引发整个领域的复杂性。一种特定材料的密度、其组合的历史和空间，不可避免地揭示了相互关联的叙事。 [18] 电子产品的近代史不仅可以通过硅，还可以通过塑料、金属和各种化合物来解读。正如文化理论家埃斯特-莱斯利（Esther Leslie）在谈到煤炭和工业革命时所说的那样，即使是这些复合材料的历史，我们也必须进一步考虑到材料是 "变革性的、过渡性的、非永恒的、生产性的 "这一事实。 [19] 为了具有生产力，材料不可避免地要经历改变、消耗、变形和衰变的过程。由于材料已经趋向于另一种转变过程，并且只是短暂地以一种看似绝对的状态存在，例如煤或硅，这种材料史研究提出了进一步的问题，即为什么我们不应该反过来讲述这样的历史，关注这些材料在进入和脱离成品和生产状态的过程中所浪费的一切。硅和微型芯片（基本电子元件）的物质史并非以理想或稳定的状态存在，而是经历了多重、迁移和转化的物质化过程。 在电子炼金术中，硅从一种相对普通的物质变成了微型芯片，又从一个微型电子装置变成了大量堆积的废料。

Economies of Abundance
丰裕经济

While the substances used in the manufacture of microchips contribute to pollution at both bodily and environmental levels, this condition intensifies Page 29 →with the sheer quantity of microchips manufactured. By the latest estimates, nearly 1 billion transistors “for every man, woman, and child on Earth” were set to be manufactured by the semiconductor industry; other estimates suggest that over 400 billion semiconductors have been manufactured worldwide to date.[20] Electronics manufacturing today is a leading market sector, a fact that is ultimately driven by the ongoing and global expansion of microchip applications. Even with reports of a transition to postindustrial or service economies having taken place in developed countries,[21] manufacturing is still vital to these economies, and this manufacturing is led by the electronics sector, which is one of the largest manufacturing industries—if not the largest—in the world.[22] The information economy is also a manufacturing economy. The appearance of light and resource-free information is, in fact, underpinned by the physical infrastructures of manufacturing. Indeed, one of the primary reasons that manufacturing may be relatively invisible has to do not with the elimination of this sector but, instead, with the offshoring of electronic production facilities. Silicon Valley may even enjoy the status of undergoing “cleanup” because so many of the potentially toxic production activities associated with electronics manufacture now take place in locations as far removed as Taiwan and Malaysia.[23]
尽管制造微型芯片所使用的物质在身体和环境层面上都造成了污染，但随着微型芯片制造数量的激增，这种情况愈演愈烈。据最新估计，"地球上每一个男人、女人和孩子 "将有近 10 亿个晶体管由半导体行业制造；另据估计，迄今为止全世界已制造了 4000 多亿个半导体。 [20] 如今，电子制造业已成为市场的主导部门，而这最终是由微芯片应用在全球范围内的不断扩展所推动的。即使有报道称发达国家已经向后工业经济或服务经济转型， [21] ，制造业对这些国家的经济仍然至关重要，而这一制造业的龙头是电子行业，它是世界上最大的制造业之一，甚至是最大的制造业。 [22] 信息经济也是一种制造业经济。事实上，轻型和无资源信息的出现是由制造业的有形基础设施支撑的。事实上，制造业相对隐蔽的主要原因之一并不是这一行业被淘汰，而是电子生产设施的离岸外包。硅谷甚至可能享有正在进行 "清理 "的地位，因为与电子制造相关的许多可能有毒的生产活动现在都在遥远的台湾和马来西亚进行。 [23]

As electronics become even more pervasive, the dilemma of how to contend with the chemicals and wasted materials that enable their production becomes even more pressing. It is hard to imagine how these miniature technologies can have such an accumulative and hazardous impact. But how did the chip become so pervasive? The microchip, or integrated circuit, developed in 1958, brought together previous advancements in transistors that would revolutionize the electronics industry.[24] Devices that once depended on bulky vacuum tubes to control the firing of electrical pulses could now run on a relatively minute and powerful assemblage of silicon, electrons, and bits. In the early 1970s, as the integrated circuit became even more sophisticated, it developed into the “computer on a chip,” or microprocessor, which allowed for electrical control within a vast array of devices, from pocket calculators to microwave ovens to toys and automobiles. Microprocessors, or microchips, are now in such a wide range of products that personal computers count for only a fraction of all the microchips sold.[25] Indeed, when one enters the temple to electronics in Silicon Valley, Fry's Electronics in Sunnyvale, one sees just how many products depend on microchips for their functioning. Here are can openers and answering machines, irons and stereos, Web cams and toaster ovens, shavers and shredders. Serenading shoppers Page 30 →in this electronics superstore is even an automated player piano, which hammers out its anthems to the microchip.
随着电子产品的日益普及，如何处理生产电子产品所产生的化学品和废弃材料的问题变得更加紧迫。很难想象，这些微型技术怎么会产生如此累积性的有害影响。但是，芯片是如何变得如此普遍的呢？1958 年开发的微型芯片或集成电路，汇集了晶体管领域的前沿技术，彻底改变了电子行业。 [24] 过去依靠笨重的真空管来控制电脉冲发射的设备，现在可以在相对微小、功能强大的硅、电子和比特的组合体上运行。20 世纪 70 年代初，随着集成电路变得更加精密，它发展成为 "芯片上的计算机"，或称微处理器，可以对从袖珍计算器、微波炉到玩具和汽车等各种设备进行电气控制。现在，微处理器或微型芯片已广泛应用于各种产品中，个人电脑只占所有已售微型芯片的一小部分。 [25] 事实上，当人们走进硅谷电子产品的殿堂--位于森尼韦尔的弗莱电子公司时，就会看到有多少产品的功能依赖于微芯片。这里有开罐器和应答机、电熨斗和音响、网络摄像头和烤面包机、剃须刀和碎纸机。在这家电子产品超级市场里，甚至还有一架自动演奏钢琴，为购物者献上小夜曲。

The microchip may have depended on the abundance of silicon and chemicals for its manufacture, but an equally significant “invention” enabled the distribution and proliferation of the microchip. In the 1960s, one of the primary manufacturers of microchips, Fairchild Semiconductor, arrived at a basic strategy that would make microchips available for mass distribution. After significant cuts in military spending on electronics research, Fairchild sought to distribute its integrated circuits within the commercial market. Robert Noyce, then manager at Fairchild (and later cofounder of Intel), made the decision to sell its integrated circuits for less money than the devices actually cost.[26] Noyce calculated that by making integrated circuits pervasive and readily available, electronic products would eventually be redesigned to incorporate these superior and cheaper devices. By producing more integrated circuits, Noyce conjectured, the market would expand so that it would be possible to make a profit not necessarily through cost per unit but through volume and eventual necessity.[27]
微型芯片的制造可能依赖于丰富的硅和化学品，但同样重要的 "发明 "使微型芯片得以销售和扩散。20 世纪 60 年代，微型芯片的主要制造商之一飞兆半导体公司（Fairchild Semiconductor）制定了一项基本战略，使微型芯片得以大规模销售。在大幅削减电子研究方面的军费开支后，飞兆半导体寻求在商业市场上销售其集成电路。时任飞兆半导体公司经理的罗伯特-诺伊斯（后来成为英特尔公司的创始人之一）决定以低于设备实际成本的价格出售集成电路。 [26] 诺伊斯盘算着，通过普及集成电路并使其易于获得，电子产品最终会重新设计，以采用这些性能更优、价格更低的器件。诺伊斯猜想，通过生产更多的集成电路，市场将会扩大，这样就有可能不一定通过单位成本，而是通过数量和最终的必要性来获取利润。 [27]

Through volume, individual circuits would also increasingly cost less to manufacture and purchase. Instead of being a relatively expensive technology used primarily for military purposes, the integrated circuit became a technology available for mass application. Gordon Moore, Noyce's colleague at Fairchild, referred to this strategy of abundance as an “invention” that “established a new technology for the semiconductor industry,” a technology in the form of markets.[28] These technologies and economies of abundance have a direct correlation to Moore's Law, penned by Gordon Moore in a paper originally forecasting that the number of transistors on integrated circuits would double every 18 to 24 months and thereby effectively double processing speed. This law has become a nearly inviolable principle for the rate of electronics advancement.[29] Moore's Law constitutes a code and duration for continual increases in the speed of processing. It is the technological instantiation of ongoing and even exponential growth. Such growth inevitably has material and informational dimensions, as the doubling of capacity translates into more chemicals, more devices, and more information—and more waste.[30] In the Intel Museum in Santa Clara, California, a “Microprocessor Hall of Fame” records these steady advances in the form of historic, outdated chips that document the decreasing size and increasing capabilities of computing power. Spanning from the 4004, Page 31 →Intel's first microprocessor, developed in 1971 with only 2,300 transistors, to the Intel Itanium processor, developed in 2005 with over 1 billion transistors, these chips gleam as fossilized remains, bearing the inscriptions of technological advance.
通过批量生产，单个电路的制造和采购成本也越来越低。集成电路不再是一种主要用于军事目的的相对昂贵的技术，而是一种可大规模应用的技术。诺伊斯在飞兆半导体公司的同事戈登-摩尔（Gordon Moore）将这一丰富战略称为一项 "发明"，"为半导体行业确立了一项新技术"，一项以市场为形式的技术。 [28] 戈登-摩尔（Gordon Moore）在一篇论文中指出，集成电路上的晶体管数量每 18 到 24 个月就会增加一倍，从而有效地将处理速度提高一倍。这一定律已成为电子技术发展速度的一个几乎不可侵犯的原则。 [29] 摩尔定律是不断提高处理速度的准则和期限。它是持续增长甚至指数增长的技术实例。这种增长不可避免地涉及到物质和信息层面，因为能力的翻倍意味着更多的化学物质、更多的设备和更多的信息，以及更多的浪费。 [30] 在位于加利福尼亚州圣克拉拉的英特尔博物馆中，一座 "微处理器名人堂 "以历史悠久的过时芯片的形式记录了这些稳步发展的过程，这些芯片记录了计算能力的不断减小和增强。从 1971 年开发的只有 2300 个晶体管的 4004 → 英特尔首款微处理器，到 2005 年开发的拥有超过 10 亿个晶体管的英特尔 Itanium 处理器，这些芯片就像化石一样闪闪发光，铭刻着技术进步的足迹。

This shift toward volume as well as steady advances in processing speed, the “invention” of a technology and economy of abundance, helped to make Fairchild (and subsequently Intel) a primary producer of microchips.[31] Both Noyce's strategy to saturate markets with microchips in order to allow an emerging technology to take hold and Moore's reference to this strategy as a technology or invention in its own right suggest that new economies emerge concomitant with new technologies.[32] New economies, together with new arrangements of labor, altered material and chemical inputs, and spatial distributions, help to create the very conditions through which a technology can take hold, persist, and even become seemingly natural. The emergence of these new economies and related infrastructures requires more than the deliberate intentions of actors or inventors, however, and as I suggest in this study, these material sedimentations can perform in unexpected ways, particularly as they accumulate toward conditions of waste and overload. Furthermore, the imaginings of and strategic discourses describing pervasiveness are as crucial to understanding the processes of microchip development and materialization as is the emergence of economies that enable such pervasiveness.
这种向批量生产的转变以及处理速度的稳步提升，即一种技术和丰富经济的 "发明"，帮助飞兆公司（以及随后的英特尔公司）成为微芯片的主要生产商。 [31] 诺伊斯的战略是用微型芯片使市场饱和，以便让新兴技术站稳脚跟，而摩尔则将这一战略本身视为一种技术或发明，这表明新经济与新技术同时出现。 [32] 新经济与新的劳动力安排、改变了的材料和化学投入以及空间分布一起，帮助创造了技术得以立足、持续发展，甚至变得看似自然的条件。然而，这些新经济和相关基础设施的出现需要的不仅仅是行动者或发明者的蓄意意图，正如我在本研究中所提出的，这些物质沉淀物会以意想不到的方式发挥作用，尤其是当它们积累到浪费和超负荷的状态时。此外，描述普遍性的想象和战略论述对于理解微型芯片的开发和物质化过程至关重要，就像促成这种普遍性的经济的出现一样。

Pervasiveness of microchips—and, by extension, pervasiveness of electronic devices—was then part of the design and imagining of chips, and this was not just so at Fairchild and Intel. In 1964, Patrick Haggerty, head of Texas Instruments at the time, forecast that electronics would become completely common “if the vexing technical problems related to reliability and containment of fabrication costs are overcome.”[33] By successfully overcoming technical constraints, it would be possible to achieve a positive feedback loop where electronics contributed to their own proliferation. This is what Haggerty referred to as “the ultimate pervasive character of electronics,” where electronics would become so ordinary that there would be no aspect of society that was not in some way informed by electronic processing.[34] Indeed, as this study notes, microchips of all types are now embedded in everything from computers to consumer electronics to control systems.
微型芯片的普及--推而广之，电子设备的普及--是当时芯片设计和想象的一部分，而这并不仅仅发生在飞兆半导体和英特尔公司。1964 年，当时的德州仪器公司（Texas Instruments）负责人帕特里克-哈格蒂（Patrick Haggerty）预测，"如果能克服与可靠性和控制制造成本有关的棘手技术问题"，电子产品将完全普及。 [33] 通过成功克服技术限制，电子产品将有可能实现正反馈循环，从而促进其自身的普及。这就是哈格蒂所说的 "电子产品的终极普及特性"，电子产品将变得如此普通，以至于社会的任何方面都离不开电子处理。 [34] 事实上，正如本研究报告所指出的，从计算机、消费电子产品到控制系统，各种类型的微芯片现在都已嵌入其中。

The miniature microchip developed in a brief period in the 1960s to the early 1970s, to emerge in the mass quantities and pervasive uses common Page 32 →today. But the pervasiveness of electronics occurs not just through material resources, chemical revolutions, cheap labor, the mass distribution of microchips, or even the lack of technical constraints; it also takes hold through the conversion of nearly everything, from media to human memory, into information. Electronic information technologies facilitate the digitalization of a vast array of media and data, such that almost anything can now be accounted for and transmitted in terms of informational bits, or zeros and ones. The proliferation of microchips, in other words, correlates with the proliferation of information. Yet both forms of proliferation have corresponding forms of waste, from chemical contamination to information overload. Strangely enough, because the waste generated from microchips is so often invisible, it is perhaps through information overload—a seemingly more immaterial condition—that we can begin to gauge the complex transformations that accompany digitalization.
微型芯片在 20 世纪 60 年代到 70 年代初的短短时间内发展起来，到今天的大量出现和广泛应用。但是，电子技术的普及不仅是通过物质资源、化学革命、廉价劳动力、微型芯片的大规模传播，甚至是缺乏技术限制来实现的；它还通过将从媒体到人类记忆的几乎所有东西转化为信息来实现。电子信息技术促进了大量媒体和数据的数字化，现在几乎任何东西都可以用信息比特（或 0 和 1）来计算和传输。换句话说，微型芯片的扩散与信息的扩散相关联。然而，这两种形式的扩散都会产生相应形式的废物，从化学污染到信息超载。奇怪的是，由于微型芯片产生的废弃物往往是无形的，我们或许可以通过信息超载--一种看似更非物质的条件--来开始衡量伴随数字化而来的复杂变化。

Digitalization: The Midas Touch
数字化：迈达斯之触

When engineers and mathematicians Claude Shannon and Warren Weaver wrote their classic text, The Mathematical Theory of Communication, on information theory in 1949, they were concerned with defining a measure of information—the binary digit, or bit, that could be readily used within electrical devices.[35] Cautioning that their definition—which encoded information through the on-off pulsing of electrical signals—should only apply to limited technical situations, their model instead came to serve as the predominant interpretation of information as a unit free from meaning and context.[36] From this model of efficient and all-encompassing information, nearly everything came to be rendered in terms of information, from organism to economy. As though under the spell of Midas, who had the mythic ability to turn anything he touched into gold,[37] digital devices have the ability to transform anything encountered into some register of information. The management of information through digitalization establishes a standard medium and mode of measure, with an extensive capacity of assimilation. From sensation to speech, information, as a universal standard, in some ways even constitutes a new currency.[38] With nearly everything now rendered in terms of information, the question is whether anything actually falls outside of information, or is undigitizable. What are the limits to digital absorption, and what is the fallout from such complete assimilation?
当工程师兼数学家克劳德-香农（Claude Shannon）和沃伦-韦弗（Warren Weaver）于 1949 年撰写关于信息论的经典著作《通信数学理论》（The Mathematical Theory of Communication）时，他们关注的是如何定义信息的度量单位--二进制位或比特（bit），以便在电气设备中使用。 [35] 他们警告说，他们的定义--通过电信号的通断脉冲来编码信息--只适用于有限的技术情况，但他们的模型却成为对信息的主要解释，即信息是一个没有意义和上下文的单位。 [36] 从这种高效、包罗万象的信息模式出发，从生物到经济，几乎所有事物都可以用信息来描述。 [37] 数字设备就像中了米达斯的魔咒，神话中的米达斯有能力把他接触到的任何东西变成黄金，而数字设备则有能力把遇到的任何东西变成某种信息。通过数字化对信息进行管理，建立了一种标准的媒介和衡量方式，具有广泛的吸收能力。从感觉到语言，信息作为一种通用标准，在某些方面甚至构成了一种新的货币。 [38] 现在，几乎所有的东西都以信息的形式呈现，问题是，是否有任何东西实际上超出了信息的范围，或者是不可数字化的。数字化吸收的极限是什么，这种完全同化的后果又是什么？

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The bit, as defined by Shannon and Weaver, is an ideal communication device and strategy of control and efficiency. It maximizes channel capacity and the speed of communication. But this use of information has a longer history, where information has repeatedly been used as a device to control conditions of overload. Indeed, the “information society” emerged, as communications scholar James Beniger argues, “in response to the nineteenth-century crisis of control.”[39] The accelerated rates of production that arose with mechanized industry brought about a rising need to manage production, monitor supply and consumption, and coordinate distribution. Information and communication were central to establishing control over increased production and became strategies for coordinating and distributing goods and monitoring labor.[40]
根据香农和韦弗的定义，比特是一种理想的通信设备和控制与效率策略。它最大限度地提高了信道容量和通信速度。但信息的这一用途历史悠久，信息曾多次被用作控制过载状况的工具。事实上，正如传播学者詹姆斯-贝尼格（James Beniger）所言，"信息社会 "的出现 "是对十九世纪控制危机的回应"。 [39] 随着机械化工业的发展，生产速度加快，管理生产、监控供应和消费以及协调分配的需求也随之上升。信息和通信是建立对生产增长的控制的核心，并成为协调和分配商品以及监控劳动力的战略。 [40]

The management of information involves the application of technologies that control yet contribute to the problem of proliferation. The threat of overload can give rise to adaptation and innovation, where new technologies are required to trawl through all the new data. In the loop from crisis of proliferation to crisis of control, excess data gives way to technologies for managing that excess.[41] Electronics could be located in this loop, as technologies that, on one level, improved the efficiency of calculation and communication. Yet these technologies also operate as technologies of excess; they are the very devices through which we can trace emerging forms of proliferation. This is the dilemma of information, where the line between information and entropy is a thin one.[42] Information technologies contribute to the very proliferation they attempt to manage.[43]
信息管理涉及到技术的应用，这些技术可以控制信息的扩散，但也会助长信息的扩散。超载的威胁可能会导致适应和创新，在这种情况下需要新的技术来搜索所有新的数据。在从扩散危机到控制危机的循环中，过量的数据催生了管理过量数据的技术。 [41] 电子技术可以被归入这一循环，因为它们在某种程度上提高了计算和通信的效率。然而，这些技术同时也是过剩技术；我们可以通过它们追踪新出现的扩散形式。这就是信息的两难处境，信息与熵之间的界限很薄。 [42] 信息技术助长了它们试图管理的扩散。 [43]

The flood of information is both a consequence of and contributor to the pervasiveness of electronics. From speculation about what could be achieved through widespread use of electronics in the 1960s, to the introduction of the first integrated circuit used in the pocket calculator in 1971, to the development and increasing use of home and office desktop computers in the 1980s, the proliferation of these devices arose parallel with new languages—and even philosophies—for analyzing electronic information. The pervasiveness of electronic technologies may even contribute, through sheer quantity, to changes in the movement and definition of knowledge. In language that could be read as symptomatic of its subject, Jean François Lyotard suggested in his government-commissioned study on information, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, that “the proliferation of information-processing machines” would contribute to changes in the “circulation of learning” and in what counts as “knowledge statements.”[44] In Lyotard's assessment, the amount Page 34 →of information and its devices in circulation could transform cultures of knowledge. More information may require more technologies of storage and processing. Proliferation becomes a structuring and dynamic feature of information and electronics, and similarly informs the language and theories used to assess the effects of these new technologies. Such a transformation does not just occur at the level of structural definitions of information and knowledge but also involves new materialities and technologies for processing large quantities of information in order to generate knowledge.
信息泛滥既是电子技术普及的结果，也是电子技术普及的促成因素。从 20 世纪 60 年代对广泛使用电子产品所能实现的目标的猜测，到 1971 年第一台用于袖珍计算器的集成电路的问世，再到 20 世纪 80 年代家用和办公台式电脑的开发和日益广泛的使用，这些设备的普及与分析电子信息的新语言甚至新哲学同时出现。电子技术的普及甚至可能通过数量上的优势，促进知识的流动和定义的变化。让-弗朗索瓦-利奥塔（Jean François Lyotard）在其受政府委托撰写的信息研究报告《后现代状况》（The Postmodern Condition：一份关于知识的报告》中提出，"信息处理机器的普及 "将促使 "学习的循环 "和 "知识陈述 "发生变化。 [44] 根据利奥塔的评估，信息及其流通设备的数量会改变知识文化。更多的信息可能需要更多的存储和处理技术。扩散成为信息和电子产品的一个结构性动态特征，同样也影响着评估这些新技术影响的语言和理论。这种转变不仅发生在信息和知识的结构定义层面，而且还涉及到处理大量信息以产生知识的新的物质性和技术。

The terms overload and explosion often emerge in attempts to capture the increase in information that has accompanied the burgeoning industry in microchips and the increasingly pervasive presence of electronics. Any number of studies refers to “data smog” or “communications glut” to describe the increase of digital devices and media.[45] The material and discursive features of electronics are intertwined, so that technologies of volume become inseparable from the language of volume. Rhetoric—as much as hardware—becomes a critical type of fossil to collect and study in this natural history. Recent reports on the status of information reveal the extent of this discourse, where attempts to calculate the growth in digital technologies and communications media arrive at estimates that are nothing less than exponential.
超载和爆炸这两个词经常出现在试图描述伴随着微芯片产业的蓬勃发展和电子产品的日益普及而出现的信息增长。许多研究都用 "数据烟雾 "或 "通信过剩 "来描述数字设备和媒体的增长。 [45] 电子产品的物质特征和话语特征交织在一起，因此体积技术与体积语言密不可分。在这一自然史中，修辞与硬件一样，成为了需要收集和研究的重要化石类型。最近关于信息现状的报告揭示了这一论述的范围，试图计算数字技术和通信媒体的增长，得出的估计数字不亚于指数。

In this light, a study titled “How Much Information”—initially conducted during 2000–2003 at the University of California, Berkeley, then later based, for updating and revision, at the University of California, San Diego—intended to calculate and measure the breadth and depth of the digitally induced explosion by documenting increases in media and information.[46] As its title suggests, the report strove to measure not just information but also its apparent boundlessness. In attempting to assess the scope of information-based growth, the authors of this study arrived at a methodology that intended to “measure only the volume of information, not the quality of information in a given format or its utility for different purposes.”[47] Because all media contain some aspect of “information,” a common standard of measurement is necessary in order to tabulate all extant information. Since most new information is created, transmitted, and stored in digital format—what the study's authors refer to as the “dominance of the digital”—the authors decided that digital measurements would be the best gauge of this explosion.
有鉴于此，一项名为 "有多少信息 "的研究--最初于 2000-2003 年期间在加利福尼亚大学伯克利分校进行，后来在加利福尼亚大学圣地亚哥分校进行更新和修订--旨在通过记录媒体和信息的增长来计算和测量数字爆炸的广度和深度。 [46] 正如其标题所示，该报告不仅要测量信息，还要测量其明显的无限性。在试图评估基于信息的增长范围时，本研究报告的作者采用了一种方法，旨在 "只衡量信息量，而不衡量特定格式的信息质量或其对不同目的的实用性"。 [47] 由于所有媒体都包含 "信息 "的某些方面，因此有必要制定一个共同的衡量标准，以便将所有现存信息制成表格。由于大多数新信息都是以数字格式创建、传输和存储的--研究报告的作者称之为 "数字的主导地位"--因此作者决定，数字测量将是衡量这种爆炸性增长的最佳标准。

Digital measurement appears to be the best means to capture the information explosion; yet it is possible to extend this measurement one step Page 35 →further. The authors of “How Much Information” decided that terabytes would be the ideal unit for measuring information. Terabytes are useful not just because they are a digital mode of measure but also because they are an abundant degree of measure—1,000,000,000,000 bytes, or a thousand times more bytes than a gigabyte. Yet all the terabytes of new information each year require yet another standard of composite measure, the exabyte—1,000,000,000,000,000,000 bytes. The scale of these digital measurements captures the incredible volume of information produced annually. Yet at the same time that terabytes and exabytes aid in recording the volume of information, digital devices continue to enable even new levels of voluminous production, storage, and transmission. To take just one example, “How Much Information” finds that the number of photographs taken in any given year is estimated to be more than 80 billion. With the aid of digital cameras, image phones, and various instruments of duplication, the capture and transfer into digital format is instantaneous. Working within these digital measures, the authors estimate that all “information stored on paper, film, optical, and magnetic media totals about 5 exabytes of new information each year.”[48] Yet stored information is only a fraction—one-third—of all information that is in circulation, whether in the form of telephone or Internet transmissions, which the authors estimate totals 17.7 exabytes annually.[49]
数字测量似乎是捕捉信息爆炸的最佳手段；然而，这种测量方法还可以再进一步。信息量有多大》一书的作者认为，TB 是衡量信息的理想单位。太字节之所以有用，不仅因为它是一种数字计量模式，还因为它是一种丰富的计量单位--1,000,000,000,000 个字节，或比千兆字节多一千倍。然而，每年新增的所有 TB 级信息又需要另一种综合度量标准，即埃字节（exabyte-1,000,000,000,000,000,000）。这些数字测量标准的规模反映了每年产生的令人难以置信的信息量。然而，就在 TB 和 exB 帮助记录信息量的同时，数字设备也在不断将信息量的生产、存储和传输推向新的高度。仅举一例，"信息量有多大 "一书发现，任何一年拍摄的照片数量估计都超过 800 亿张。借助数码相机、图像电话和各种复制工具，照片的拍摄和数字格式的传输都是瞬间完成的。根据这些数字措施，作者估计，"每年存储在纸张、胶片、光学和磁性媒体上的所有信息总计约为 5 艾字节的新信息"。 [48] "然而，存储的信息只是所有流通信息的三分之一，无论是以电话还是互联网传输的形式，作者估计每年的信息总量为 17.7 艾字节。 [49]

Everything in the air, over the wires, stacked up in libraries, or collected on home digital cameras becomes a potential source of new information to be measured. “Brand-new” information also features as worthy of measure, but in this sense, the aforementioned study does not consider how much information may be redundant or duplicated. The preoccupation with measuring volumes of information flattens existing media and diversity of formats and makes information “new” simply through the acts of digital translation and measurement. The digital is central not just for its new production and ease of measurement but also for the conversions that it allows—namely, that everything can be captured within that universal machine, the digital format. To compute is to calculate. The pairing of digital technologies with enhanced powers of measurement and calculation is more than a technological advance; it informs the very operation of these technologies.[50] An attempt to control and manage a digital explosion through measurement, “How Much Information” contributes to that explosion through its inevitable bias toward calculation. In attempting to capture the volume of information growth, the study conveys the quality of quantity, where the self-reinforcing Page 36 →and accumulative tendencies of calculation contribute to altered organizational and material arrangements. With such strategies of measurement, excess calculation may further give way to new qualities and standards of measurement, where calculation enables ever-shifting, rematerializing practices.[51]
空气中的一切、电线上的一切、图书馆里堆积的一切、家用数码相机中收集的一切，都有可能成为需要测量的新信息源。"全新的 "信息也值得衡量，但在这个意义上，上述研究并没有考虑有多少信息可能是多余或重复的。对测量信息量的关注使现有媒体和格式的多样性变得扁平化，仅仅通过数字转换和测量行为就使信息 "全新"。数字化的核心不仅在于其新的生产方式和测量的简便性，还在于它所允许的转换--即一切都可以通过通用机器--数字格式来捕捉。计算就是计算。数字技术与更强的测量和计算能力的结合不仅仅是技术上的进步，它还影响着这些技术的运行。 [50] 信息量有多大》试图通过测量来控制和管理数字爆炸，它不可避免地偏向于计算，从而助长了数字爆炸。在试图捕捉信息增长量的过程中，该研究传达了量的质量，即计算的自我强化第 36 页→和累积趋势导致了组织和物质安排的改变。有了这样的测量策略，过量的计算可能会进一步让位于新的测量质量和标准，在这种情况下，计算会促成不断变化的再物质化实践。 [51]

With the “dominance of the digital,” there is a tendency not just to calculate to the point of excess but also to compress more media and material into compact digital formats. Compression does not just consist of minimizing file sizes and lowering resolution of already digital media; it also involves shearing off the unwieldy and bulky aspects of less-compact media, from volumes of books to reams of paper and reels of film. As the authors of “How Much Information” remark, the “common standard of comparison” used to assess media types also involves the problem of determining a comparable “level of compression” across media formats, where the resolution of a book might correspond equally to the resolution of a telephone conversation. Through the levels of compression used in their study, “a small novel” becomes equivalent to one megabyte of information, while “a pickup truck filled with books” compares to one gigabyte of information. At the top end of the spectrum, “all words ever spoken by human beings” equal five exabytes.[52] Pickup trucks, moving vans, and entire libraries condense into digital formats of storage and measurement; yet through compression, an enormous rise in information volumes occurs. As of 2003, the last year the “How Much Information” study was updated, estimates of total new information produced each year reached over 22 exabytes. The study set out to estimate the amount of information produced annually and found that figures in 1999 were obsolete by 2003. In this sense, the study occupies a transitory position, as its findings must be constantly updated in order to capture just how rapidly information is growing. What these constantly renewed numbers reveal is just how difficult it is to measure—to classify and stabilize—the information explosion. This is an explosion that we are compelled to measure and contain because digital devices seem an ideal technology for ordering media through calculation. Yet digital devices appear to contribute to the very explosion they measure.
随着 "数字的主导地位"，人们不仅倾向于过量计算，而且还倾向于将更多的媒 体和资料压缩成紧凑的数字格式。压缩不仅仅是将文件大小最小化和降低数字媒体的分辨率，还包括将不太紧凑的媒体（从大量的书籍到成卷的纸张和胶卷）中笨重的部分剪掉。正如《信息量有多大》一书的作者所言，用于评估媒体类型的 "通用比较标准 "也涉及到确定不同媒体格式之间可比 "压缩水平 "的问题，在这种情况下，一本书的分辨率可能与电话交谈的分辨率相当。通过他们研究中使用的压缩级别，"一本小小说 "相当于 1 兆字节的信息，而 "一辆装满书籍的皮卡车 "则相当于 1 千兆字节的信息。在最高级别，"人类曾经说过的所有话语 "相当于 5 艾字节。 [52] 皮卡车、货车和整个图书馆都浓缩为数字格式的存储和测量；然而，通过压缩，信息量却出现了巨大的增长。截至 2003 年，即 "有多少信息 "研究报告更新的最后一年，估计每年产生的新信息总量超过 22 艾字节。这项研究旨在估算每年产生的信息量，结果发现 1999 年的数字到 2003 年已经过时。从这个意义上说，该研究处于过渡地位，因为它的研究结果必须不断更新，才能反映出信息增长的速度有多快。 这些不断更新的数字所揭示的是，信息爆炸是多么难以测量、分类和稳定。我们不得不对这种爆炸进行测量和控制，因为数字设备似乎是通过计算对媒体进行排序的理想技术。然而，数字设备似乎恰恰助长了它们所测量的爆炸。

The flights of numerical imagining that digital technologies enable have more than a recent history, however. In his classic 1945 text “As We May Think,” computing pioneer Vannevar Bush discusses the possibilities for collapsing media, such as film and books, to a miniscule size with technologies of compression. Bush proposed a technology that took the Page 37 →form of what he called the “Memex,” a technique for compressing and accessing vast stores of information. In the process of elaborating on the benefits of technologies of compression, he writes,
然而，数字技术所带来的数字想象的飞跃并非近代才有。计算机先驱范内瓦-布什（Vannevar Bush）在其 1945 年的经典著作《As We May Think》中讨论了利用压缩技术将电影和书籍等媒体压缩到极小尺寸的可能性。布什提出了一种技术，即他所称的 "Memex"，一种压缩和访问大量信息存储的技术。在阐述压缩技术的好处时，他写道

The Encyclopedia Britannica could be reduced to the volume of a matchbox. A library of a million volumes could be compressed into one end of a desk. If the human race has produced since the invention of movable type a total record, in the form of magazines, newspapers, books, tracts, advertising blurbs, correspondence, having a volume corresponding to a billion books, the whole affair, assembled and compressed, could be lugged off in a moving van.[53]
大英百科全书》可以缩小到火柴盒大小。一百万卷的图书馆可以压缩到书桌的一端。如果人类自发明活字印刷术以来，以杂志、报纸、书籍、小册子、广告短讯、信件等形式产生了一个总记录，其容量相当于十亿本书，那么整个事情，经过组装和压缩，可以用一辆移动货车拖走。 [53]

Bush describes an economy of scale—compression—that moves parallel to an economy of abundance. Instead of minute technologies accumulating toward the saturation point, this is an inverse form of saturation that takes place through the compression of information to its most minute form. A cost-saving technique, a mode of measurement, and, more commonly today, a mode of preservation, compression also makes room for more information to be generated. As Bush notes in his essay, these technologies of compression allow the most information to be stored and transmitted efficiently, which enables increased production and distribution. The compression and storage of millions of bits of information ultimately allows for the production of billions.[54]
布什描述了一种规模经济--压缩经济--与丰富经济并行发展。这不是微小技术向饱和点的积累，而是通过将信息压缩到最微小的形式来实现饱和的反向形式。压缩是一种节约成本的技术，也是一种测量方式，如今更常见的是一种保存方式，同时也为更多信息的产生留出了空间。正如布什在文章中指出的那样，这些压缩技术可以有效地存储和传输最多的信息，从而提高产量和发行量。压缩和存储数百万比特的信息最终可以产生数十亿比特的信息。 [54]

Compression establishes the scale of implosion, which differs from explosion in that it reorders the qualities of an already saturated medium or situation. Saturation, a rushing inward rather than just a dispersing outward to occupy distant terrain, aptly characterizes this era of electric intensity. The growth of media, the condition of overload, is as much a media implosion as a media explosion. Implosion is “compressional.” It is involving, rather than enlarging or expansive.[55] Implosion is no longer a question of extending to the unknown edges; it is amplifying the intensity of the already mapped. With implosion, media and material are worked and reworked, concentrated and differentiated. Compressing all media into a standard but proliferating unit of information involves removing those material structures and spaces that may, in the end, have facilitated the very way in which we access that information.
压缩确立了内爆的规模，而内爆与爆炸的不同之处在于，它对已经饱和的媒介或环境的特质进行了重新排序。饱和，是一种向内的冲撞，而不仅仅是向外的分散，以占据遥远的地域，恰如其分地描述了这个电子强度的时代。媒体的增长，超负荷的状态，既是媒体的内爆，也是媒体的爆炸。内爆是 "压缩性的"。它是涉及性的，而不是扩大性或扩张性的。 [55] 内爆不再是一个向未知边缘延伸的问题，而是在放大已经映射的强度。通过内爆，媒体和材料被加工和再加工，被集中和分化。将所有媒体压缩成一个标准但却不断增殖的信息单位，需要移除那些物质结构和空间，而这些结构和空间最终可能会促进我们获取信息的方式。

Often, with intense quantities of information, seemingly more archaic material structures allow for the easiest access and transmission of vast stores of digital information. Because rates of digital transmission still Page 38 →lag well behind the quantity of information that can be stored and generated on digital devices, computer scientists are known to mail entire hard drives through the post, as it is a more efficient way to deliver terabytes of information.[56] The return to palpable and even predigital material structures to carry digital data is in many ways implosive. This is an informational world that has been entered into digital format; its expanses have been charted and captured. But the means of accessing and transmitting data occurs by reinserting that data into existing physical infrastructures. Calculation not only may be self-reinforcing—the quality of quantity—but may also create other material arrangements and relationships that emerge through, but also exceed, devices of measurement.[57]
在信息量巨大的情况下，看似更古老的物质结构往往更容易获取和传输大量的数字信息。由于数字传输速率仍然远远落后于数字设备所能存储和生成的信息量，众所周知，计算机科学家通过邮局邮寄整个硬盘驱动器，因为这是更有效地传递 TB 级信息的方式。 [56] 从许多方面来看，回归可感知的甚至是前数字化的物质结构来承载数字数据都是内爆性的。这是一个以数字格式输入的信息世界，它的广阔已经被描绘和捕捉。但是，获取和传输数据的手段是将数据重新植入现有的物质基础设施。计算不仅可以自我强化--数量的质量，还可以创造其他物质安排和关系，这些安排和关系通过测量设备出现，但也超越了测量设备。 [57]

While this discussion of information overload may seem remote from the unwieldy and extensive remainders of electronic waste in the form of abandoned computers and other discarded electronics, it is, in fact, an integral part of the processes of electronic materialization. The imagining of relatively malleable and even immaterial structures of information could, in many ways, be seen to enable proliferation and to set in play economies of abundance for which resources and labor appear to be of little consequence.[58] The proliferation of information informs material processes. Abundant information requires electronic devices and chemicals, information economies and landscapes. In the last section of this chapter, I return to the landscape of Silicon Valley to consider the extent of these material infrastructures that keep in motion so many imaginary moving vans of substance-free information.
尽管这种关于信息超载的讨论似乎与以废弃电脑和其他被丢弃的电子产品为形式的电子垃圾的大量残留相去甚远，但事实上，它是电子物质化进程的一个组成部分。对相对可塑甚至非物质的信息结构的想象，在许多方面可以被视为促成了信息的扩散，并使资源和劳动力似乎无关紧要的富裕经济开始发挥作用。 [58] 信息的扩散为物质过程提供了信息。丰富的信息需要电子设备和化学品、信息经济和景观。在本章的最后一节，我将回到硅谷的景观中，思考这些物质基础设施的范围，这些物质基础设施让许多想象中的无物质信息流动车得以运转。

Environmental Overload
环境超载

Overload-informed material transformations span from the proliferation of microchips, to the apparent immateriality of excess information, to the spread of technological districts. The vestiges from silicon transformation are to be found not just in the form of bits but also at the scale of landscapes, such as Silicon Valley. Overload, moreover, is a condition that not only afflicts information but also is relevant to environments. As a concept, overload initially meant conditions of environmental excess.[59] Today, environmental overload might include not just excessive (urban) stimuli but also ecosystems at capacity, landscapes marked by saturated soil and groundwater, and sites of maximum economic development and accumulation. In the same way that informational overload is paired with continual strategies for contending with proliferation, environmental Page 39 →overload exists alongside accompanying strategies for dealing with saturation.
从微型芯片的扩散，到过剩信息的非物质性，再到技术区的扩散，超载带来的物质变革无处不在。硅变革的残余不仅以比特的形式存在，还以硅谷等景观的规模存在。此外，超载不仅是一种困扰信息的状况，也与环境有关。作为一个概念，超载最初指的是环境过剩的状况。 [59] 如今，环境超载可能不仅包括过度的（城市）刺激，还包括处于容量状态的生态系统、以饱和土壤和地下水为特征的景观，以及经济发展和积累达到极致的地点。就像信息超载与应对扩散的持续策略相伴而生一样，环境超载也与应对饱和的策略相伴而生。

Silicon Valley is a landscape so contingent on digital technologies that it could almost appear to be a “virtual geography”[60]—an environment informed as much by the imagining of and through digital technologies as it is by their actual manufacture and development. But this relationship between the digital and the geographic again reveals not the elimination of spatial or material resources but, rather, the distinct material inscriptions and geographic arrangements that occur in landscapes oriented toward the development of electronic technology. In my mapping of the 29 Silicon Valley Superfund sites, those residual spaces from microchip production, I crossed the trail of interconnected microchip fabs and recyclers of chemical barrels and drums. EPA plans and sections detail the extent, both in time and space, of the chemical spread, across decades and into the aquifer. In among these sites, wasted relics of chemical barrels and electronic appliances shore up Silicon Valley parking lots. Netscape Headquarters is a model project in this collection of sites, the location of a successful remediation cleanup from previous pollution by Fairchild Semiconductor.[61] Scattered within this space and visible across the intricate freeway exchanges (six to eight lanes of dense traffic) are vast sprawling parking lots marked with corporate logos, in some cases tens of meters tall—Adobe, Intel, Yahoo! Aerial images of this landscape indicate landfills and salt evaporation ponds, a savanna-edge landscape that is characterized by patches of brown and irrigated green. At the street level, there are miles of spaceship-shaped office buildings, palm trees, turf grass, and asphalt, scattered together with mini-malls, fast-food restaurants, and chain hotels with virtual blue swimming pools. Bungalows house the working class and millionaires alike, albeit at radically different prices, depending on the location of the real estate.[62] Silicon Valley is an extensive, developed, and resource-intensive environment. Information, in all its fleeting immateriality, bears a direct relationship to this landscape.
硅谷是一个如此依赖于数字技术的景观，以至于它几乎可以被看做是一个 "虚拟地理 " [60] --一个通过对数字技术的想象和数字技术的实际制造和发展而形成的环境。但是，数字与地理之间的这种关系再次揭示的不是空间或物质资源的消失，而是在以电子技术发展为导向的景观中出现的独特的物质铭刻和地理安排。在绘制 29 个硅谷超级基金遗址（即微芯片生产的残留空间）的地图时，我穿过了相互连接的微芯片工厂和化学品桶回收商的足迹。环保局的计划和章节详细描述了化学品在时间和空间上的扩散范围，跨越数十年，进入地下蓄水层。在这些场所中，废弃的化学桶和电子设备残骸支撑着硅谷的停车场。网景公司总部是这些遗址中的一个典范项目，它是飞兆半导体公司（Fairchild Semiconductor）对以前的污染进行成功补救清理的地点。 [61] 在这个空间内，穿过错综复杂的高速公路交汇处（六至八车道的密集车流），可以看到广阔无垠的停车场，上面标有企业标志，有的高达数十米--Adobe、英特尔、雅虎。 这片地貌的航拍图片显示，这里有垃圾填埋场和盐蒸发池，是一片热带稀树草原边缘地貌，其特点是棕色和灌溉绿色交织在一起。 在街道上，有数英里长的飞船形状的办公楼、棕榈树、草坪和沥青路面，散布着小型购物中心、快餐店和拥有虚拟蓝色游泳池的连锁酒店。平房里住着工薪阶层和百万富翁，尽管价格因房地产的位置不同而大相径庭。 [62] 硅谷是一个广阔、发达、资源密集的环境。信息，就其转瞬即逝的非物质性而言，与这一景观有着直接的关系。

In order for technological development and economic accumulation to take place, they must be located in and bear relationships to places.[63] Silicon Valley is such a landscape, a conglomeration of silicon wafer fabs and freeway circuits, research labs and chemical suppliers, its infrastructures built up for the purpose of accumulating the resources necessary for “digital dominance.” These spatial infrastructures are not ancillary to the information revolution. They are, in fact, critical material resources Page 40 →and relationships within the dynamics of economic growth.[64] Silicon Valley, a landscape geared toward digital production, is built not just from virtual bits but also from sand and asphalt. Proliferation and material transience inform the qualities of information as well as landscapes. Silicon Valley houses freeway circuits and office complexes that spread across this region. Yet these same structures may be subject to removal or modification, whether through new economic development or the need for environmental cleanup.[65] Silicon Valley may have engineered its own geology, where the longer durations of environmental processes have quickened to a digital pace. Architecture, urban development, and transport emerge and subside on time scales that approximate a more electronic register of materiality. At the same time, we can imagine archaeologists trawling through this landscape hundreds of years from now, uncovering chemical barrels and electronic appliances, silted under asphalt and turf grass.
为了实现技术发展和经济积累，它们必须位于地方并与地方发生关系。 [63] 硅谷就是这样一种景观，它是硅晶圆工厂和高速公路电路、研究实验室和化学品供应商的集合体，其基础设施的建立是为了积累 "数字统治 "所需的资源。这些空间基础设施并非信息革命的附属品。事实上，它们是经济增长动力中至关重要的物质资源 第 40 页 → 和关系。 [64] 硅谷是一个以数字生产为导向的景观，它不仅是由虚拟比特建成的，也是由沙子和沥青建成的。信息的扩散和物质的瞬息万变不仅体现在景观上，也体现在信息的品质上。硅谷的高速公路和办公大楼遍布整个地区。然而，无论是新的经济发展还是环境清理的需要，这些结构都可能被拆除或改建。 [65] 硅谷可能已经设计出了自己的地质学，在这里，环境过程的持续时间已经加快到了数字化的速度。建筑、城市发展和交通的出现和消退的时间尺度与电子化的物质性相近。与此同时，我们还可以想象考古学家在数百年后的今天穿越这片土地，在沥青和草皮下发现淤积的化学桶和电子设备。

This tension between rapid development, apparently weightless technology, and the denser materiality of environments plays out across more landscapes than just Silicon Valley. Such speed and ephemerality of environments and technologies are relevant not just within the vague boundaries of Silicon Valley but also on a global scale. Silicon Valley is a model “postindustrial” landscape that multiplies, a space of technological purpose replicated from the Silicon Fen in the United Kingdom to the Silicon Mountain in Colorado, in addition to the digital cities and digital zones found everywhere from Seoul to Dubai.[66] The expansion of districts patterned after Silicon Valley demonstrates the global impact of this particular landscape. With the increasing tendency to outsource and offshore the manufacture of digital technologies, the relationship and impact of Silicon Valley magnifies from wafer fabs to technology parks. With Silicon Valley, a space of multiple remainders, waste does not just linger on the periphery but, rather, is integral to centers of production and to the dynamics of economic growth worldwide.
这种快速发展、看似失重的技术与更密集的物质环境之间的紧张关系，不仅出现在硅谷，还出现在更多的地方。环境和技术的这种速度和短暂性不仅与硅谷模糊的边界相关，而且与全球范围相关。除了从首尔到迪拜随处可见的数字城市和数字区域之外，从英国的硅芬（Silicon Fen）到科罗拉多州的硅山（Silicon Mountain），硅谷也是一个可以复制的 "后工业 "景观模型。 [66] 以硅谷为模式的地区不断扩大，显示出这一特殊景观的全球影响力。随着数字技术生产的外包和离岸化趋势日益明显，硅谷的关系和影响也从晶圆厂扩大到科技园区。硅谷是一个具有多种剩余物的空间，废弃物并不只是徘徊在边缘地带，而是生产中心和全球经济增长动力不可或缺的一部分。

The system of hardware and software thought to contain digital systems breaks open once again to reveal intersections with other landscapes. Rattling around the edges of these apparently discrete systems are the residues from electronic and informational proliferation and from ongoing spatial, economic, and technological development. Beyond the making and the clearing, the proliferation and control, the boom and the bust, are remainders that suggest other narratives for describing the material and imaginary aspects of electronic technology. What this Page 41 →remainder reveals is that digital technologies do not oscillate exclusively between control and proliferation. The stack of material discards left over from the manufacture and decay of these technologies suggests at least this much. This surplus has an unacknowledged impact on these systems, an impact that cannot be completely encapsulated, because it is so unpredictable. Remainder is more than an opposing pole. It does not play the role of inversion. It is irreducible. Taking up this point, Jean Baudrillard—sounding more like a protoenvironmentalist than a postmodern philosopher—elaborates, “It is no longer a political economy of production that directs us, but an economic politics of reproduction, of recycling—ecology and pollution—a political economy of the remainder.”[67] Remainder breaks with sustained cycles of production; it moves us past what might be seen as a Marxian concern with the way raw materials are mobilized for production. The practices and materialities of recycling and remainder cannot be fully reincorporated, and so, through their intractability, they give rise to changed ecologies and economies. Interfering with any notion of a simple feedback loop from production to consumption, remainder calls attention to the aftereffects and transformative material arrangements that emerge through the density of our technological and cultural practices.
被认为包含数字系统的硬件和软件系统再次打开，显示出与其他景观的交叉。在这些看似离散的系统边缘，电子和信息的扩散以及持续的空间、经济和技术发展都留下了痕迹。在制造与清除、扩散与控制、繁荣与萧条之外，还有一些残留物，为描述电子技术的物质和想象方面提供了其他叙事方式。第 41 页 → 残留物所揭示的是，数字技术并非只在控制与扩散之间摇摆。这些技术在制造和衰变过程中留下的一堆物质废弃物至少说明了这一点。这些剩余物对这些系统有着不为人知的影响，这种影响无法被完全概括，因为它是如此难以预测。剩余不仅仅是一个对立的极点。它并不扮演反转的角色。它是不可还原的。让-波德里亚（Jean Baudrillard）--与其说他是后现代哲学家，不如说他更像一位原环境学家--在谈到这一点时阐述道："指导我们的不再是生产的政治经济学，而是再生产、回收、生态和污染的经济政治学--一种剩余的政治经济学"。 [67] 剩余 "打破了生产的持续循环；它使我们摆脱了马克思主义对生产原材料动员方式的关注。回收利用和剩余物的实践和物质性无法被完全重新纳入，因此，由于其难以解决，它们导致了生态和经济的改变。 余下部分 "干扰了从生产到消费的简单反馈回路的任何概念，呼吁人们关注通过我们的技术和文化实践的密度所产生的后遗症和变革性物质安排。

Electronic remainders guide us toward a narration of technology that is oriented not necessarily toward production or control or toward progress and great inventors. Instead, they compel us to describe these technologies and their residues from the ground up, by describing their material traces and entanglements, or, in the case of Superfund sites in Silicon Valley, from the ground down, by digging into those deep sedimentary layers thick with the residues that accumulate into a natural history of electronics. The material in this chapter describes the ways in which the contours of the chip untangle into Superfund sites in Silicon Valley, bodily contamination, pervasive electronics, information overload, and environmental and architectural remainder. These conditions together begin to describe a natural history of electronics that at once captures the “naturalized” narratives of technological advance as well as the natural-cultural residues of technological production. As I suggested at the beginning of this chapter, the initial transformation of silicon that begins the process of microchip production does not long remain within an ideal and stable state. As silicon passes through a number of migratory states, it quickly unfolds into a mass of other materials, economies, and spaces required for its transformation and deformation. Rather than Page 42 →focus exclusively on the initial promise or assumed progress of digital technology, I focus on this technology's remainders, to better understand what other stories and orders of experience these unruly materialities and operations generate.
电子残留物引导我们对技术进行叙述，这种叙述不一定面向生产或控制，也不一定面向进步和伟大的发明家。相反，它们迫使我们通过描述这些技术及其残留物的物质痕迹和纠葛，或者就硅谷的超级基金遗址而言，通过挖掘那些深沉的沉积层，从地面向下描述这些技术及其残留物。本章的材料描述了芯片的轮廓如何与硅谷的超级基金遗址、身体污染、无处不在的电子产品、信息超载以及环境和建筑残留物纠缠在一起。这些情况共同构成了一部电子产品的自然史，其中既有技术进步的 "自然化 "叙事，也有技术生产的自然-文化残留。正如我在本章开头所言，硅的最初转变是微型芯片生产过程的开端，但这种转变并不会长期保持在理想和稳定的状态。硅在经过一系列迁移状态后，很快就会被转化和变形所需的大量其他材料、经济和空间所取代。我并没有把重点完全放在数字技术最初的承诺或假定的进步上，而是把重点放在这项技术的残留物上，以便更好地理解这些不规则的物质性和运作产生了哪些其他的故事和体验秩序。

In this chapter, I have worked through the sedimented natural history of silicon from the perspective of residue and remainder, in order to untangle the (fossilized) chip and arrive at a more complex set of inputs and effects. As signaled in the introduction, the conditions that have emerged as effects of electronic materiality extend well beyond the production of digital technologies and control of information described in this chapter. In the next chapter, I focus on another related type of fossil—the electronic screen—and investigate the ways in which strategies of dematerialization and proliferation, as discussed here, are processes of materialization that enable and characterize electronic transactions. Although the electronic interface appears to be dematerialized and even weightless, it, too, is bound up with material transformations and remainder. These remainders, however, surface neither in spaces deep underground nor in the density of information but, rather, in the orders of electronic time and exchange that emerge at the interface of electronic markets.
在本章中，我从残留物和剩余物的角度出发，梳理了硅沉积的自然历史，以解开（化石化的）芯片，得出一系列更为复杂的输入和影响。正如导言中所述，电子物质性的影响所产生的条件远远超出了本章所述的数字技术生产和信息控制。在下一章中，我将重点讨论另一种相关的化石--电子屏幕--并研究本文所讨论的非物质化和扩散策略是如何实现电子交易的物质化过程并使之成为电子交易的特征的。尽管电子界面看似非物质化，甚至没有重量，但它也与物质转化和残留物息息相关。然而，这些剩余物既不在地下深处的空间中，也不在信息密度中，而是出现在电子市场界面上的电子时间和交换秩序中。

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TWO
两个

Ephemeral Screens
短暂的屏幕

EXCHANGE AT THE INTERFACE
界面交换

Our best machines are made of sunshine; they are all light and clean because they are nothing but signals, electromagnetic waves, a section of a spectrum, and these machines are eminently portable, mobile—a matter of immense human pain in Detroit and Singapore. People are nowhere near so fluid, being both material and opaque. Cyborgs are ether, quintessence.
我们最好的机器是用阳光制造的；它们都很轻巧、干净，因为它们只不过是信号、电磁波、光谱的一部分，而且这些机器非常便于携带和移动--在底特律和新加坡，这是人类的巨大痛苦。人的流动性远远不如机器，既是物质的，又是不透明的。电子人是乙醚，是精华。

—DONNA HARAWAY, “A Cyborg Manifesto”
唐娜-哈拉维，"生化人宣言"

The signal and the thing are not as cut off from each other as they say.
信号和事物并不像人们所说的那样相互割裂。

—MICHEL SERRES, The Parasite
米歇尔-塞雷斯，《寄生虫

Stock Exchange: Removing and Transplanting
证券交易所：移除和移植

Throughout most of its history, the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) conducted the majority of its transactions through the medium of paper. Ticker-tape remainders and other paper scrap that recorded the latest stock quotations circulated and accumulated in the flurry of trading. At the close of each day, the trading floor would be littered with these leftover papers that had been fleeting carriers in the circuit of exchange. In 1968, the artist Dennis Oppenheim collected some four tons of this “paper data” from the floor of the stock exchange and relocated it to a rooftop in New York City.[1] His project, Removal Transplant—New York Stock Exchange, transferred and revealed the ephemeral material that was expended in the process of market transactions. Transactions between distant places were recorded on the paper scraps, but the rapid pace of exchange had rendered the printed matter residual. By placing the litter against the Manhattan skyline, Oppenheim moved the overlooked debris of communications to the foreground, demonstrating that it, too, was an essential building block that cut through the core of the city.
在纽约证券交易所（NYSE）的大部分历史中，其大部分交易都是通过纸张媒介进行的。记录最新股票报价的标签带残片和其他废纸在繁忙的交易中流通和积累。每天收盘时，交易大厅里都会堆满这些在交易中转瞬即逝的废纸。1968 年，艺术家丹尼斯-奥本海姆（Dennis Oppenheim）从证券交易大厅收集了约四吨的 "纸质数据"，并将其转移到纽约市的一个屋顶上。 [1] 他的项目 "搬迁移植--纽约证券交易所 "转移并揭示了市场交易过程中消耗的短暂材料。纸屑上记录了遥远地方之间的交易，但快速的交易速度使印刷品成为残余。奥本海姆将这些纸屑与曼哈顿的天际线相映衬，将被忽视的通信碎片移到了前台，表明它也是贯穿城市核心的重要基石。

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This “removal” and “transplant” describes the movement and relative abstraction of material within markets—not only paper material, but also the material of commodities. Each scrap of paper and ticker tape tracks a record of the fluctuations of the market, as well as the values of the exchanges and commodities it represents. This is a core operation that stock exchanges perform in the distancing and removal from materials and sites of production. In addition to the process of removal, such movement enacts a displacement and transformation: through the process of exchange, objects materialize and dematerialize based on their value and the contexts in which they circulate. Exchange is a process of removing, transplanting, and transforming. In this way, another kind of removal has since occurred in the spaces of trading. With the arrival of electronic telecommunication networks and computing systems, the paper ticker tape has transformed into screen-based displays, and the exchange floor has migrated from a central physical location to a dispersed network of millions of terminals scattered across the globe. Now, markets have been removed and transplanted to electronic screens and networks. With this removal, even the stock exchange appears to have dematerialized.
这种 "移除 "和 "移植 "描述了材料在市场中的移动和相对抽象，不仅是纸质材料，还有商品材料。每一张废纸和每一盘股票都记录着市场的波动，以及交易所和所代表商品的价值。这是证券交易所在与生产材料和生产场所拉开距离和去除的过程中进行的核心操作。除了移除过程之外，这种移动还体现了一种移位和转换：通过交换过程，物品根据其价值和流通环境进行物质化和非物质化。交换是一个移除、移植和转化的过程。因此，在交易空间中出现了另一种移除。随着电子通信网络和计算系统的出现，纸质的行情带已转变为基于屏幕的显示屏，交易大厅也从一个中心物理位置迁移到了一个由分散在全球各地的数百万个终端组成的分散网络。现在，市场已被移除，移植到电子屏幕和网络上。随着这种移除，甚至证券交易所似乎也非物质化了。

This chapter focuses on the electronic screen as a space and device through which “the signal and the thing” (the subject of the quote from Michel Serres at the beginning of this chapter) seem to be disconnected and dematerialized. Looking specifically at the deployment of screens in and through the electronic network of NASDAQ, I consider how screens within this particular market are critical objects through which to examine processes of materialization and dematerialization, specifically through exchange and the rise and fall of value. By articulating this relationship between signal and thing, my point is not to draw a direct and unproblematic line between these but, instead, to discuss how the signal and the thing are bound into shared material processes. From screens to networks and from networks to software and automation, technologies and programs have emerged for distributing and mobilizing matter—the thing—toward signals and light. Through my analysis of NASDAQ and by considering the screens that form a considerable part of the traffic in electronic waste, I excavate the layers and processes of materiality that sediment through electronic exchange, screen imaginaries, and the performativity of networks and software. These processes suggest that the Page 48 →signal and thing are co-constitutive, that commodities, value, and matter emerge or dissipate not through the sheer inertness of things but through the processes that allow these things to cohere—even if momentarily. Similar to the chip, the screen of electronic markets is another key site and fossil from which to rematerialize electronics in order to assemble a dense material record—a natural history—of these devices.
本章重点探讨电子屏幕作为一种空间和设备，"信号和事物"（本章开头引用的米歇尔-塞雷斯的名言）似乎通过它而被切断和非物质化。具体到屏幕在纳斯达克电子网络中的应用，我认为屏幕在这一特定市场中是如何成为关键对象的，通过它可以研究物质化和非物质化的过程，特别是通过交换和价值的兴衰。通过阐明信号与事物之间的这种关系，我的观点并不是要在两者之间划出一条直接的、没有问题的界线，而是要讨论信号与事物是如何结合到共同的物质过程中的。从屏幕到网络，从网络到软件和自动化，各种技术和程序应运而生，用于分配和调动物质--事物--来传递信号和光线。通过对 NASDAQ 的分析，以及对在电子垃圾中占很大比重的屏幕的思考，我挖掘出了通过电子交换、屏幕想象以及网络和软件的表演性而沉淀下来的物质性的层次和过程。这些过程表明，第 48 页→信号和事物是共同构成的，商品、价值和物质的出现或消散不是通过事物的纯粹惰性，而是通过让这些事物凝聚在一起的过程--哪怕只是瞬间。与芯片类似，电子市场的屏幕也是另一个关键的场所和化石，通过它我们可以对电子产品进行再物质化，从而对这些设备进行密集的物质记录--一部自然历史。

Electronic Performativity
电子表演性

The introduction of electronic trading occurred primarily through the National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotations system, which began to electronically display stock quotes through an automated system in 1971. The display system could be accessed by traders throughout the United States, almost in real time. With this electronic network, NASDAQ dispensed with a central exchange floor and instead established a dispersed market that spanned the entire United States. In many respects, by decentralizing and distributing its trading across electronic networks, NASDAQ achieved greater coverage and, eventually, greater volume of exchanges. It previously played a secondary role to the authoritative NYSE, but through its electronic network, NASDAQ became recognized as the world's first electronic stock market. This network now makes real-time stock quotes available and allows for order execution from over two million terminals worldwide, while at the same time making delayed market information available on its Web site.
电子交易的引入主要是通过全美证券交易商协会自动报价系统实现的，该系统于 1971 年开始通过自动系统以电子方式显示股票报价。全美各地的交易商几乎可以实时访问该显示系统。通过这一电子网络，纳斯达克取消了中央交易大厅，转而建立了一个横跨整个美国的分散市场。在许多方面，纳斯达克通过在电子网络上分散和分布其交易，实现了更大的覆盖面，并最终实现了更大的交易量。以前，纳斯达克在权威的纽约证券交易所面前只能扮演次要角色，但通过其电子网络，纳斯达克被公认为世界上第一个电子股票市场。现在，该网络提供实时股票报价，允许全球 200 多万个终端执行订单，同时在其网站上提供延迟市场信息。

NASDAQ registers not just the electronicization of markets but also the rise of information and communication technology values within markets, as it has come to be known as an index representing a high proportion of technology companies.[2] Microsoft, Intel, and Google all feature on NASDAQ. The efficiency and speed with which trading may be conducted and the fact that NASDAQ is “the largest electronic screen-based equity securities market in the United States,” listing over 3,250 companies, mean that it “trades more shares per day than any other U.S. market.”[3] In its electronic transactions and as the emblematic index for the “new economy,”[4] NASDAQ has moved from a previously novel electronic display system to become a mode of exchange that influences dynamics of value and devaluation, as well as materialization and dematerialization.
纳斯达克不仅记录了市场的电子化，也记录了信息和通信技术价值在市场中的崛起，因为它已被称为代表高比例技术公司的指数。 [2] 微软、英特尔和谷歌等公司都是纳斯达克的成员。纳斯达克是 "美国最大的以电子屏幕为基础的股票证券市场"，有 3250 多家公司在此上市，交易效率高、速度快，这意味着纳斯达克 "每天交易的股票比美国任何其他市场都多"。 [3] [4] 纳斯达克在其电子交易中，作为 "新经济 "的标志性指数，已从过去新颖的电子显示系统转变为一种影响价值和贬值动态以及物质化和非物质化的交换模式。

March 10, 2000, is well known by now as the date when NASDAQ reached its peak but also experienced a sudden plummet in value. From Page 49 →5,048 points, NASDAQ quickly fell 3,000 points. It had lost 60 percent of its value by March 2001 and continued to decline. While this crash seemed to portend the end of digital dominance, it has, in many ways, had a contrary effect. The value of NASDAQ now oscillates below its historic peak, yet its volume and speed of trading has continued to accelerate. With this performance, however, the “new economy” was more continuous with historic economic practices than the term suggested. Speculative bubbles, fueled by technology and the promises in new development that technology generates, are a long-standing dynamic within stock markets.[5] Financial crashes and the waste generated through these crashes, whether in the form of devalued stock or ruined companies, can be a crucial dynamic in the generation of value. This is because rubbish is a generative dynamic.[6] Waste—the possibility of devaluation—also enables the opportunity for revaluation. Value is unstable; things move through stages of value and may in all likelihood become waste. The generative dynamic of waste, then, describes a possible limit of value as much as a condition for potential recuperation of value.[7] Yet this same set of dynamics translates into discards, from obsolete devices to devalued shares to bankrupt companies. Indeed, overvalued Internet companies were not the only casualties of the dot-com crash. As the previous chapter notes, the material remainders from this rapid devaluation can be discovered in the vacant buildings and empty parking lots that periodically litter the landscape of Silicon Valley. Electronic commerce has more than a passing connection to electronic waste. As the present chapter suggests, these cycles of value are not without remainder.
众所周知，2000 年 3 月 10 日是纳斯达克达到顶峰的日子，但也是纳斯达克价值突然暴跌的日子。纳斯达克指数从第 49 页→5048 点，迅速下跌了 3000 点。到 2001 年 3 月，纳斯达克已跌去 60% 的价值，并继续下跌。尽管这次暴跌似乎预示着数字主导地位的终结，但在许多方面却产生了相反的效果。目前，纳斯达克的价值在其历史峰值之下徘徊，但其交易量和交易速度却在不断加快。然而，从这种表现来看，"新经济 "与历史上的经济实践的连续性要比这个词所暗示的更强。由技术和技术带来的新发展所推动的投机性泡沫是股票市场长期存在的动力。 [5] 金融崩溃以及崩溃所产生的垃圾，无论是以股票贬值还是公司破产的形式出现，都可能成为产生价值的重要动力。这是因为垃圾是一种生成动力。 [6] 废物--贬值的可能性--也为价值重估提供了机会。价值是不稳定的；事物会经历不同的价值阶段，并很有可能成为废物。因此，废物的生成动力既描述了价值的可能极限，也描述了价值潜在恢复的条件。 [7] 然而，从过时的设备到贬值的股票，再到破产的公司，这一系列动态同样转化为废弃物。事实上，估值过高的互联网公司并不是网络泡沫崩溃的唯一牺牲品。正如前一章所述，在硅谷不时出现的空置大楼和空旷的停车场中，我们可以发现这种快速贬值的物质残余。 电子商务与电子废物之间的联系并不只是一闪而过。正如本章所述，这些价值循环并非没有剩余。

In addition to these wavering cycles of valuation and devaluation, NASDAQ has achieved a more thoroughgoing effect on markets through its electronic network and through the speed, volume, numerical precision, and automation that underpin this network. Setting the pace, as it does, NASDAQ transactions are informed by the temporality of digital technology. This is a timing that is bound up with the instantaneity and mutability of turning profits on the tick of the virtual ticker tape.[8] Yet the electronic market sets the pace in more ways than one, for the speed of trading has as much to do with the rise and fall in value as it does with the accelerated movement and programming of exchanges. These electronic markets are bound up with performative registers—material, temporal, and rhetorical deployments that involve affective as much as calculative maneuvers. In fact, the calculative becomes inseparable from Page 50 →the performative.[9] But such performativity is, as suggested throughout this study, often unruly. In a volatile market, the inevitable devaluation and destabilization of commodities, share prices, and futures can potentially move at an even faster pace through the enhanced calculability afforded by electronic exchanges. As was revealed by the losses from the crises involving subprime mortgages and credit in 2007, such calculations can contribute to even more complex entanglements and oscillations of value.
除了这些摇摆不定的估值和贬值周期外，纳斯达克还通过其电子网络以及支撑这一网络的速度、数量、数字精确度和自动化，对市场产生了更彻底的影响。纳斯达克的交易以数字技术的时间性为基础，引领着市场的步伐。这种时间性与虚拟股票代码的瞬时性和可变性息息相关。 [8] 然而，电子市场在更多方面引领着时代的步伐，因为交易的速度既与价值的涨跌有关，也与交易所的加速流动和程序设计有关。这些电子市场与表演性寄存器联系在一起--物质、时间和修辞上的部署，既涉及情感操作，也涉及计算操作。事实上，计算与表演密不可分。 [9] 但正如本研究报告所指出的，这种表演性往往是不规则的。在动荡的市场中，商品、股票价格和期货不可避免的贬值和不稳定有可能通过电子交易所提供的更强的可计算性以更快的速度发展。正如 2007 年涉及次级抵押贷款和信贷的危机所造成的损失所揭示的那样，这种计算会导致更加复杂的纠葛和价值振荡。

Electronic markets emerge through the material and performative qualities of digital technologies at the interface and through the extended effects of these machines that, as wryly suggested by Haraway in her quote at the beginning of this chapter, are seemingly comprised only of sunshine and signals. NASDAQ is more than a financial instrument. It sets into play a performative and material economy, which has political, cultural, and environmental effects. From the speed and volume of exchanges, to the volatility of values, to the apparent “removal” of material structures, this electronic market contributes to the circulation, dematerialization, and devaluation of electronic technologies. The performativity of NASDAQ can even create conditions of “counterperformativity,” where the failure of market devices can interrupt their performance.[10] Electronic markets perform in ways that exceed expectation: they reach saturation, collapse, generate waste, and recuperate, sometimes almost instantaneously. The performative or “expressive” failure of markets suggests that these processes of valuation and materialization involve something more complex than rational, calculative intention.[11]
电子市场是通过数字技术在界面上的物质和表演特质以及这些机器的延伸效应而出现的，正如哈拉维在本章开头所引用的一句话所讽刺的那样，这些机器似乎只是由阳光和信号组成的。纳斯达克不仅仅是一种金融工具。它是一种表演性的物质经济，具有政治、文化和环境影响。从交易的速度和数量，到价值的波动，再到物质结构的明显 "去除"，这个电子市场促进了电子技术的流通、非物质化和贬值。纳斯达克的表演性甚至可以创造出 "反表演性 "的条件，即市场设备的失灵可以中断其表演。 [10] 电子市场的表现方式超出了人们的预期：它们达到饱和、崩溃、产生浪费并恢复，有时几乎是瞬间完成。市场的表演性或 "表现性 "失灵表明，这些估价和物化过程涉及到比理性、计算意图更为复杂的东西。 [11]

NASDAQ does not wholly encapsulate the extent or force of the new economy. In fact, electronic market structures and digital technologies are more pervasive, complex, and unpredictable than a single index can measure.[12] The electronic, captured in the eponymous prefix e-, includes, as media theorist Rita Raley writes, “communicative networks, electronic commerce, modes of production, and global financial markets.”[13] The whole of market activity cannot be explained through a discussion of the materiality of electronic exchange. Yet in many ways, electronic technologies do become tantamount to the markets they power.[14] In this respect, NASDAQ can be studied as a particular register of how electronic markets and technologies collide and collude in the making of electronic excess. The rhythm of electronic markets, as much as the processing speeds of microchips, impacts on electronic technologies’ formation and transformation, distribution and erosion, both in terms of their Page 51 →materiality and value. The electronic, then, extends from technologies to markets and to modes of waste, decay, and disintegration. NASDAQ encompasses performative registers that are bound up with distributions and dispersals of matter. Using the term electronic to refer to markets describes not the absolute elimination of material resources but, rather, the mobilization and even more rapid turnover of materials and material relationships. These are electronic modes of waste, and this is how waste performs electronically.
纳斯达克并不能完全概括新经济的范围或力量。事实上，电子市场结构和数字技术比单一指数更普遍、更复杂、更难以预测。 [12] 正如媒体理论家丽塔-雷利（Rita Raley）所写，"电子"（e-）这个同名前缀包含了 "通信网络、电子商务、生产模式和全球金融市场"。 [13] 整个市场活动无法通过讨论电子交换的物质性来解释。然而，在许多方面，电子技术的确等同于它们所推动的市场。 [14] 在这方面，纳斯达克可以作为电子市场和电子技术如何在制造电子过剩的过程中相互碰撞、相互勾结的一个特殊载体来研究。电子市场的节奏，就像微芯片的处理速度一样，影响着电子技术的形成与转化、分配与侵蚀，无论是在其物质性还是价值方面。因此，电子技术从技术延伸到市场，也延伸到废物、衰变和解体的模式。纳斯达克包含了与物质的分配和分散相联系的表演性注册。用 "电子 "一词来指代市场，并不是指物质资源的绝对消失，而是指物质和物质关系的调动和更快的周转。这些都是废弃物的电子模式，这就是废弃物的电子表现方式。

Through these material and performative registers of electronic markets, there emerge distinct temporalities of exchange. The electronic exchanges that take place at the interfaces of NASDAQ terminals are typically urgent yet ephemeral. These modes of display, together with the interconnected network of exchanges, establish a pulse and performance that rework the formation of values. It is a network that arguably has contributed to the transformation of what value—or a commodity, particularly an informational commodity—even is. To assemble this natural history, I begin the next section with a discussion of several overlapping and ostensibly dematerialized screen displays and networks associated with NASDAQ. These displays span from the megalithic NASDAQ MarketSite building in Times Square; to the seemingly virtual and fleeting surface of the innumerable distributed screens where market transactions occur; to the networks, software, and automated technologies that inform this particular vehicle of electronic exchange. The screens, networks, and software that constitute NASDAQ emerge as material and performative infrastructures that impact on the rise and fall of electronic markets, the performance of electronic technologies, and the formation of electronic waste.
通过这些电子市场的物质和表演注册，出现了不同的交换时空。在纳斯达克终端界面上进行的电子交换通常是紧迫而短暂的。这些展示模式与相互连接的交易网络一起，形成了一种重新塑造价值的脉搏和表演。可以说，这个网络推动了价值或商品，尤其是信息商品的转变。为了汇集这段自然史，我在下一节首先讨论了几个重叠的、表面上非物质化的屏幕显示以及与纳斯达克相关的网络。这些显示屏从时代广场上巨型的纳斯达克 MarketSite 大厦，到市场交易发生地无数分布式屏幕上看似虚拟和转瞬即逝的表面，再到网络、软件和自动化技术，为这一特殊的电子交易工具提供了信息。构成纳斯达克的屏幕、网络和软件作为物质和表演性基础设施出现，影响着电子市场的兴衰、电子技术的表现以及电子垃圾的形成。

From Microchip to Megalith
从微型芯片到巨石

The tale of dematerialization is often told through the rapidly shrinking size of digital technologies. Laptops now have more processing power than the computers that put astronauts on the moon and computers have diminished from room-size mainframes to compact and portable gadgets. But on the whole, the decrease in computing size has not, by any available evidence, reduced the total amount of resources deployed in the manufacture and consumption of digital technologies. Even though these technologies are smaller, they are consumed more frequently and in greater proportions.[15] So, by another process of “removal-transplant,” Page 52 →the physical bulk from individual machines has diminished but has at the same time proliferated across more devices.
非物质化的故事常常通过数字技术体积的迅速缩小来讲述。现在，笔记本电脑的处理能力超过了将宇航员送上月球的计算机，计算机也从房间大小的大型机缩小为小巧便携的小工具。但总体而言，从现有证据来看，计算规模的缩小并没有减少制造和消费数字技术所消耗的资源总量。尽管这些技术的体积变小了，但其消耗的频率和比例却增加了。 [15] 因此，通过另一个 "移除-移植 "过程，第 52 页→单个机器的物理体积缩小了，但同时却在更多设备上扩散。

A similar transfer process seems to have occurred in the NASDAQ MarketSite headquarters in Times Square in New York, a location established to consolidate and present a “face” for what is otherwise a relatively decentralized and pervasive electronic market. In many ways, MarketSite is designed to reveal the sprigs and sprockets that make its engines turn. The designers selected for the project sought to convey a futuristic vision of NASDAQ and, to this end, settled on a design that would give MarketSite visitors a sense of inhabiting a computer. The designers note, “The client wanted a space that would look as different as possible from the paper-strewn New York Stock Exchange—one that resembles the inside of a computer.” The design of MarketSite inverts the usual spatial relationship by placing people inside an environment that emulates a set of digital effects. Lighting within the spaces appears as “information traveling through a network” and is “strung on cables like microchips on a circuit board.” Punctuating the ensemble, the design and lighting directs visitors toward an even more stunning feature. As a reviewer in Architectural Record describes,
位于纽约时代广场的纳斯达克 MarketSite 总部似乎也经历了类似的转移过程，设立该总部的目的是为了整合这个相对分散、无处不在的电子市场，并使其呈现出 "面孔"。从许多方面来看，MarketSite 的设计都是为了揭示使其发动机转动的齿轮和链轮。为该项目挑选的设计师试图传达纳斯达克的未来主义愿景，并为此确定了一种设计，让 MarketSite 的访问者有一种居住在计算机中的感觉。设计师指出："客户希望有一个尽可能不同于纸张满布的纽约证券交易所的空间--一个类似于计算机内部的空间"。MarketSite 的设计颠倒了通常的空间关系，将人们置于一个模拟一系列数字效果的环境中。空间内的灯光看起来就像 "通过网络传输的信息"，"就像电路板上的微芯片一样串在电缆上"。作为整体的点缀，设计和灯光将参观者引向一个更加令人惊叹的特色。正如《建筑实录》（Architectural Record）的评论员所描述的那样、

These lights are programmed to dim in a wave that draws attention first to a neon-lit, shimmering artwork of silk and metal fabric and then leads the eye through the space, which terminates at a curved 55-by-11-foot video wall comprising 100 video monitors. Continuously updated news, stock prices, and performance information are displayed at this state-of-the-art digital information system.[16]
这些灯光按程序以波浪形变暗，首先将人们的视线吸引到霓虹灯闪烁的丝绸和金属织物艺术品上，然后引导人们的视线穿过整个空间，最后到达由 100 个视频显示器组成的 55 x 11 英尺的弧形视频墙。在这个最先进的数字信息系统中，不断更新的新闻、股票价格和业绩信息被显示出来。 [16]

The electronic stock exchange amasses as an architectural exclamation point, a concentrated and serial repetition of all the terminals that comprise its otherwise dispersed infrastructure. Inside this designed and materially recast network, it is possible to venture into an enlarged version of computers and circuitry and to experience a performance of electronic exchanges at the interface.
电子证券交易所作为一个建筑感叹号，集中而连续地重复了构成其分散基础设施的所有终端。在这个经过精心设计和物质重塑的网络中，人们有可能进入一个放大版的计算机和电路系统，并在界面上体验电子交易所的表演。

MarketSite was designed to be at once both “a physical environment that would help communicate the image of a company that has billed itself as ‘the stock market for the next 100 years’”[17] and an “epicenter for financial and business news.”[18] In order to convey the significance of this electronic market-without-a-market, however, a tremendous amount of Page 53 →material was deployed. The NASDAQ MarketSite tower is clad in what is declared to be the largest stationary video screen in the world. This surface, which is over seven stories in height, covers a span of nearly 10,000 square feet and is powered by nearly 19 million light-emitting diodes. The video screen displays advertising and NASDAQ messages and runs the ever-present virtual ticker tape of financial data across its surface. In what would seem to be a strange reversal to the dematerialization trend, microchips and computers have inflated to scales well beyond even that of the most prehistoric mainframes, into computers the size of skyscrapers, pixels at the scale of billboards, and data that is not virtual or immaterial but, rather, something we inhabit. Material structures shift not once but several times over. While NASDAQ is a dematerialized marketplace that conducts its transactions not on the trading floor but, instead, dispersed across telecommunication networks, it simultaneously inflates the electronic apparatuses of microchips, networks, and screens and rematerializes them at an epic scale. Through this inversion, NASDAQ appears to be “virtual” within an extensively material presentation.
MarketSite 的设计既要成为 "一个有助于宣传这家标榜自己是'未来 100 年的股票市场'的公司形象的物理环境 " [17] ，又要成为 "金融和商业新闻的中心"。 [18] 然而，为了传达这个 "没有市场的电子市场 "的重要意义，我们使用了大量的 第 53 页 → 材料。纳斯达克 MarketSite 塔楼上有一个据称是世界上最大的固定视频屏幕。这个屏幕有七层楼高，占地近 10,000 平方英尺，由近 1900 万个发光二极管驱动。视频屏幕显示广告和纳斯达克信息，并在其表面运行无处不在的金融数据虚拟行情带。这似乎是对非物质化趋势的一种奇怪逆转，微芯片和计算机的膨胀程度甚至远远超过了史前的大型机，变成了摩天大楼大小的计算机，广告牌大小的像素，以及不是虚拟或非物质的数据，而是我们居住的东西。物质结构的转变不是一次，而是多次。纳斯达克是一个非物质化的市场，它的交易不在交易大厅进行，而是分散在电信网络中，但它同时又使微芯片、网络和屏幕等电子设备膨胀起来，并以史诗般的规模将它们重新物质化。通过这种反转，纳斯达克在广泛的物质呈现中显得 "虚拟"。

As it turns out, an enormous amount of material and resources are required in order to establish and convey the sense of the virtual. The number of screens alone at MarketSite illuminates this paradox. From the hundreds of interfaces that spill over with the urgency of new economy news, to the roving electronic ticker tape that wraps the MarketSite building, to the millions of terminals worldwide that process and receive NASDAQ data, there exists a considerable concatenation of surfaces through and across which NASDAQ trading transpires. Although these are material architectures and technologies, they operate in support of the dematerialized imaginaries of electronic networks. From manufacture to display, the matter and the material operations of these screens are impalpable. These same screens eventually end up in the trash heap or are shipped near and far for recycling, but before they reach their final installments, they perform as the seemingly immaterial conduits for global finance.
事实证明，要建立和传达虚拟感，需要大量的材料和资源。仅 MarketSite 的屏幕数量就足以说明这一悖论。从数百个充斥着新经济新闻的界面，到包裹 MarketSite 大楼的巡回电子行情带，再到全球数以百万计处理和接收纳斯达克数据的终端，纳斯达克的交易都是通过大量的表面进行的。尽管这些都是物质结构和技术，但它们的运行却支持着电子网络的非物质化想象。从制造到展示，这些屏幕的物质和物质运作都是不可琢磨的。这些屏幕最终会被扔进垃圾堆，或被运往远近各地进行回收，但在它们到达最后的归宿之前，它们充当着看似非物质的全球金融渠道。

Screening the Virtual
筛选虚拟

As an interface and space of transaction, the screen seems particularly conducive to conveying a sense of virtuality and dematerialization. Electronic objects collapse and disappear into the space and function of the interface.[19] Through the electronic transaction, the screen's role as a primary Page 54 →site of involvement seems to disappear from view, as the screen becomes a portal for a more virtual engagement. Yet as the array of screens, interfaces, and transactions at NASDAQ's MarketSite illustrates, the virtual is far from immaterial. The virtual, in fact, is a mechanism of expenditure. Such expenditure occurs most intensely in the apparently absent space of the screen, in what is the space of exchange.
作为交易的界面和空间，屏幕似乎特别有利于传达一种虚拟性和非物质化的感觉。电子物品坍塌并消失在界面的空间和功能中。 [19] 通过电子交易，屏幕作为主要参与场所的作用似乎从人们的视线中消失了，因为屏幕成了更虚拟参与的入口。然而，正如纳斯达克市场网站的一系列屏幕、界面和交易所显示的那样，虚拟远非无关紧要。事实上，虚拟是一种消费机制。在屏幕这个表面上不存在的空间里，在作为交换空间的地方，这种支出发生得最为强烈。

Before I move further into describing the electronic infrastructure of NASDAQ, I would like to elaborate on the notion of expenditure, as it underscores the key ideas in this chapter. The “virtual” of course has a long history of use, from the potential or germ of possibility to the more general sense of a simulated reality as is typically meant in the context of computing.[20] The virtual also at times has come to mean an abstract model or paradigm to which practice is made to conform.[21] Without plunging into the vagaries of these uses and attempting to resolve the virtual, I would like to make a lateral move and suggest that the virtual as it emerges in this specific discussion of NASDAQ refers neither to the material nor to the immaterial exclusively, neither to model nor to practice specifically, neither to potentiality nor to actuality, but, rather, to expenditure. While the virtual appears to exist in a “space of flows,” generally unfettered and detached from material structures, the expenditure that the virtual enables has consequences that exceed the material or immaterial (and, as such, undoes this division). The sense of the virtual that emerges in the allure of NASDAQ's MarketSite is the expenditure required to sustain and circulate the forwardness of digital technologies. Often, in the “forced march” of technological innovation and growth, more is expended than is gained (as will be discussed shortly concerning financial outlays for digital networks and technologies). The virtual is the force of expenditure that is ultimately required to sustain the momentum of technology and the momentum of its promise (because the two are inseparable).[22]
在进一步描述纳斯达克的电子基础设施之前，我想先阐述一下 "支出 "这一概念，因为它强调了本章的主要观点。当然，"虚拟 "一词的使用由来已久，从潜在的或可能性的萌芽，到更广泛意义上的模拟现实，都是计算机领域的典型含义。 [20] 虚拟有时也指一种抽象的模式或范例，而实践则要符合这种模式或范例。 [21] 在不深入探讨这些变幻莫测的用法并试图解决虚拟问题的情况下，我想横向移动一下，提出在有关 NASDAQ 的具体讨论中出现的虚拟既不完全指物质也不完全指非物质，既不完全指模式也不完全指实践，既不完全指潜在性也不完全指现实性，而是指支出。虽然虚拟似乎存在于一个 "流动的空间"，通常不受约束，与物质结构相分离，但虚拟促成的支出却产生了超越物质或非物质的后果（因此，也就取消了这种划分）。在纳斯达克市场网站的诱惑中出现的虚拟感，是维持和流通数字技术的前瞻性所需的支出。在技术创新和发展的 "强行军 "中，支出往往多于收益（稍后将讨论数字网络和技术的财政支出）。虚拟是最终需要的支出力量，以维持技术的发展势头及其承诺的发展势头（因为两者是不可分割的）。 [22]

This expenditure is seemingly abstract, but it in fact constitutes an intensity and performative force through and around which electronic markets realign.[23] In some respects, expenditure can be seen to be a defining trait of the “new economy.” As much as $150 billion was raised during the mid- to late-1990s to support and galvanize the new economy.[24] Credit, speculative or venture capital, and stock offerings are examples of the continuity between expenditure and the virtual. These forms of finance impact on the movement and amplification of markets and market activity. They are neither fact nor fiction; rather, they are virtual Page 55 →expenditures that set in motion self-perpetuating and even obligatory economic conditions.[25]
这种支出看似抽象，但实际上构成了一种强度和表演性的力量，电子市场通过并围绕这种力量进行调整。 [23] 在某些方面，支出可以被视为 "新经济 "的一个决定性特征。在 1990 年代中后期，为支持和激励新经济而筹集的资金高达 1,500 亿美元。 [24] 信贷、投机或风险资本以及股票发行都是支出与虚拟之间连续性的例子。这些融资形式对市场和市场活动的运动和放大产生了影响。它们既非事实，也非虚构；相反，它们是虚拟的第 55 页 → 开支，启动了自我延续甚至是强制性的经济条件。 [25]

The enormous sums of money moving through markets and into technology companies and the ensuing “speculative bubble” that resulted in an overinflated NASDAQ came to be known, after Alan Greenspan's characterization, as “irrational exuberance.” With the collapse and correction of the “new economy,” it became difficult to verify the extent to which new technologies and the new economy created conditions of demonstrable economic growth. Economist Robert Shiller suggests that whether there is measurable growth stemming from the new economy is perhaps less important than “the public impressions that the revolution creates.”[26] Through repeated online activity or through the presence of multiple electronic interfaces scrolling financial news, a self-reinforcing logic may emerge that can be located neither in the impressions nor in new technologies but, rather, in the expenditure (in time and money) required to keep both of these afloat. Digital technology is meant to constitute a “new growth paradigm,” and this objective may become the guiding agenda through which electronics and electronic exchanges operate.
巨额资金通过市场流入科技公司，随之而来的 "投机泡沫 "导致纳斯达克指数过度膨胀，在艾伦-格林斯潘的描述下，这被称为 "非理性繁荣"。随着 "新经济 "的崩溃和修正，新技术和新经济在多大程度上创造了明显的经济增长条件变得难以验证。经济学家罗伯特-席勒（Robert Shiller）提出，新经济是否带来了可衡量的增长，也许不如 "革命所创造的公众印象 "重要。 [26] 通过反复的在线活动，或者通过多个电子界面滚动播放财经新闻，可能会出现一种自我强化的逻辑，这种逻辑既不在于印象，也不在于新技术，而在于维持这两者所需的支出（时间和金钱）。数字技术旨在构成一种 "新的增长模式"，而这一目标可能会成为电子产品和电子交易所运作的指导议程。

Screens are a site of intensive practice and attention through which growth-focused electronic exchanges transpire. Expenditure at the interface is not just restricted to an excess of financial outlay in the rapid exchange of shares through electronic markets, however, but also receives yet another source of reinforcement from the reporting of financial news. From CNN to CNBC, the media screens of financial news intersect with the electronic screens of market exchanges, at times even collapsing into the same space, as brokers watch financial news while trading.[27] At this juncture of media screens on digital screens, it is essential to recall that one of the primary functions of NASDAQ's MarketSite is to serve as a media site, a space where “major financial broadcast outlets conduct daily reports from MarketSite and reach viewers around the country and world.”[28] The number of these “live market updates,” typically broadcast by major media conglomerates, reaches over 175 per day. So pervasive and insistent are these broadcasts that they come to seem as essential to the new economy as the technology and markets on which they report.[29] The speed and prevalence of the electronic ticker tape and the insistence of media screens contributed to the reordering of finance and its performance.[30] The financial news media are not only entangled in the “irrational exuberance” of the new economy; they also help to generate the terms of the new economy's performance.
屏幕是人们集中实践和关注的场所，通过它可以进行以增长为重点的电子交流。然而，界面上的支出并不仅限于通过电子市场快速交换股票时的超额资金支出，而且还从财经新闻的报道中得到了另一种强化。从 CNN 到 CNBC，财经新闻的媒体屏幕与市场交易所的电子屏幕相互交错，有时甚至坍塌到同一空间，经纪人一边交易一边观看财经新闻。 [27] 在数字屏幕上的媒体屏幕这个关头，有必要回顾一下，纳斯达克 MarketSite 的主要功能之一就是作为一个媒体网站，在这个空间里，"主要的财经广播机构每天从 MarketSite 进行报道，并向全国乃至全世界的观众播报"。 [28] 这些 "实时市场更新 "通常由大型媒体集团播出，每天的数量超过 175 次。这些广播如此普遍和持续，以至于它们似乎与它们所报道的技术和市场一样，对新经济至关重要。 [29] 电子证券交易带的速度和普遍性以及媒体屏幕的持续性促成了对金融及其表现的重新排序。 [30] 财经新闻媒体不仅与新经济的 "非理性繁荣 "纠缠在一起，还帮助创造了新经济的表现条件。

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第 56 页

While in the 1990s these screen-based performances of the new economy may have been relatively novel if not futuristic, they are now increasingly distributed across multiple spaces where the business traveler may be in transit. Media screens laden with financial information, whether in the form of scrolling indices or news analyses, distribute across a wide landscape that includes, as geographers Gordon Clark and Nigel Thrift identify, “hotel chains around the world, airport lounges, and shopping malls,” as well as “laptops, PDAs, and mobile phones,” which allow for updates on investments and financial news “on the move.”[31] These media screens have become constant indicators of the status of markets. They have fueled the performances of expenditure (and exuberance) that variously circulate as new economy speculations. From these overlapping infrastructures, networks, and technologies, there emerges a mode of electronic exchange that is so pervasive it seems to fade into a flickering background noise. Part of the reason for this persistent hum is not just the sheer everydayness and everywhereness of these networks but also the rapid and fleeting pace at which they operate.
在 20 世纪 90 年代，这些基于屏幕的新经济表演即使不是未来派的，也可能是相对新颖的，而现在，它们越来越多地分布在商务旅行者可能过境的多个空间。正如地理学家戈登-克拉克（Gordon Clark）和奈杰尔-特里夫特（Nigel Thrift）所指出的那样，"世界各地的连锁酒店、机场休息室和购物中心"，以及 "笔记本电脑、掌上电脑和手机"，都可以 "在移动中 "更新投资和财经新闻。 [31] 这些媒体屏幕已成为市场状况的恒定指标。它们助长了作为新经济猜测的各种支出（和繁荣）的表现。在这些相互重叠的基础设施、网络和技术中，出现了一种电子交换模式，这种模式无处不在，似乎已淡出了闪烁的背景噪音。造成这种持续嗡嗡声的部分原因不仅在于这些网络的日常性和无处不在，还在于其运行速度之快和转瞬即逝。

As an electronic stock market, one of NASDAQ's primary distinguishing functions is its unmatched speed of exchange.[32] The market's trading networks are fast and comprehensive, linking traders in 146 countries. To improve their “transaction services,” which are the “engine” of their market, NASDAQ acquired an additional electronic communication network (ECN) in 2004, which further improved its efficiency and increased its liquidity. In 2007, NASDAQ averaged 2.17 billion trades daily. The NASDAQ systems are capable of processing 250,000 messages per second, an average of 1 millisecond each.[33] Described in these estimates is a pace of exchange that is bound up with a capacity for rapid rates of circulation, where shifts in value tick across screens and terminals with an ephemeral and fleeting insistence.
作为一个电子股票市场，纳斯达克的主要特色之一是其无与伦比的交易速度。 [32] 该市场的交易网络快速而全面，连接着 146 个国家的交易者。为了改进作为市场 "引擎 "的 "交易服务"，纳斯达克于 2004 年增购了一个电子通信网络（ECN），进一步提高了效率，增加了流动性。2007 年，纳斯达克日均交易量达 21.7 亿笔。纳斯达克系统每秒能够处理 25 万条信息，平均每条信息 1 毫秒。 [33] 这些估计所描述的是一种与快速流通能力相联系的交易速度，在这种速度下，价值的变化在屏幕和终端上以一种短暂和转瞬即逝的方式进行着。

Electronic markets can thus be characterized by higher rates of stock turnover and increased volumes of trading. These accelerated levels of electronic market activity can be traced to an increase in online trading in general, as well as to greater accessibility and ease of making trades, together with more constant news about financial activity.[34] These assessments add up to a certain rhythm of economic life.[35] Economic progress becomes defined through rates of transfer. Electronic markets facilitate more rapid rates of transfer, but in so doing, they alter the materiality and performance of those markets. Just as electronic networks enable trading in greater speeds and larger volumes, so this increase in speed and quantity Page 57 →potentially results in greater volatility. But it is precisely through the sudden and even minute shift in values that profit may be made.
因此，电子市场的特点是股票周转率更高，交易量更大。电子市场活动水平的加快可以追溯到网上交易的普遍增长，以及交易的更大可及性和便捷性，还有更多有关金融活动的持续新闻。 [34] 这些因素共同构成了经济生活的某种节奏。 [35] 经济进步是通过转移率来定义的。电子市场促进了更快的转移速度，但同时也改变了这些市场的实质和表现。正如电子网络使交易速度更快、交易量更大一样，速度和数量的增加也有可能导致更大的波动。但正是通过价值的突变，甚至是微小的变化，我们才有可能获利。

With the migration of trading from the physical floor of a stock exchange to electronic networks, the ups and downs of market values are tracked within different scales and temporalities. While traders in an open pit depend on a commanding physical performance in order to execute trades, electronic markets engender a much different attention to and manipulation of trades.[36] The ephemeral shifts in electronically displayed values can translate into money lost or gained. Anthropologist Caitlin Zaloom describes, through comparative ethnographic research, just how intently traders play the spread between bid and ask prices by continually negotiating “temporary assessments of market conditions, momentary markers of approximate valuation.”[37] The speed of trading becomes bound up with the rates of transfer and tracking afforded by electronic technologies. What traders must accustom themselves to most of all is the instability of these values. So while they work within instability, they also turn it to their advantage. Electronic technology, which amplifies instability in many ways, also becomes a way to take advantage of the ambiguities and volatility of numbers.[38] The question is whether the traders are playing the numbers, the technology, or both (or whether, even, the technology is playing them). The rapid scroll of financial data across screens can be tracked, momentarily stabilized, and acted on through these electronic devices. While the values operated on may seem relatively fleeting, this process is a material performance, involving electronic screens and networks, traders’ bodies, and office buildings, distinctly electronic temporalities and rhythms of exchange.
随着交易从证券交易所的实体大厅转移到电子网络，市场价值的涨跌在不同的规模和时间范围内被追踪。露天市场上的交易者要执行交易，必须依赖于令人信服的实际表现，而电子市场对交易的关注和操纵则大不相同。 [36] 电子显示价值的短暂变化会转化为金钱的得失。人类学家凯特琳-扎鲁姆（Caitlin Zaloom）通过比较人种学研究，描述了交易者是如何通过不断协商 "对市场状况的临时评估，对近似估值的瞬间标记"，密切关注买入价和卖出价之间的价差。 [37] 交易速度与电子技术所提供的传输和跟踪速度息息相关。交易者最需要适应的是这些价值的不稳定性。因此，当他们在不稳定的环境中工作时，他们也会将其转化为自己的优势。电子技术在许多方面放大了不稳定性，也成为利用数字的模糊性和不稳定性的一种方式。 [38] 问题在于，交易者是在玩弄数字，还是在玩弄技术，抑或是两者兼而有之（甚至是技术在玩弄交易者）。金融数据在屏幕上的快速滚动可以通过这些电子设备进行跟踪、瞬间稳定和操作。虽然所操作的价值看似稍纵即逝，但这一过程是一种物质表演，涉及电子屏幕和网络、交易者的身体和办公楼，以及明显的电子时间性和交换节奏。

In this discussion of the volatility and volume actualized by electronic markets, what we take for the virtual—for apparently dematerialized conditions and objects of exchange—is in fact closely bound up with material and temporal expenditure. The ephemerality of numbers on which profits are won or lost and the errant spikes and dives in value emerge from and contribute to a sense of dematerialization and destabilization. This sense of time, of volatile and instantaneous events continually renewed, resonates with what Haraway calls the “technopresent” where “beginnings and endings implode.”[39] This is a temporality that describes a rate of turnover, a rhythm of exchange, and an anticipation of progress that could be described as coded and so flattened, characterized by a sort of automaticity. Increased speed and expenditure give rise to the sense of dematerialization that is so specific to electronic technologies Page 58 →and electronic markets. The technopresent describes time as a program, which is operational and efficient but also dematerialized and ultimately depoliticized.
在讨论电子市场的波动性和交易量时，我们所认为的虚拟--显然是非物质化的交易条件和交易对象--实际上与物质和时间支出密切相关。赢利或亏损所依据的数字的短暂性，以及价值的错误飙升和跳水，都源于非物质化和不稳定的感觉，并助长了这种感觉。这种时间感，即不断更新的易变和瞬时事件，与哈拉维所说的 "开始和结束内爆 "的 "技术当下 "产生了共鸣。 [39] 这种时间性描述了一种周转率、一种交换节奏和一种对进步的预期，可以说是编码的，因此是扁平化的，具有某种自动性的特征。速度和支出的增加产生了非物质化的感觉，这种感觉是电子技术第 58 页→和电子市场所特有的。技术在场 "将时间描述为一种程序，它是可操作的、高效的，但也是非物质化的，最终是去政治化的。

Dematerialization: Networks and Software
非物质化：网络与软件

While it is by now clear that dematerialization is in fact a contradictory way to describe electronic technologies that are in fact deeply material, there are of course clear reasons why these technologies do seem to dissolve. From thin screens to tiny chips and from dispersed networks to rapid rates of exchange, many of the qualities of electronics convince us that they are relatively free from material requirements. Yet the term dematerialized does not necessarily mean “without material” but may, instead, refer to modes of materialization that render infrastructures imperceptible or ephemeral. This is electronic technology's sleight of hand, its magic. It appears to be immaterial, but this sense relies on dispersed material infrastructures. Such a condition does not simply involve revealing the invisible but obviously physical props that enable these apparently virtual technologies. Instead, a sense of immateriality is bound up with complex and specific ways of mobilizing and imagining material performativity as being free from resource requirements.[40]
虽然现在已经很清楚，"非物质化 "实际上是一种自相矛盾的描述电子技术的方式，而电子技术实际上又是深层次的物质技术，但当然，这些技术似乎确实在消解，这是有明确原因的。从薄薄的屏幕到微小的芯片，从分散的网络到快速的交换率，电子技术的许多特性都让我们相信，它们相对来说是不需要物质的。然而，"非物质化 "一词并不一定意味着 "没有物质"，相反，它可能指的是使基础设施变得难以察觉或昙花一现的物质化模式。这就是电子技术的技巧和魔力。它看似非物质，但这种感觉依赖于分散的物质基础设施。这种条件并不只是揭示那些使这些看似虚拟的技术得以实现的无形但明显有形的道具。相反，非物质感是与复杂而具体的方式联系在一起的，即调动和想象物质的表演性，使其摆脱资源的要求。 [40]

Dematerialization can further constitute a way of making technologies seem even more operational and effective.[41] The sense of dematerialization, in this case, may emerge through the speed of exchange and space of the interface, which foreground the transfer of signals and light in place of the supports of chemicals, metals, plastic, and labor. Here is a process of erasure—as well as a process of substitution that works toward a new performativity in the form of accelerated exchange and output. Such erasure unfolds through the speed of electronic networks but also through the apparent immateriality of the software that influences the “functionality” of those networks. Yet another form of erasure occurs in the timing of these exchanges, as suggested earlier. The ephemerality and accelerated rates of exchange that electronic networks facilitate influence, in turn, how we understand the materiality or immateriality of digital technologies.
非物质化还可以进一步使技术看起来更加实用和有效。 [41] 在这种情况下，"非物质化 "的感觉可能会通过界面的交换速度和空间而产生，界面强调信号和光的传输，以取代化学品、金属、塑料和劳动力的支持。这是一个擦除的过程，也是一个替代的过程，它以加速交换和产出的形式，努力实现新的表演性。这种消解通过电子网络的速度展开，也通过影响这些网络 "功能性 "的软件的明显非物质性展开。如前所述，另一种形式的侵蚀发生在这些交换的时间上。电子网络的短暂性和交流速度的加快反过来又影响了我们对数字技术的物质性或非物质性的理解。

Rather than refer to dematerialization, in relation to markets Don Slater suggests that we consider how things hold together at all. He instead proposes that objects and goods may move through processes of “stabilization” and “destabilization.”[42] The market is a primary space Page 59 →where this operation takes place; it is an institutional and authoritative register for informing the stability of goods and lapses in value. Dematerialization describes less a condition of things without materiality, in this sense, and more the processes of materialization that allow things to register as entities. How and why do objects hold together, and what resources are at play in both stabilizing and destabilizing those objects? Beyond the dubious category of “physical” objects, what other dynamics emerge to reveal how “things” like computers, mobile devices, software, microchips, screens, NASDAQ indices, and billboards register as sites of momentary value and materiality—or immateriality? Electronics may even appear to be dematerialized because they are more fleeting, more disposable, “provisional,” and even volatile.[43] Provisionality, ephemerality, and volatility have arguably become more central qualities of goods and markets; these are qualities that may contribute to a sense of dematerialization, and they are also mechanisms for realizing a perceived increase in performativity within the new economy.
对于市场，唐-斯莱特建议我们考虑的不是 "非物质化"，而是 "事物是如何结合在一起的"。他提出，物品和货物可能会经历 "稳定 "和 "不稳定 "的过程。 [42] 市场是进行这种运作的主要空间；它是一种制度性的、权威性的登记册，用于告知商品的稳定性和价值的失效。从这个意义上说，非物质化描述的与其说是事物没有物质性的状况，不如说是使事物能够作为实体存在的物质化过程。物品是如何以及为什么会结合在一起的？在稳定和破坏物品稳定的过程中，有哪些资源在发挥作用？除了 "有形 "物体这个可疑的类别之外，还有哪些动态因素揭示了电脑、移动设备、软件、微芯片、屏幕、纳斯达克指数和广告牌等 "物 "是如何作为瞬间价值和物质性（或非物质性）的场所存在的？电子产品甚至可能看起来是非物质化的，因为它们更短暂、更一次性、更 "临时"，甚至更不稳定。 [43] 可以说，临时性、短暂性和易变性已成为商品和市场的核心特质；这些特质可能会助长非物质化的感觉，它们也是在新经济中实现可感知的表演性增加的机制。

Even prior to the establishment of the NASDAQ network, financial institutions were some of the first organizations to employ computerized and automated telecommunication networks in order to facilitate the processing and automating of transactions. Nearly parallel to these usages, manufacturing companies began to take up the use of these networks in order to ensure more regular control of stock and inventory.[44] These histories will be taken up in greater detail shortly, but this discussion of networks begins with the most dematerialized version of networks—as they are imagined to be in an indefinite but dematerialized future. Kevin Kelly, one of the founding editors of Wired magazine, suggests that networks allow not just for the more effective coordination of manufacturing but also for the potentially complete dematerialization of systems required to produce things in the first place. In Kelly's assessment, goods may be developed according to “‘just-in-time’ production techniques,” which could “respond to trends in consumption.”[45] But in order for such timing and responsiveness of production techniques to be enacted, networks must be employed. Networks allow for sudden changes, responses, and adaptations that can be set in cue with market demand. To realize such responsiveness, however, these networks must become not only quicker but lighter. Kelly writes,
即使在纳斯达克网络建立之前，金融机构也是最早使用计算机化和自动化电信网络的组织之一，以促进交易的处理和自动化。与此同时，制造公司也开始使用这些网络，以确保更有规律地控制库存和存货。 [44] 我们将在下文中详细介绍这些历史，但关于网络的讨论将从最非物质化版本的网络开始--即人们想象中的无限期但非物质化的未来网络。凯文-凯利（Kevin Kelly）是《连线》杂志的创始编辑之一，他认为网络不仅可以更有效地协调生产，还可以使生产物品所需的系统完全非物质化。根据凯利的评估，商品可以根据"'及时'生产技术 "进行开发，从而 "顺应消费趋势"。 [45] 但是，为了使生产技术的这种及时性和响应性得以实现，必须采用网络。网络允许根据市场需求做出突然的变化、反应和调整。然而，要实现这种反应能力，这些网络不仅要变得更快，而且要变得更轻。凯利写道、

But this flexibility demands tiptoe agility from multi-ton machines that are presently bolted to the floor. To get them to dance requires Page 60 →substituting a lot of mass with a lot of networked intelligence. Flexibility has to sink deep into the system to make flexible manufacturing work. The machine tools must themselves be adjustable, the schedules of material delivery must turn on a dime, the labor force must coordinate as a unit, the suppliers of packaging must be fluid, the trucking lines must be adaptable, the marketing must be in sync. That's all done with networks.[46]
但是，这种灵活性要求目前用螺栓固定在地板上的重达数吨的机器踮起脚尖才能灵活起舞。要让它们舞动起来，就需要用大量的网络智能取代大量的质量。要实现柔性制造，就必须将柔性深入到系统中。机床本身必须是可调的，材料运送计划必须是随时可变的，劳动力必须作为一个整体协调，包装供应商必须是流动的，卡车运输线必须是可适应的，市场营销必须是同步的。这一切都可以通过网络来实现。 [46]

As much an advocate for as an analyst of dematerialization, Kelly sets the tone for a more immaterial economy by promoting the advantages and efficiency of these seemingly lighter networks. Automation here occurs through dispersed networks, which makes objects cheaper to manufacture and reproduce, because manufacturing is faster, the objects may be smaller, and the processes require less material. So promising is this ostensible elimination of material inputs that Kelly forecasts a time when “one can imagine the future shape of companies by stretching them until they are pure network.”[47] As pure network, companies would be pure process, and any material they produce would always be in transition, transformation, and exchange.
作为非物质化的倡导者和分析者，凯利通过宣传这些看似轻便的网络的优势和效率，为更加非物质化的经济奠定了基调。在这里，自动化是通过分散的网络实现的，这使得物品的制造和复制成本更低，因为制造速度更快，物品可能更小，过程所需的材料更少。这种表面上消除材料投入的做法是如此有前景，以至于凯利预测，到那时 "人们可以想象公司的未来形态，把它们拉长，直到它们成为纯粹的网络"。 [47] 作为纯粹的网络，公司将是纯粹的流程，它们生产的任何材料将始终处于过渡、转换和交换之中。

Yet, for all their seeming absence of material requirements, networks have been major sites of resource expenditure.[48] So convincing is the logic of networks for their ability to improve efficiency, capacity, timing, and profits that scores of companies have invested in network technology in pursuit of this promise. Don Schiller documents how in the 1990s, at great cost, a number of companies undertook network application projects in order to save time and money and to speed products to market.[49] The majority of companies investing in these technologies have been located in the United States, where expenditure on information and communication technologies soon surpassed that of any other capital expenditure. Despite this investment in network and information technologies, many of these ventures often did not achieve their stated aims. Far from constituting a reasonable investment or restructuring of production and distribution, these network projects were then characterized by tremendous expenditures and waste. Many of these network projects were in fact never completed.[50] A tremendous amount of money and resources was expended in order to implement the logic and technology of networks. Such expenditure, even when it fails, appears to be a way to reinforce the promise and prevalence of electronic networks. This expenditure has had such an impact, moreover, that, together, these information technologies Page 61 →have now been classified as the largest industry in the United States.[51] With such a sudden and thorough rise to a dominant position, information and network technologies have contributed to the transformation of economic practices and manufacturing conditions alike.[52]
然而，尽管看似没有物质需求，网络却一直是资源支出的主要场所。 [48] 网络能够提高效率、容量、时间安排和利润，其逻辑如此令人信服，以至于数十家公司为追求这一承诺而投资网络技术。唐-席勒（Don Schiller）记录了 20 世纪 90 年代一些公司如何花费巨资开展网络应用项目，以节省时间和资金，加快产品上市速度。 [49] 投资这些技术的大多数公司都在美国，美国在信息和通信技术方面的支出很快就超过了任何其他资本支出。尽管对网络和信息技术进行了投资，但其中许多企业往往没有实现其既定目标。这些网络项目非但没有构成合理的投资或生产和销售结构调整，反而造成了巨大的开支和浪费。许多网络项目实际上从未完成。 [50] 为了实施网络的逻辑和技术，耗费了大量的资金和资源。这种开支，即使失败了，似乎也是加强电子网络的承诺和普及的一种方式。此外，这种支出还产生了巨大的影响，以至于这些信息技术加在一起，现已被列为美国最大的产业。 [51] 信息和网络技术以如此迅猛的势头占据了主导地位，推动了经济实践和生产条件的变革。 [52]

If networks describe the restructuring of economic, material, temporal, and environmental processes, then how do we begin to describe the qualities of such restructuring? These networks enable a sense of virtuality, of greater efficiency, accelerated speeds, and lower resource requirements.[53] At the same time, networks emerge not as materials or resources but as relations and systems of exchange. Even though networks have even been referred to as the new factories, as a “factory for information,” the prevailing sense is that a network somehow describes modes of operation rather than sites or materialities. Yet the tendency toward apparent dematerialization is a key part of how a network operates. Kelly elaborates on the network-as-factory theme: “A factory-made widget once followed a linear path from design to manufacturing and delivery. Now the biography of a flexibly processed widget becomes a net, distributed over many departments in many places simultaneously, and spilling out beyond the factory, so that it is difficult to say what happens first or where it happens.”[54] While resource inputs and the space of manufacture become decentralized through a network, Kelly's statement suggests that a widget is not without resource requirements but that those resources have been distributed in different ways, across networks.
如果网络描述了经济、物质、时间和环境过程的重组，那么我们如何开始描述这种重组的特质呢？这些网络带来了虚拟感、更高的效率、更快的速度和更低的资源需求。 [53] 同时，网络不是作为材料或资源出现的，而是作为关系和交换系统出现的。尽管网络甚至被称为新工厂，即 "信息工厂"，但人们普遍认为，网络在某种程度上描述的是运作模式，而不是场所或物质性。然而，明显的非物质化趋势正是网络运作方式的关键部分。凯利详细阐述了网络即工厂这一主题："工厂制造的小部件曾经遵循从设计到制造再到交付的线性路径。现在，灵活加工的小部件的传记变成了一张网，同时分布在许多地方的许多部门，并延伸到工厂之外，因此很难说先发生什么或在哪里发生。" [54] 虽然资源投入和制造空间通过网络变得分散，但凯利的说法表明，一个小部件并非不需要资源，只是这些资源以不同的方式在网络上进行了分配。

In this sense, materialities are restructured in a way that changes their ratio and distribution, as well as their economic, political, and environmental effects. A network may redistribute material, but it does not eliminate it. A network still requires resources, and it is essential to take into account the resources it extracts, processes, and distributes and where the wastes from processing circulate. The “network” of electronics extends from Superfund sites in Silicon Valley, to the networks of exchange and valuation of NASDAQ, to the recycling villages and dumps in China and Africa. It is through these other expanded networks that it is possible to trace out these transformed material structures and these electronic modes of waste. These networks not only are made of more than sunshine and signals; they also depend on hidden labor, political inequalities, and environmental damage. But the distribution of these aspects of electronic networks can be disparate and remote from sites like electronic markets. Electronic markets, moreover, typically operate through programs of efficiency—or software—that can render automatic and even Page 62 →seemingly “natural” many of the functions, distributions, and relationships that make these exchanges possible.
从这个意义上说，物质的重组方式改变了它们的比例和分布，也改变了它们对经济、政治和环境的影响。网络可以重新分配物质，但不会消除物质。网络仍然需要资源，因此必须考虑到网络所提取、处理和分配的资源，以及处理过程中产生的废物在何处流通。电子产品的 "网络 "从硅谷的超级垃圾场延伸到纳斯达克的交易和估价网络，再延伸到中国和非洲的回收村和垃圾场。正是通过这些其他扩展的网络，我们才有可能追溯到这些经过改造的物质结构和这些电子废弃物模式。这些网络不仅由阳光和信号构成，还依赖于隐性劳动、政治不平等和环境破坏。但是，电子网络这些方面的分布可能与电子市场等场所相去甚远。此外，电子市场通常是通过效率程序或软件来运作的，这些程序或软件可以使许多功能、分配和关系自动化，甚至是 "自然而然 "的，而正是这些功能、分配和关系使这些交换成为可能。

On the surface of things, NASDAQ may exist as an electronic network, but in order to actually access it, users require distinct software that will allow them to access discrete “levels” and modes of market information. Software exists for “data feed” and for “transaction services.” In fact, it is software that enables the operations of computer networks, by programming for specific capacities and “functionalities,” including algorithmic trading.[55] Software enables another level of material inversion, not those megaliths constructed to resemble microchips, but seemingly immaterial architectures constructed to power vast material and manufacturing structures. Software is the code that appears to circumscribe the ratios and proportions, the speeds and relationships, within networks. The critical function of software is to program processes—of manufacture, calculation, automation.[56] What drives networks is software; this is the automatic program that constitutes the design of the manufacturing process. In fact, most expenditure is now directed toward things that look increasingly like software, from research to licensing, but these inputs typically do not fully register within economic processes. Invisible though it may seem, software still operates in the microspaces, networks, and unnoticeable backgrounds; in the “guts of a set of commodities”; and, finally, across multiple platforms to be delivered as programmed content to screens everywhere.[57]
从表面上看，纳斯达克可能是作为一个电子网络而存在的，但为了实际访问它，用户需要不同的软件，使他们能够访问不同 "层次 "和模式的市场信息。有 "数据馈送 "软件，也有 "交易服务 "软件。事实上，正是软件通过对特定能力和 "功能"（包括算法交易）的编程，实现了计算机网络的运行。 [55] 软件实现了另一层次的物质反转，不是那些建造得类似微型芯片的巨石，而是那些看似非物质的架构，它们为巨大的物质和制造结构提供动力。软件是一种代码，它似乎在网络中限定了比例和关系、速度和关系。软件的关键功能是对制造、计算和自动化过程进行编程。 [56] 驱动网络的是软件；这是构成生产流程设计的自动程序。事实上，从研究到许可，目前大部分支出都用于越来越像软件的领域，但这些投入通常并不完全体现在经济流程中。尽管软件看似无形，但它仍然在微观空间、网络和不易察觉的背景中运行；在 "商品的内核 "中运行；最后，在多个平台上以编程内容的形式传送到各地的屏幕上。 [57]

Software ensures that the lid stays on the black box of electronics, and our only window into these mysterious devices is through the interface, which can effectively obscure the workings of this technology. This directing of attention toward the effectivity and functionality of these devices and not toward their resources, labor, and environmental effects is a way in which software programs matter. But in programming matter, software becomes tied to matter; it constitutes a distinct articulation of material processes. In this respect, it may even make sense to say that “there is no software.”[58] There is no software because there is nothing soft—or absent—about it. Media theorist Friedrich Kittler explains how the difficulty of determining just what software could be has even led to its near extinction in German regulatory spaces, where the “concept of software as mental property” had to be rescinded, as it was next to impossible to determine where hardware stopped and software started, since the latter could never operate “without the correspondent electrical charges in silicon circuitry.”[59] As soon as we attempt to delineate software, Page 63 →it inevitably leaks into material structures, demonstrating that while the program of software operates as a code of effectivity, it is irrevocably bound up with material and technological processes that enable these performances. Software facilitates the increasingly refined programming of matter and exchanges; but even more, it allows for the sense of expanded possibilities for transforming that matter—to dispense with it, to distribute it, and to generally minimize material requirements so that the process itself can appear infinite, even if the resources are not. The “program” of automation may help to explain further why this tension between material structures and apparent erasure has such a lasting influence on the performativity of electronic networks.
软件确保了电子产品这个黑盒子的盖子不被揭开，我们了解这些神秘设备的唯一窗口是通过界面，而界面可以有效地掩盖这项技术的运作。这种将注意力引向这些设备的有效性和功能性，而非其资源、劳动力和环境影响的做法，是软件程序重要的一种方式。但是，在对物质进行编程的过程中，软件变得与物质息息相关；它构成了物质过程的独特衔接。在这方面，甚至可以说 "没有软件"。 [58] 没有软件，是因为它没有任何软性或缺失。媒体理论家弗里德里希-基特勒（Friedrich Kittler）解释说，由于难以确定软件究竟是什么，甚至导致软件在德国的监管空间中几近消亡，"软件作为精神财产的概念 "不得不被废除，因为几乎不可能确定硬件在哪里停止，软件在哪里开始，因为后者永远不可能在 "没有硅电路中相应电荷的情况下运行"。 [59] 一旦我们试图界定软件，它就不可避免地渗入到物质结构中，这表明，虽然软件程序是作为效力代码运行的，但它与实现这些性能的物质和技术过程有着不可逆转的联系。软件促进了对物质和交换的日益精细的编程；但更重要的是，它使人们感到改造物质的可能性在不断扩大--免除物质、分配物质，以及总体上将物质需求降至最低，从而使过程本身看起来是无限的，即使资源并不是无限的。 自动化的 "程序 "可能有助于进一步解释，为什么物质结构与表面抹除之间的这种紧张关系会对电子网络的表演性产生如此持久的影响。

Automation: Programming Matter
自动化：编程事项

The soft and hard technologies that fuel electronic markets were a long time in the making, and depending on which influences we would choose as most critical, we could find major contributing factors in the nineteenth century, with Charles Babbage and his Difference Engine, or in developments during the World War II era, including the Turing machine and ENIAC. But the advent of the second wave of automation, in the 1950s, may most directly inform this analysis of electronic markets. Automation allowed for the control of stock and inventory and began the movement toward “automatic programming” that would enable machines to coordinate entire financial and industrial processes without human intervention. Taking up the term automation and applying it to manufacturing and businesses alike, John Diebold used the notion as a tool for rethinking economic processes through computerized feedback. Of this new model of 1950s industrial practice, he wrote, “The pushbutton age is already obsolete; the buttons now push themselves.”[60] Automation is relevant to this investigation into electronics not just because the first mainframe to be applied to industry and financial use, the UNIVAC, was employed by General Electric and NASDAQ alike but also because it was within the theories of automation that notions pertaining to programmed exchange and a dematerialized stock exchange were first developed.
推动电子市场发展的软硬技术由来已久，我们可以从十九世纪查尔斯-巴贝奇（Charles Babbage）和他的 "差分引擎"（Difference Engine），也可以从二战时期的图灵机（Turing machine）和ENIAC（ENIAC）等发展中找到主要的推动因素，这取决于我们选择哪种影响最为关键。但是，20 世纪 50 年代第二波自动化浪潮的出现，可能最直接地影响了对电子市场的分析。自动化实现了对库存和存货的控制，并开始朝着 "自动编程 "的方向发展，使机器能够在没有人工干预的情况下协调整个金融和工业流程。约翰-迪伯尔德（John Diebold）将 "自动化 "一词应用于制造业和企业，并将其作为通过计算机反馈重新思考经济流程的工具。关于 20 世纪 50 年代工业实践的这一新模式，他写道："按钮时代已经过时；现在按钮自己会按。 [60] 自动化与本次电子学研究相关，不仅因为通用电气和纳斯达克都采用了第一台应用于工业和金融业的大型机 UNIVAC，还因为正是在自动化理论的指导下，有关程序化交换和非物质化证券交易所的概念才得以发展。

In the same book in which he popularized the term automation, Diebold put forward a proposal to rethink “the problem of the New York Stock Exchange” through automation.[61] The NYSE required more than just the mere appendage of some “new gadgets” to what were “obsolete processes,” Page 64 →he argued; instead, the stock exchange needed to rethink its entire operations through automation. Diebold elaborated on what he perceived to be the inefficient and outmoded operations of the NYSE.
在普及自动化一词的同一本书中，迪堡提出了通过自动化重新思考 "纽约证券交易所问题 "的建议。 [61] 他认为，纽约证券交易所需要的不仅仅是在 "陈旧的流程 "上安装一些 "新的小工具"，而是需要通过自动化重新思考整个交易所的运作。迪波尔德详细阐述了他所认为的纽约证券交易所的低效和过时运作。

Characterized as the nerve center of American industry, the exchange is really a glaring anachronism. On the floor of the exchange as in the ancient market places, the traders stand at their posts and offer wares—not stone jugs, but stocks and bonds. Hundreds of men swarm over the paper-strewn floor. Messengers dart to and fro with scribbled bits of paper. The glitter of a few modern devices such as the high-speed ticker tape (which records what has happened but does not participate in the action) is so blinding that we never question the basic process.[62]
作为美国工业的神经中枢，交易所实际上是一个明显的时代错误。在交易所的地板上，就像在古代的集市上一样，商人们站在自己的岗位上，提供的不是石壶，而是股票和债券。成百上千的人涌向铺满纸张的地板。信使们拿着潦草的纸片来回穿梭。一些现代设备，如高速行驶的磁带（记录所发生的一切，但不参与交易）的光芒是如此耀眼，以至于我们从未质疑过基本的交易过程。 [62]

Diebold sought a way in which to “automatize” the materially encumbered exchange. He suggested, “What is called for is something completely different from the exchange floor as it exists today.” That something different was the use of computers to execute automatically the processes of exchange. Such a change would be so revolutionary that computers might even “provide a means for eliminating the exchange floor altogether.”[63] Diebold suggested that automation would greatly improve the speed and efficiency of the stock exchange. As part of this improved operation, the required material infrastructures would be expendable and even eliminated. In Diebold's description of automation is the logic that later comes to define the workings of software and networks, and of electronic market transactions.
迪堡寻求一种方法，使物质匮乏的交易所 "自动化"。他提出："我们需要的是一种完全不同于当今交易所的方式"。这种不同就是利用计算机自动执行交换过程。这种变革将是革命性的，计算机甚至可能 "提供一种彻底消除交易所的手段"。 [63] 迪堡认为，自动化将大大提高证券交易所的速度和效率。作为改进操作的一部分，所需的物质基础设施将是消耗性的，甚至可以取消。在迪堡对自动化的描述中，包含了后来界定软件和网络以及电子市场交易运作的逻辑。

In Diebold's text, where he searches for early applications for automation, it is the elimination of existing material structures and relocation of processes through programmed machines—in other words, computers—that would allow for the realization of greater efficiency, not just in the circuits of exchange, but also in processes of manufacturing. Computers were seen not only as a way to improve speed and efficiency through automation but also as a way to reduce waste and free workers from repetitive tasks.[64] Elaborating on these advantages, Diebold suggested that automation involves more than simply making existing products through computerized means. Instead, automation would lead to automatic processes that would, in turn, inevitably change the products produced.[65] These alterations are due not just to automation but also to the electronic quality of the machines doing the processing. Page 65 →Electrical and electronic automation can lead to entirely different “inventories,” comprised, as McLuhan suggests, “not so much of goods in storage as of materials in continuous process of transformation at spatially removed sites.”[66] The removal, redistribution, and transformation of goods through these processes apply not just to automation in the 1950s and 1960s but, arguably, just as well to electronic networks of finance and industry in operation today. Just as with Kelly's notion of a “pure network,” when materials are in constant transformation, they seem to dissipate completely. But if we look closely, we see that the materials have not just disappeared; they have instead realigned and transformed—stabilized and destabilized—through electronic modes of exchange.
在迪波尔德的文章中，他在寻找自动化的早期应用时，认为通过编程机器--换句话说，计算机--消除现有的物质结构并重新定位流程，不仅能提高交换回路的效率，还能提高制造流程的效率。计算机不仅能通过自动化提高速度和效率，还能减少浪费，将工人从重复性工作中解放出来。 [64] 在阐述这些优势时，迪堡提出，自动化不仅仅是通过计算机手段制造现有产品。相反，自动化将导致自动流程，而这些流程又将不可避免地改变所生产的产品。 [65] 这些改变不仅是自动化的结果，也是进行加工的机器的电子质量造成的。电气自动化和电子自动化会导致完全不同的 "库存"，正如麦克卢汉所言，"与其说是储存在仓库中的货物，不如说是在空间上被移走的地方不断转化的材料"。 [66] 通过这些过程对物品进行移除、再分配和转化，不仅适用于二十世纪五六十年代的自动化，而且可以说，同样适用于当今运行的金融和工业电子网络。正如凯利的 "纯粹网络 "概念一样，当物质不断转化时，它们似乎会完全消散。但如果我们仔细观察，就会发现这些材料并没有消失，而是通过电子交换模式重新组合和转换--稳定和不稳定。

Automation, from industrial-mechanical to information-electronic, is a process that transforms matter—it could even be called, following philosopher Michel Serres, “a revolution operating on matter.”[67] When technologies are automatic and autonomous, they become catalysts not only of material complexity but of new distributions and creations of energy.[68] Electronics and electronic networks—coded, distributed, efficient, automatic, and seemingly immaterial—give rise to distinct patterns of movement, exchange, and transformation. When machine technologies spark conditions of material transformation and complexification, they seem to operate as “natural” forces. This is exactly the sense in which I here deliberately take up the term natural to write toward a natural history that describes processes of materialization as situated, cultural, political, and environmental events. This materiality describes not an essential or given condition but, instead, a technonatural enfolding, where electronics generate distinct material processes.
自动化，从工业机械到信息电子，是一个改变物质的过程--甚至可以按照哲学家米歇尔-塞雷斯的说法，称之为 "在物质上运作的革命"。 [67] 当技术自动化和自主化时，它们不仅成为物质复杂性的催化剂，而且成为新的能量分配和创造的催化剂。 [68] 电子产品和电子网络--编码、分布、高效、自动、看似非物质--产生了独特的运动、交换和转化模式。当机器技术引发物质转型和复杂化的条件时，它们似乎是作为 "自然 "力量在运作。这正是我在此特意使用 "自然 "一词来书写自然史的意义所在，自然史将物质化过程描述为情景、文化、政治和环境事件。这种物质性描述的不是一种基本的或既定的条件，而是一种技术与自然的结合，在这种结合中，电子产品产生了独特的物质过程。

Exchange Theory
交换理论

Exchange, the processing that transpires across electronic networks, becomes the basis not just for transmission and transformation but also for deformation. Serres writes that “the exchanger is also a transformer,” and so the process of exchanging messages becomes a process of change.[69] Within electronic markets, transformation takes place in particular ways: toward the instantaneous, the voluminous, and the volatile. Transformation and expenditure may give rise to destabilization. Yet within electronic markets, this processing and circulation becomes the basis for value. Instability and volatility can actually become forces on which to capitalize. Exchange, in this sense, can be understood as the source of Page 66 →value. The ways in which objects circulate—or are exchanged—inform their value.[70] By focusing on exchange, we can study not just how commodities form but also how they circulate in and out of value. Such an approach allows us to go beyond the object or product and, instead, to consider how exchange can enable objects to obtain value as commodities and, by extension, how exchange can also ensure the loss of value and potential decommodification of objects.[71] Indeed, in the context of this chapter that focuses on the sorts of exchanges that electronic networks enable, it becomes evident that the terms of exchange, value, and commodities shift. The processes of networks and software direct attention toward process as a key register of products. The rates and the volatility or provisional quality of exchanges can also enable more rapid processes of valuation and devaluation. In the language of the new economy, the commodity may no longer even be a stable object but may instead be formed through a networked process.[72] Within electronic processes, commodities have become marked by instability, a certain alchemy, which accelerates the process of transformation, information, and deformation around the boundaries and values of those goods.[73]
交换，即通过电子网络进行的处理，不仅是传输和转换的基础，也是变形的基础。塞雷斯写道："交换者同时也是变革者"，因此，交换信息的过程也是变革的过程。 [69] 在电子市场中，转变以特定的方式发生：瞬时、大量和不稳定。转变和支出可能会导致不稳定。然而，在电子市场中，这种处理和流通成为价值的基础。不稳定性和不稳定性实际上可以成为资本的力量。从这个意义上说，交换可以被理解为价值的来源。物品的流通或交换方式决定了其价值。 [70] 通过关注交换，我们不仅可以研究商品是如何形成的，还可以研究它们是如何在价值中循环往复的。通过这种方法，我们可以超越物品或产品的范畴，转而思考交换如何使物品获得商品价值，以及推而广之，交换如何确保物品价值的丧失和潜在的非商品化。 [71] 事实上，在本章重点讨论电子网络所促成的各种交换的背景下，交换、价值和商品的术语显然发生了变化。网络和软件的过程将人们的注意力引向了作为产品的关键标识的过程。交换的费率和波动性或临时性也能使估价和贬值过程更加迅速。在新经济的语言中，商品甚至可能不再是一个稳定的物体，而是通过网络过程形成的。 [72] 在电子化进程中，商品的不稳定性和某种炼金术加速了商品边界和价值的转变、信息和变形过程。 [73]

Some of the earliest attempts to theorize just what information—or an information commodity—is and how we should measure it for its economic value have focused on the fluid, rather than solid, aspects of information. Indeed, Fritz Machlup, an Austrian-American economist who contributed to the popularity of the phrase information society, asked in 1980 whether there were “any ways to measure or estimate the magnitudes of the stocks and flows of knowledge.”[74] Machlup was concerned with how to establish a common standard of measure for anything that could count as information, which at that time meant “society's stock of recorded knowledge, mostly in the form of books and journals stored on the shelves of libraries.” Unlike the “How Much Information” report discussed in chapter 1, Machlup found this physical basis for measurement to be insufficient, because “counts of volumes and counts of titles lead to very different results.”[75] Knowledge counts could be easily duplicated, and the scale at which these knowledge counts should even begin was not obvious: should we count works, pages, titles, or volumes? Information challenges the traditional units of measure, which in this case were strictly tied to physical formats; instead, those instruments have to be invented, modified, and adapted to the task of measuring an apparently formless entity that does not compare to the regularity of stock.
最早试图从理论上解释什么是信息或信息商品，以及我们应该如何衡量它的经济价值的一些尝试，都集中在信息的流动性而非稳固性方面。事实上，弗里茨-马赫卢普（Fritz Machlup）是一位美籍奥地利经济学家，他在 1980 年提出了一个问题："是否有任何方法可以衡量或估算知识的存量和流量"。 [74] 马赫卢普关心的是如何为任何可以算作信息的东西建立一个共同的衡量标准，当时的信息指的是 "社会记录在案的知识存量，主要是以书籍和期刊的形式存放在图书馆的书架上"。与第 1 章讨论的 "有多少信息 "报告不同的是，马赫卢普发现这种物理基础的衡量方法是不够的，因为 "卷数的计数和标题的计数会导致截然不同的结果"。 [75] 知识统计很容易被重复，而且知识统计的起点并不明确：我们应该统计作品、页数、标题还是卷数？信息对传统的度量单位提出了挑战，在这种情况下，传统的度量单位严格地与物理格式联系在一起；相反，这些工具必须被发明、修改和调整，以适应度量一个看似无形的实体的任务，而这个实体并不能与库存的规律性相提并论。

Wrestling with this problem, Machlup decided that “flow” is the most Page 67 →ideal measure for reckoning with the quantity of “society's knowledge.” By measuring circulation, it is possible to measure value.[76] The measure of value adheres not to the actual unit of information but, rather, to its circulation; its circulation implies exchange, and exchange equates to value. If information is requested, transmitted, or received, then it is in use or in demand, and it therefore moves within structures of value. These structures of value are arranged as networks. This is how a network can further enable value by increasing the web of connections. As Kelly writes,
面对这一问题，马赫卢普认为，"流通 "是计算 "社会知识 "数量的最理想尺度。通过衡量流通量，就可以衡量价值。 [76] 价值的衡量标准不在于信息的实际单位，而在于信息的流通；信息的流通意味着交换，而交换等同于价值。如果信息被索取、传播或接收，那么它就被使用或被需求，因此它就在价值结构中流动。这些价值结构被排列成网络。这就是网络如何通过增加连接网络来进一步实现价值。凯利写道

If you have the only fax machine in the world it is worth nothing. But for every other fax installed in the world, your fax machine increases in value. In fact, the more faxes in the world, the more valuable everybody's fax becomes. This is the logic of the Net, also known as the law of increasing returns. It goes contrary to classical economic theories of wealth based on equilibratory tradeoff. These state that you can't get something from nothing. The truth is, you can…. In network economics, more brings more.[77]
如果你拥有世界上唯一一台传真机，那么它就一文不值。但是，世界上每安装一台传真机，你的传真机就会增值。事实上，世界上的传真机越多，每个人的传真机就越值钱。这就是网络的逻辑，也被称为收益递增法则。它与基于平衡取舍的经典财富经济理论背道而驰。这些理论认为，你不可能无中生有。事实上，你可以....。在网络经济学中，多多益善。 [77]

As Kelly describes, circulation—in the form of networks—is not just the means for generating value; it is the source of accumulating value. But such structures of circulation, accumulation, and value do not describe information alone. Even noise—junk messages—can acquire value through circulation.
正如凯利所描述的，网络形式的流通不仅是产生价值的手段，也是积累价值的源泉。但是，这种流通、积累和价值的结构并不能仅仅描述信息。即使是噪音--垃圾信息--也能通过流通获得价值。

As I have suggested early on in this chapter, circulation is the basis not just for value but also for devaluation; as such, it is bound to the generative dynamic of waste. What appears to be waste may even acquire value through its circulation within particular spaces of value. This condition is true for both spam and junk mail, which constitute a large proportion of Internet and mail traffic. While attempts have been made to legislate against the circulation of junk, estimates still refer to nothing less than an exponential increase in spam, or unsolicited e-mails. Billions of spam messages circulate through the Internet, a volume that is made possible by innumerable personal computers that are programmed to inundate the electronic networks of the Internet. Spam is a program as much as a sham offer for property in Bermuda; it automates the circulation of messages in bulk across networks that do not—up until recently—discriminate from the information or noise that it exchanges. Spam is lucrative precisely because it flows in massive quantities. By sheer odds, some messages do eventually reach receptive audiences, who execute “buy/sell” Page 68 →orders (most likely based on “pump and dump” missives).[78] What informs the circulation of these messages most of all is the fact that they are part of an automated exchange made in bulk, where the volume of material in circulation eventually realizes a profit by finding its way to spaces of value and exchange.[79] Just as the volume and frequency of these exchanges may actualize a profit, however, so may they circulate through spaces of devaluation. In just this way was it once possible, with the dot-com crash, for NASDAQ to be valued as nothing but junk.
正如我在本章开头所指出的，流通不仅是价值的基础，也是贬值的基础；因此，它与废弃物的生成动力息息相关。看似废物的东西甚至可能通过在特定价值空间内的流通而获得价值。垃圾邮件和垃圾邮件都是如此，它们在互联网和邮件流量中占了很大比例。尽管已经试图立法禁止垃圾邮件的流通，但据估计，垃圾邮件或未经请求的电子邮件仍在以指数级的速度增长。数以亿计的垃圾邮件在互联网上流传，其数量之大是由无数的个人电脑造成的，这些电脑被设定了程序，以淹没互联网的电子网络。垃圾邮件是一种程序，就像百慕大的虚假房地产报价一样；它自动在网络上大量传播信息，而直到最近，网络上还没有对其交换的信息或噪音进行区分。垃圾邮件之所以有利可图，正是因为它的流量巨大。由于机缘巧合，一些信息最终到达了有接受能力的受众手中，他们执行了 "买/卖" 第 68 页 → 订单（很可能是基于 "泵和转储 "邮件）。 [78] 这些信息的流通最重要的一点是，它们是批量自动交换的一部分，流通中的大量材料最终通过进入价值和交换空间而实现盈利。 [79] 然而，正如这些交换的数量和频率可以实现利润一样，它们也可以通过贬值空间进行流通。网络公司崩溃后，纳斯达克的价值也曾一度被贬低到垃圾的地步。

In an even more pronounced performance of these cycles of valuation and devaluation, the financial crisis that has played out since the end of the 2007 housing bubble, fueled by subprime mortgages, and through the ensuing credit crisis has generated its own cast of material remainders. From collapses in balance sheets to mortgage foreclosures and loss of jobs, multiple spaces of devaluation have unfolded within the mysterious calculus of speculative capital. Complex financial instruments and distributed investment packages have, in many ways, been amplified through the infrastructures of electronic markets and exchanges. The scale of the current market “correction,” with write-downs and write-offs in the trillions of dollars, has a discomfiting correlative in the now-vacant homes, closed storefronts, unemployment lines, and idle container ships that scatter from the swamps of Florida to the harbors of Singapore.[80]
在这些估值和贬值周期的更明显表现中，自 2007 年住房泡沫结束以来，在次级抵押贷款的助推下，通过随之而来的信贷危机，金融危机产生了自己的物质残余。从资产负债表崩溃到抵押贷款取消赎回权和失业，在投机资本的神秘计算中出现了多重贬值空间。通过电子市场和交易所的基础设施，复杂的金融工具和分散的一揽子投资在许多方面都被放大了。当前市场 "修正 "的规模（减记和注销额高达数万亿美元）与从佛罗里达沼泽到新加坡港口散布的空置房屋、关闭的店面、失业大军和闲置的集装箱船有着令人不安的关联。 [80]

To understand the fallout from the rise and fall in value, from so many numbers flickering across screens and processors, it is necessary to understand what role waste and wasting play in this dynamic. Waste operates not just at the terminal end of a commodity's life but across its production, exchange, and consumption.[81] When mapped through these more extended processes, exchange emerges in a more entangled relation with waste, both in the ways devaluation occurs and in where the potential for revaluation resides. This is a way of reading exchange through the dynamic potential of waste. As cultural theorist John Frow elaborates through his reading of Thompson's Rubbish Theory, “the transformation of value is not grounded in the intrinsic properties of objects”; rather, value emerges as “an effect of the circulation of objects between regimes of value.”[82] These circulations are complex, possibly driven as much by wastefulness as by the recuperation of value. But such circulation cannot be reduced to markets alone, because the emergence of value through circulation works within spaces of potential virtual expenditure. Virtuality is bound up with the inexhaustibility of things and with the generative and dynamic qualities of waste and the formation of value.[83] Page 69 →Waste is at once an inevitable and distinct force at play, informing the circulation of objects and their value. Waste overlaps with other circuits of exchange, other networks and material distributions. In this sense, it is not too far to trace another connection between the circuits of electronic exchange to the resurfacing of electronic waste as it circulates toward another exchange, the circuits of disposal and recycling.
要了解价值涨落的后果，了解在屏幕和处理器上闪烁的众多数字，就必须了解废物和浪费在这一动态中的作用。浪费不仅发生在商品的生命末期，而且贯穿于商品的生产、交换和消费过程。 [81] 当通过这些更广泛的过程进行映射时，交换与废弃物之间的关系就会变得更加纠缠不清，这既体现在贬值的方式上，也体现在重新估价的潜力上。这是一种通过废物的动态潜力来解读交换的方式。正如文化理论家约翰-弗罗（John Frow）通过对汤普森的《垃圾理论》的解读所阐述的，"价值的转变并非基于物品的内在属性"；相反，价值的出现是 "物品在价值体系之间循环的结果"。 [82] 这些循环是复杂的，可能既受浪费的驱动，也受价值恢复的驱动。但这种流通不能仅仅归结为市场，因为通过流通产生的价值是在潜在的虚拟支出空间内发挥作用的。虚拟性与事物的不竭性以及浪费和价值形成的生成性和能动性息息相关。 [83] 第 69 页→废弃物既是一种不可避免的力量，又是一种独特的力量，它影响着物品的流通及其价值。废弃物与其他交换渠道、其他网络和物质分配相重叠。从这个意义上说，在电子交换回路与电子废物重新出现之间建立另一种联系也不为过，因为电子废物循环到另一种交换回路，即处理和回收回路。

Dematerializing and Rematerializing
非物质化和再物质化

The circulation of waste extends from the “virtual” and performative exchanges of electronic markets to the material and environmental exchanges of digital rubbish. The apparent dematerialization of digital technologies may enable greater “functionalities,” but in many ways, it also generates greater volumes of waste. As the seemingly more immaterial digital technologies demonstrate, this is due, on one level, to an enhanced ability to process and distribute materials.[84] By some odd turn of events, processes of dematerialization have even facilitated accelerated rates of output.[85] As this chapter attempts to establish, however, these same processes that seem to require less resource-intensive production and exchange rematerialize not just through abundance, toxicity, speed, destabilization, or performativity of materials. Electronics rematerialize again through obsolete devices in the form of electronic waste. Indeed, electronic waste gives rise to a reconsideration of what constitutes the boundaries of electronic technologies, which intersect with processes of materialization from exchange to automation.
废物的流通从电子市场的 "虚拟 "和表演性交换延伸到数字垃圾的物质和环境交换。数字技术表面上的非物质化可能会带来更多的 "功能"，但在许多方面也会产生更多的废物。正如那些看似更非物质化的数字技术所展示的那样，这在某种程度上是由于处理和分配材料的能力增强了。 [84] 在某些奇怪的情况下，非物质化进程甚至促进了产出速度的加快。 [85] 然而，正如本章试图阐述的那样，这些似乎需要较少资源密集型生产和交换的过程，并不仅仅是通过材料的丰富性、毒性、速度、不稳定性或表演性来实现再物质化的。电子产品通过电子垃圾形式的过时设备再次实现再物质化。事实上，电子垃圾引发了对电子技术边界的重新思考，电子技术与从交换到自动化的物质化过程相互交织。

To “rematerialize” electronic technologies is also to map the political relations that support their operations. The politics of dematerialization emerge in sharper focus when we consider where the overlooked remainders of electronic technologies circulate. As mentioned earlier, much of the electronic waste that is sent for “recycling” from the United States and other wealthy countries finds its way to less economically privileged countries. The flow of garbage typically follows this course from developed to developing country. This circulation and exchange, delineating the valued and the devalued, sustains the figure of dematerialization. The ability to sustain economic growth may even require the sense that growth has a more “immaterial” quality; yet supporting this immateriality is a politically unequal material infrastructure that enables growth.[86] To this extent, the Basel Action Network has suggested, in its report on the exportation of electronic waste to Southeast Asia, that much of the Page 70 →“virtuality” of digital technologies exists by virtue of the factories and dumping grounds that are positioned in locations remote from sites of consumption. By rematerializing electronic technologies, it is possible to draw together these apparently disparate relations as constitutive material processes.
将电子技术 "非物质化"，也是在描绘支持其运作的政治关系。当我们考虑到被忽视的电子技术残余物在何处流通时，非物质化的政治问题就会更加突出。如前所述，美国和其他富裕国家送去 "回收 "的大部分电子垃圾都流向了经济条件较差的国家。垃圾的流向通常就是从发达国家流向发展中国家。这种划分价值和贬值的流通和交换，维持着非物质化的形象。维持经济增长的能力甚至可能要求人们认识到，增长具有更多的 "非物质 "特质；然而，支持这种非物质性的是政治上不平等的物质基础设施，它使增长成为可能。 [86] 为此，巴塞尔行动网络在其关于向东南亚出口电子废物的报告中指出，数字技术的 "虚拟性 "很大程度上来自于远离消费地的工厂和倾倒场。通过对电子技术的再物质化，可以将这些看似互不相关的关系整合为构成物质的过程。

Strategies of rematerialization can be one way to locate the apparently dematerialized flows of the digital. Just as the interface fades from view, a conduit for the exchange of so many electronic messages, it comes into focus once again in the form of inert and abandoned computer monitors and abandoned screens of all types. Many of these screens are composed partly of recyclable materials—glass and copper yokes. But the process of their extraction is toxic, and this extractive labor is typically performed not by users of computers or electronic screens but by workers who bear an entirely different relationship to these machines. In contrast to the relative disentanglement of computer users, these workers’ “place of work,” as media theorist Lisa Parks writes, “has become the inside of the machine—the part that is kept off-limits, locked up, closed off in Western consumer societies.”[87] Beyond the interface, there are extended global economies through which discarded computers are processed. The labor, bodies, and economies bound up with dismantling computers entail a much different relation to the interface and to the black box of electronics. The workers who dismantle monitors typically extract the cathode-ray tube (CRT), a device rich in copper but also highly toxic to remove.[88] Images and exchanges that processed in milliseconds transform into metal scrap to be salvaged for raw materials markets. Far from constituting a virtual space, the apparently dematerialized interface depends, in fact, on power structures, resource movements, and material economies—all of which rematerialize when electronics literally break open and become waste.
再物质化战略可以作为一种方法来定位表面上非物质化的数字流动。当作为众多电子信息交流渠道的界面逐渐淡出人们的视线时，它又以惰性和废弃的电脑显示器以及各类废弃屏幕的形式再次成为人们关注的焦点。其中许多屏幕部分由可回收材料组成--玻璃和铜轭。但它们的提取过程是有毒的，而且这种提取劳动通常不是由电脑或电子屏幕的使用者来完成，而是由与这些机器有着完全不同关系的工人来完成。媒体理论家丽莎-帕克斯（Lisa Parks）写道，"这些工人的工作场所 "与电脑用户的相对脱节形成鲜明对比，"已经成为机器的内部--在西方消费社会中，这部分被禁止、被锁住、被封闭"。 [87] 在界面之外，还有延伸的全球经济，废弃的电脑就是通过这些经济被处理的。与拆卸电脑相关的劳动、身体和经济与界面和电子黑盒的关系大相径庭。拆解显示器的工人通常会提取阴极射线管（CRT），这是一种富含铜的设备，但拆卸时也会产生剧毒。 [88] 在几毫秒内处理完毕的图像和交换信息会变成金属废料，被回收到原材料市场。表面上看似非物质化的界面并不构成一个虚拟空间，事实上，它依赖于权力结构、资源流动和物质经济--当电子产品真正破裂并成为废料时，所有这些都会重新物质化。

Captured in this chapter are the sites and processes that are revealed by moving from the glow of the interface to the “inside of the machine” and beyond. From the initial discussion of inhabiting the megalithic microchips of NASDAQ's MarketSite to the screens, networks, and software that enable programs of automated exchange, electronic exchange relies on the displacement, dematerialization, and destabilization of technologies, as well as the generative dynamic of waste. The interface rematerializes as an electronic technology bound up with these performative registers—as well as with the global economies and ecologies of resource inputs and waste disposal. The material effects of discarded Page 71 →electronics often register far from the spaces of their past operation. “These sunshine-belt machines,” as Haraway writes, “are as hard to see politically as materially.”[89] When they are rematerialized—mapped within a layered natural history—they emerge as complex material and political devices. The next chapter turns to the circuits that enable the consumption and disposal of so many electronic interfaces. These infrastructures, which undergird and coexist with the more performative and distributed electronic exchanges discussed in this chapter, rematerialize electronics from networks of signals and light to the often extended and complex circuits of material divestment and disposal.
本章记录了从界面的光芒到 "机器内部 "甚至更远的地点和过程。从最初讨论的纳斯达克 MarketSite 的巨型微芯片，到实现自动交换程序的屏幕、网络和软件，电子交换依赖于技术的置换、非物质化和不稳定，以及废物的生成动力。界面作为一种电子技术被重新物质化，它与这些表演性的记录--以及资源投入和废物处理的全球经济和生态--紧密联系在一起。废弃电子产品的物质效应往往远离其过去的运行空间。哈拉维写道，"这些阳光地带的机器""在政治上和物质上一样难以察觉"。 [89] 当它们被重新物质化--映射在层层叠叠的自然历史中--它们就会以复杂的物质和政治装置的面目出现。下一章的主题是使众多电子界面的消费和处置成为可能的电路。这些基础设施支撑着本章所讨论的更具表演性和分布式的电子交流，并与之共存，它们将电子产品从信号和光的网络重新物质化，使之成为物质剥离和处置的扩展而复杂的电路。

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THREE
三

Shipping and Receiving
发货和收货

CIRCUITS OF DISPOSAL AND THE “SOCIAL DEATH” OF ELECTRONICS
处理电路和电子产品的 "社会死亡"

Nothing good is endless in the computer world.
在计算机世界里，没有什么好事是无止境的。

—J. DAVID BOLTER, Turing's Man
-J.戴维-博尔特，《图灵的男人

The “Social Death” of Electronics
电子产品的 "社会死亡

Electronics eventually circulate toward other spaces of exchange that are situated far beyond those apparently dematerialized interfaces discussed in the last chapter. Electronic technologies that once powered markets reach obsolescence and are discarded. The outdated debris of computer monitors, printers, hard drives, power cords, peripheral storage devices, mobile phones, and servers that make up electronic networks eventually lingers in assorted stages of disposal, from the warehouse to the rubbish bin. Disposal is a continuation of the transmission and processing of electronics, albeit within distinctly different formats. Disposal is formative in the making and unmaking of the materiality of electronics. The practices of disposal involve multiple modes of material disassembly and depend on interconnected geographies for the circulation and recuperation of discarded devices.
电子产品最终会流向其他交换空间，而这些空间远远超出了上一章所讨论的那些明显非物质化的界面。曾经为市场提供动力的电子技术逐渐过时并被丢弃。由电脑显示器、打印机、硬盘驱动器、电源线、外围存储设备、手机和服务器组成的电子网络，这些过时的残骸最终会在从仓库到垃圾桶的不同处理阶段徘徊。废弃处理是电子产品传输和处理的延续，尽管其形式截然不同。处理是电子产品物质性的形成和解体过程。废弃处理的实践涉及多种材料拆解模式，并依赖于相互关联的地理环境，以实现废弃设备的流通和回收。

Two narratives concerned with the practice of disposal indicate the potential scope of these material and geographic circuits and practices of disposal. In Invisible Cities, Italo Calvino describes a metropolis, Leonia, which refreshes itself by discarding all its objects on a daily basis. So persistent is the process of using up and expelling goods that this becomes Leonia's defining attribute, its apparent source of pleasure. The city's constant stream of refuse is transported by anonymous workers to unknown places located on the urban periphery. Yet the practice of expulsion grows to such epic proportions that an increasing quantity of debris accumulates and threatens to unleash in a cataclysmic landslide. In the process of disposing of its remains, Leonia unwittingly constructs orders and spaces of enduring and even menacing materiality. At the same time, the city establishes circuits of disposal that become defining routes of renewed consumption, duration, and value. These circuits are invisible, overlooked; yet the remainders that move through these spaces of disposal give Leonia its “definitive form.”[1]
有两篇关于废弃物处理实践的叙述表明了这些物质和地理循环以及废弃物处理实践的潜在范围。在《看不见的城市》一书中，伊塔洛-卡尔维诺描述了一个名叫莱奥尼亚的大都市，它每天通过丢弃所有物品来更新自己。使用和丢弃物品的过程如此持久，以至于这成了莱奥尼亚的显著特征，也是其明显的快乐源泉。城市中源源不断的垃圾被无名工人运往城市边缘不为人知的地方。然而，这种驱逐垃圾的做法已经发展到了史诗般的规模，越来越多的垃圾堆积起来，有可能引发一场灾难性的山体滑坡。在处理残留物的过程中，莱奥尼亚无意中构建了具有持久甚至危险物质性的秩序和空间。与此同时，这座城市还建立起了一些废弃物处理回路，这些回路成为重新消费、持续时间和价值的决定性路径。这些回路是无形的、被忽视的；然而，通过这些处理空间流动的残留物赋予了莱奥尼亚 "确定的形式"。 [1]

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Similar daily rituals of consuming and wasting emerge in even greater relief in Cornucopia City, an imagined geography that postwar cultural commentator Vance Packard describes as an example of the furthest extreme of overproduction. In this metropolis, temporary buildings are constructed from papier-mâché, and the factories produce a heap of products that are trucked directly to the dump before they are even able to inundate the consumer market. Through his concocted city, Packard expresses a perceived “crisis of production,” a crisis that threatens to saturate markets to such an extent that it overwhelms the possibility for consumption to keep pace.[2] In these cities, disposal, invisible and abundant, is continual and essential to the renewal of production and consumption. Yet there is more to the process and geography of disposal than this loop between production and consumption. As abandoned goods make their outward journeys, they undergo transformations and deformations; they accumulate in peripheral spaces and define well-traveled circuits of disposal. These circuits and spaces of disposal are often hidden, but as Leonia and Cornucopia City imply, they are indispensable to everyday material practices.
战后文化评论家万斯-帕卡德（Vance Packard）将 "粟米之城 "描述为过度生产最极端的一个例子。在这个大都市里，临时建筑都是用纸糊的，工厂生产出的一堆堆产品还没来得及进入消费市场，就被直接用卡车运到垃圾场。帕卡德通过他虚构的城市表达了一种 "生产危机"，这种危机有可能使市场饱和，以至于消费无法跟上。 [2] 在这些城市中，无形而大量的废弃物处理是持续不断的，对生产和消费的更新至关重要。然而，除了生产和消费之间的循环之外，还有更多的处理过程和地理因素。被遗弃的物品在向外运输的过程中，会发生转变和变形；它们会积聚在外围空间，并形成一条条行之有效的处置路线。这些废弃物的处理路径和空间往往是隐蔽的，但正如 Leonia 和 Cornucopia City 所暗示的，它们在日常物质活动中是不可或缺的。

This chapter focuses on electronic waste in the form of discarded devices—specifically focusing on the fossilized plastic materials and packaging that house and enable electronics—in order to describe the circuits and spaces of disposal through which abandoned electronics travel. Disposal is not just about garbage trafficked to waste sites, and it involves much more than simply throwing unwanted items in the rubbish bin. Disposal, as it turns out, involves the holding patterns, stockpiling, recycling, and salvaging of materials before they further dissolve or enter another stage of waste. Electronic waste moves not just out of centers of production but also through marginal storage spaces and into recycling depots and, via shipping containers, toward developing countries. In this sense, disposal requires complex infrastructures, practices, and relationships in order to shift devalued objects into spaces for potential Page 78 →revaluation. Such circulations more fully describe the material geographies and practices of disposal, since there is no simple periphery to which objects can be jettisoned. The imagining of the periphery, furthermore, constitutes a topic of investigation: where is there an “outside” to which wastes can travel?
本章重点关注废弃设备形式的电子垃圾--特别是存放和使用电子产品的化石塑料材料和包装，以描述废弃电子产品所经过的处理线路和空间。废弃物处理不仅仅是将垃圾运送到垃圾场，它所涉及的也不仅仅是将不需要的物品扔进垃圾桶那么简单。事实证明，处理涉及到材料的持有模式、储存、回收和抢救，然后再进一步溶解或进入另一个废物阶段。电子垃圾不仅会流出生产中心，还会通过边缘存储空间进入回收站，并通过海运集装箱运往发展中国家。从这个意义上说，废弃物的处理需要复杂的基础设施、实践和关系，以便将被贬值的物品转移到潜在的第 78 页→重新估值的空间。这种循环更全面地描述了弃置的物质地理和实践，因为没有简单的外围可以抛弃物品。此外，对外围的想象也构成了一个研究课题：哪里有 "外围 "可供废弃物前往？

As the previous chapters have indicated, electronics is a rapidly growing industry, with increasing rates of consumption and obsolescence, and for this reason, its waste stream has increased as well. While the exact delineation of what constitutes electronic waste varies, “consumer electronics” of all sorts are scrapped in numbers that are now reaching the billions.[3] Although electronic waste is growing at a rapid rate, the circuits and practices of disposal are not clearly delineated, often because this is a relatively new form of waste. Even with the obvious growth in the number of electronics bought, sold, and discarded, it is actually quite difficult to determine how many of these devices enter the waste stream at any given time, because owners often store and stockpile them for several years beyond their useful life. To further add to the confusion, many countries that export or import electronic waste do not use a specific code to track its delivery, so the trail of disposed devices becomes further obscured in the process of shipping and receiving.[4] The processes and spaces of disposal are not singular but open into expanded geographies. Similar to Leonia and Cornucopia City, the peripheral routes for the disposal and displacement of electronic waste accumulate and congeal into a “definitive,” if makeshift, form. This form emerges through disposal practices that are relatively obscured but that are essential in maintaining the apparent immateriality of electronics, even while they are enduring and toxic.
正如前几章所述，电子产品是一个快速增长的行业，其消费和淘汰率不断提高，因此，其废物流也在不断增加。虽然对电子废物的确切定义不尽相同，但各种 "消费电子产品 "的报废量现已达到数十亿件。 [3] 虽然电子垃圾的数量在快速增长，但由于电子垃圾是一种相对较新的垃圾形式，其处理电路和处理方法并没有明确的划分。即使购买、销售和丢弃的电子产品数量明显增长，但实际上很难确定在任何特定时间有多少这些设备进入废物流，因为所有者通常会将其储存和囤积数年，超过其使用寿命。更令人困惑的是，许多出口或进口电子废物的国家并不使用特定的代码来跟踪其交付情况，因此在运输和接收过程中，被丢弃设备的踪迹变得更加模糊。 [4] 废弃物处理的过程和空间并不是单一的，而是向更广阔的地域开放。与 Leonia 和 Cornucopia City 类似，电子废弃物处理和转移的外围路线不断积累，凝结成一种 "确定的 "形式，虽然是临时的。这种形式是通过相对隐蔽的处理方式产生的，但这些处理方式对于维持电子产品表面上的非物质性至关重要，即使它们具有持久性和毒性。

The production of microchips and the screen-based electronic exchanges discussed in the previous chapters, then, extend to wastes generated from electronic production and transmission to consumption and disposal. The focus on consumption here specifically considers how it is continuous with disposal and how consumption patterns can even inform the ability of materials to be “used up.” This chapter examines another aspect of digital technology and “use”—not necessarily to concentrate on patterns of interaction between “users” and technology, but to consider instead the more extensive material networks that enable relatively transient forms of “use.” But the relationship between consumption and disposal is often neglected. Some studies on consumption suggest that we trace the “social life of things” in order to understand the Page 79 →“trajectories” of commodities.[5] Yet there is a certain difficulty in following “things” in a study on electronic waste. These electronic commodities rapidly expire, have numerous hidden inputs and fallout, and are stockpiled or enter dubious routes of disposal upon their expiration. On many levels, electronic disposal, then, offers a more complete account of electronic consumption, since these technologies have been designed and developed within material cultures of disposability.
因此，前几章讨论的微型芯片的生产和基于屏幕的电子交流，延伸到了从电子生产、传输到消费和处置所产生的废物。本章对消费的关注特别考虑了消费与处置之间的连续性，以及消费模式如何影响材料被 "用完 "的能力。本章探讨了数字技术和 "使用 "的另一个方面--并不一定要专注于 "用户 "和技术之间的互动模式，而是要考虑那些促成相对短暂的 "使用 "形式的更为广泛的物质网络。但消费与处置之间的关系往往被忽视。一些关于消费的研究建议我们追踪 "事物的社会生活"，以了解商品的第 79 页→"轨迹"。 [5] 然而，在对电子垃圾的研究中，对 "物 "的追踪存在一定的困难。这些电子商品很快就会过期，有许多隐性投入和余波，过期后会被囤积或进入可疑的处置途径。因此，电子废弃物在许多层面上提供了对电子消费更完整的描述，因为这些技术是在可抛弃的物质文化中设计和发展起来的。

Disposal—in the form of use and using up—is a complexly situated process of materialization. To study these material processes specific to electronics, it is useful to account for the multiple “hidden flows” that enable their formation and deformation. Waste is a significant part of the flows of materials that are present not as consumer goods, but as the fallout from production and disposal. Indeed, at any one time, the majority of global material flows are made up of some form of waste. As estimated by the World Resources Institute, these material flows are typically comprised of the by-products and resources that are necessary for the formation of commodities.[6] But these estimates of material flows typically account for the waste generated from production processes and further assume that every item produced will eventually migrate toward consumption and then disposal. Consumption and disposal are protracted spaces and practices that do not necessarily involve a unit-by-unit correspondence. There are vague spaces and processes of expenditure that take place between consumption and disposal.[7] Indeed, a “unit” of consumption does not automatically translate into a unit disposed; rather, consuming, using up, and disposing generate extended spaces of delay, deformation, and demattering. To map these spaces and movements, I take up anthropologist Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld's suggestion that we should go beyond the social life of things to consider the “social death” of things.[8] This attention to social death can bring to light the extended processes, practices, and places that emerge with the disposal of objects.
处置--以使用和用完的形式--是一个复杂的物质化过程。要研究这些电子产品特有的物质过程，就必须考虑到促成其形成和变形的多种 "隐性流动"。废弃物是材料流动的重要组成部分，它们不是作为消费品出现，而是作为生产和处理过程中的残留物出现。事实上，在任何时候，全球物质流的大部分都是由某种形式的废物构成的。据世界资源研究所估计，这些物质流通常由副产品和商品形成所必需的资源组成。 [6] 但是，这些对物质流的估算通常会考虑到生产过程中产生的废弃物，并进一步假定生产出来的每件物品最终都会被消费，然后被废弃。消费和处置是旷日持久的空间和实践，并不一定涉及单位与单位之间的对应关系。在消费和处置之间存在着模糊的空间和支出过程。 [7] 事实上，一个 "单位 "的消费并不会自动转化为一个单位的处置；相反，消费、使用和处置产生了延迟、变形和消散的扩展空间。为了描绘这些空间和运动，我采纳了人类学家鲁迪-科洛多-曼斯菲尔德的建议，即我们应该超越事物的社会生活，去思考事物的 "社会死亡"。 [8] 对 "社会死亡 "的关注可以揭示出随着物品处置而出现的扩展过程、实践和场所。

In this chapter, I extend this natural history of electronics to encompass the transience and migration of electronics as they pass through and are suspended in circuits of disposal, which cross local and global environments, depend on formal and informal labor economies, and at times require material movements much slower and heavier than the dematerialized networks of electronic markets. To describe these circuits and spaces of disposal, it is also necessary to describe how electronics became so disposable in the first place. As they shift around the globe, Page 80 →disposed electronics sediment as residues from the processes that have contributed to the “throwaway society.” This chapter explores how electronics developed within a culture of disposability and how advances in automation, together with new material developments, actually intensified processes of disposability. In particular, the development of plastics played an important role as an ephemeral and disposable material, as well as a material that might be valued for its performance and functionality rather than its durability and solidity. Plastic was, in many respects, the ideal material for the packaging and performance of electronics. As a material composite, plastic further signals the continuity between consumption and disposal, for here is a material that is developed for the purpose of using in order to use up. Plastics and the material technologies of packaging are, then, another critical fossilized fragment and layer to exhume in this natural history of electronics. The ease of disposability, the material transformations of electronics, their consumption and disposal, along with the storing, shipping, and stripping of these technologies—these material practices and spaces together form this account of how electronics turn into waste.
在本章中，我将扩展电子产品的自然历史，将电子产品的短暂性和迁移纳入其中，因为电子产品穿过并悬浮于废弃物处理循环中，这些循环跨越地方和全球环境，依赖于正规和非正规的劳动力经济，有时需要比电子市场的非物质化网络更缓慢、更沉重的物质移动。要描述这些废弃物的处理线路和空间，还必须先描述电子产品是如何变得如此一次性的。随着电子产品在全球范围内的转移，第 80 页 → 废弃电子产品沉淀为 "可丢弃社会 "形成过程中的残留物。本章探讨了电子产品是如何在一次性文化中发展起来的，以及自动化的进步和新材料的发展是如何在实际上强化了一次性过程的。其中，塑料作为一种短暂的一次性材料，以及一种因其性能和功能而非耐用性和坚固性而受到重视的材料，其发展起到了重要作用。在许多方面，塑料是电子产品包装和性能的理想材料。作为一种复合材料，塑料进一步表明了消费与废弃之间的连续性，因为这是一种为了使用而开发，为了用尽而使用的材料。因此，塑料和包装材料技术是电子产品自然史中另一个重要的化石片段和层次。 电子产品易于丢弃、电子产品的物质转化、电子产品的消费和处置，以及这些技术的存储、运输和剥离--这些物质实践和空间共同构成了这本关于电子产品如何变成废物的书。

Appliance Theory
家电理论

During the spring of 2005, in London, a “humanoid” sculpture of electronic proportions loomed seven meters above the river Thames. Composed of refrigerators and computer mice, mobile phones and microwave ovens, computer monitors and washing machines, the three-ton structure represented the amount of electronic waste a typical Briton would generate in his or her lifetime. Five hundred and fifty-three electronic devices in total contributed to the architecture of this sculpture. Yet the number of electronics is as striking as the diversity of devices that now constitute electrical and electronic waste.[9] The pervasiveness of the microchip, as discussed in chapter 1, manifests in an equally pervasive array of electronics and appliances, including everything from irons to vending machines. Many of these devices are more or less “electronic,” because microchips and printed circuit boards that channel the flow of electrical currents and information power them. But these microchips are also encased in a skeletal body of plastic and copper, glass and lead.[10] The extended material infrastructures required to house and enable microchips are evident in this motley assortment of plastic appliances. Microchips and plastic assemble into simultaneously pervasive and disposable Page 81 →devices. Leftover electronic devices are primarily composed of plastic and thus appear to be disposable.
2005 年春天，在伦敦的泰晤士河上，一座 "人形 "电子雕塑在七米高空若隐若现。由冰箱和电脑鼠标、手机和微波炉、电脑显示器和洗衣机组成，重达三吨的结构代表了一个典型英国人一生中产生的电子垃圾数量。总共有 553 件电子设备为这座雕塑的结构做出了贡献。然而，电子设备的数量与构成电子电气废物的设备多样性同样引人注目。 [9] 正如第 1 章所讨论的，微芯片无处不在，这体现在同样无处不在的一系列电子产品和电器中，包括从电熨斗到自动售货机的各种设备。其中许多设备或多或少都是 "电子设备"，因为微型芯片和印刷电路板可以引导电流和信息流。但是，这些微型芯片也被包裹在塑料、铜、玻璃和铅的骨架中。 [10] 从这些杂乱无章的塑料制品中，我们可以清楚地看到容纳和启用微型芯片所需的扩展材料基础设施。微型芯片和塑料同时组合成了无处不在的一次性设备。剩余的电子设备主要由塑料组成，因此似乎是一次性的。

The microchip, that miniature conductor and amplifier of electricity, is now neatly sealed in the contours of the everyday. Under the influence of the chip, appliances of all sorts have acquired new “functionalities” and speeds. The ways in which electronics have led to the transformation of objects, materials, and environments may be described as what the now-obscure packaging designer Vernon Fladager has called a “new machine economy.” In every such economy,” Fladager suggests, and with “every increase in machine speed,” new materials, designs, and packages emerge. In fact, “the perfect package material of today can go out the window tomorrow because a new machine economy may make an alternate material a better choice.”[11] The electronic package of microchips and plastic is bound up with processes of materialization that can be described through the quickening of matter, proliferation, and increased disposability. This is a machine economy that not only describes altered rates and scales of production but also establishes a temporal mechanism for the disposal of existing materials and designs. Electronics even appear to be programmed for their own elimination, as though an expected part of electronic processing has to do with eventual disposal and erasure.
微型芯片，这个微型电导体和放大器，如今已被整齐地密封在日常生活用品的轮廓中。在芯片的影响下，各种电器都获得了新的 "功能 "和速度。电子产品改变物体、材料和环境的方式，可以被描述为现在还默默无闻的包装设计师弗农-弗拉达格（Vernon Fladager）所说的 "新机器经济"。弗拉达格认为，"在每一次这样的经济中"，随着 "机器速度的每一次提高"，都会出现新的材料、设计和包装。事实上，"今天完美的封装材料明天可能就会被淘汰，因为新的机器经济可能会使另一种材料成为更好的选择"。 [11] 由微型芯片和塑料组成的电子封装与物质化过程紧密相连，而物质化过程可以通过物质的加速、扩散和可处置性的增强来描述。这是一种机器经济，它不仅描述了生产速度和规模的改变，还为现有材料和设计的处置建立了一种时间机制。电子产品甚至似乎是为其自身的淘汰而编程的，就好像电子产品处理过程的一个预期部分就是最终的处置和清除。

Electronics, it seems, are prime operators in this transient machine economy. In many respects, electronics are situated within a larger culture of disposability that significantly expanded with the advent of automation after World War II. With automation, there was a general explosion of many consumer goods, which were typically produced to the point of market saturation. New practices of consumption and wasting arose in relation to automated production. In a similar way, practices of electronics consumption and disposal have emerged to facilitate these particular machine economies. Disposability may even constitute an “inventive” use of electronics and peripherals. DVDs have been developed that would expire upon 48 hours after their packages were opened,[12] and certain varieties of mobile phones have been designed to last for only a few days of use.[13] The duration of electronics has dwindled from at least a decade to, in some cases, a matter of hours. Devices appear disposable because they are at once freely available, constantly updated, bound to cycles of fashion, and often increasingly miniature in size. These machine economies encompass more than microchips simply acting on matter. Instead, they evidence the changing material arrangements Page 82 →and practices that sediment within particular technological and material forms. Automation, altered consumption patterns, material developments in the form of plastics, packaging, and shipping technologies and economic geographies have all informed electronic processes of materialization and disposal.
电子产品似乎是这种瞬息万变的机器经济的主要操作者。二战后，随着自动化的出现，电子产品在许多方面都处于一种更广泛的一次性文化之中。随着自动化的发展，许多消费品出现了普遍的爆炸式增长，这些消费品的生产通常已达到市场饱和的程度。与自动化生产相关的新的消费和浪费方式应运而生。同样，电子产品的消费和处置方式也是为了促进这些特殊的机器经济而出现的。废弃性甚至可能构成对电子产品和外围设备的 "创造性 "使用。DVD 在打开包装 48 小时后就会失效， [12] ，某些种类的手机只能使用几天。 [13] 电子产品的使用寿命已从至少十年缩短到某些情况下的几个小时。电子设备之所以看起来是一次性的，是因为它们可以自由获取、不断更新、受制于时尚周期，而且体积往往越来越小。这些机器经济不仅仅是微芯片对物质的作用。相反，它们证明了在特定技术和物质形式中沉淀的不断变化的物质安排 第 82 页 → 和实践。自动化、消费模式的改变、以塑料、包装和运输技术为形式的物质发展以及经济地理都为电子物质化和废弃处理过程提供了信息。

The Throwaway Revolution
丢弃革命

The term throwaway revolution is used by Packard to describe—if not denounce—the postwar rise in automation and disposability in the United States, when objects with short life spans or limited use increasingly appeared on the market. Technological advancements in automation led to lower production costs, which led, in turn, to a flood of cheap goods on the market, the rise of disposability, and the decline of repair. This was a moment when, as is typically the case now, it became much cheaper to dispose of and replace objects than to repair them. Commenting on the rise of the throwaway revolution within his time, Packard suggests that automation led to an explosion in the number and type of disposable goods available. “Paper plates, cups, bottles, containers have long been disposable,” he writes, and “these are now joined, according to a recent report, by ‘everything from bikinis to men's blazers, night-wear to student's gowns, curtains to bathmats.’”[14] In Packard's popular critique, economic progress seems to require even more elaborate forms of waste making. If new and improved goods were to be made available and if the economy were to continue to grow, new strategies of consumption and disposal were necessary. Cornucopia City was simply the most ideal—if perverse—installment of this logic: wasting, in the end, stimulates growth.[15]
帕卡德用 "抛弃式革命 "一词来描述--如果不是谴责的话--战后美国自动化和一次性用品的兴起，当时市场上出现了越来越多寿命短或使用有限的物品。自动化技术的进步降低了生产成本，反过来又导致廉价商品充斥市场，一次性用品兴起，维修业衰落。在这一时期，正如现在的典型情况一样，处理和更换物品要比修理物品便宜得多。帕卡德在评论他所处时代兴起的丢弃革命时指出，自动化导致一次性物品的数量和种类激增。他写道："纸盘、纸杯、瓶子、容器早已成为一次性用品，""根据最近的一份报告，'从比基尼到男士西装外套，从睡衣到学生礼服，从窗帘到浴垫'，现在这些东西也加入了一次性用品的行列"。 [14] 在帕卡德的流行批评中，经济的进步似乎需要更加精细的废物制造形式。如果要提供新的和改良的商品，如果经济要继续增长，就必须有新的消费和处理策略。粟米城就是这一逻辑的最理想--尽管是反常的--实现：浪费最终会刺激增长。 [15]

With automated mass production, a greater store of goods was made available, which enacted changes not just in patterns of consumption but also in patterns of disposal. These changes extended to the availability of a greater variety and volume of disposable goods; yet they also included, as waste theorist Gay Hawkins suggests, “the fundamental logic of the commodity form, seriality.”[16] The repetitive production of goods meant they could be easily replaced, old things disposed for new, without any relative concern for where the disposed objects went. Far from constituting a continuation of existing patterns of disposability, the postwar orders of disposability that emerged marked a fundamental shift, not just in the form of commodities, but also in the dynamics whereby they Page 83 →were valued or devalued. Technological advancements that allowed for more rapid product manufacture contributed to the sense that objects were less enduring and more replaceable. Transience and substitution became motivating factors in consumption. This is another aspect of the way in which waste is a generative dynamic, a necessary movement of goods out of consumption-bound circuits and into other circuits of disposal and removal. Practices of consumption become inseparable from practices of disposal.[17]
随着自动化大规模生产的发展，商品的储量增加，这不仅改变了消费模式，也改变了处置模式。这些变化包括一次性商品的种类和数量增多；然而，正如废物理论家盖伊-霍金斯（Gay Hawkins）所说，这些变化还包括 "商品形式的基本逻辑--序列性"。 [16] 商品的重复生产意味着它们很容易被替换，旧物换新物，而无需相对关心被丢弃物品的去向。战后出现的一次性秩序远非现有一次性模式的延续，而是标志着一种根本性的转变，这种转变不仅体现在商品的形式上，还体现在商品的价值或贬值的动力上。技术的进步使产品制造更加迅速，从而使人们感到物品不再那么持久，而是更容易被替代。短暂性和替代性成为消费的动力因素。这也从另一个方面说明了废弃物是一种生成动力，是物品从与消费相关的循环中流出，进入其他处置和清除循环的必要运动。消费行为与处置行为密不可分。 [17]

Disposability is evident not just in the materiality and consumption of goods but also in the growth of the automated production process. As discussed in the previous chapter, with the rise of automation in the mid-twentieth century, changes occurred not just with the gadgets and products available but also to the processes of manufacture and to what it meant to be “automatic.”[18] When goods became “electric,” they became fluid, moving just as easily from warehouses to markets, homes, and rubbish bins. Matter is programmed—as much for fluidity as for disposability. This stage of automation not only made available a greater abundance of goods but also contributed to the transformation of matter. The accelerated movement of goods was concomitant with a greater sense of dematerialization, plasticity, and disposability. Plastic objects in particular appear to be inscribed with their inevitable movement toward rubbish.[19] These objects tip toward disposal and waste more readily not just because they are more abundant or made of more ephemeral materials but also because they are produced through technologies that enable speed and transience.
一次性不仅体现在商品的物质性和消费上，也体现在自动化生产流程的发展上。正如前一章所讨论的，随着二十世纪中期自动化的兴起，发生变化的不仅是可用的小工具和产品，还有生产过程以及 "自动化 "的含义。 [18] 当商品变得 "电动化 "时，它们也变得流动起来，从仓库到市场、家庭和垃圾桶，移动起来同样轻而易举。物质被编程，既是为了流动性，也是为了可处置性。这一阶段的自动化不仅使商品更加丰富，也促进了物质的转变。在加速商品流通的同时，非物质化、可塑性和可抛弃性的意识也在增强。尤其是塑料物品，它们似乎不可避免地走向垃圾。 [19] 这些物品更容易被丢弃和浪费，这不仅是因为它们的数量更多或由更短暂的材料制成，还因为它们是通过能够实现快速和短暂性的技术生产出来的。

The postwar history of technology is a legacy of successively intensifying attempts to electrify objects. Things quicken under the influence of electricity. Once-inert objects transform and are animated by the quiver of electricity. These permutations of matter and electricity corresponded to goods that became more and more transient. The prefix e- now potentially can precede even more than markets. The electronic conjoins and augments material and transactions from electronic mail to electronic money and electronic waste. Phones and ovens, cameras and books, leaf blowers and teakettles all submit to the same hazy law of the electronic. Every appliance presents an electrical mutation of an object that once stood still. Matter is charged, but what does it generate? In this general economy of electrification, matter does not just levitate, emanate, conduct, and mobilize; it also circulates, leaks, dematters, disappears, and wastes. The boundaries of objects break down at the same time as they Page 84 →receive an intensifying jolt. Just as the early pioneers from Texas Instruments and Intel anticipated, electronics are now so pervasive that nearly everything is informed in some way by electronic processing. But this pervasiveness is now part of the dilemma, where electronics have proliferated to such a degree that their volume and transience constitutes a material-handling problem.[20] In this “revolution operating on matter” (to quote Serres, cited in chapter 2), electronic objects are produced and designed with increasingly shorter life spans. The effects of increased production and shortening life spans become most evident through the accumulation of electronic waste.
战后的科技史就是一部不断加强物体电气化尝试的历史。在电的影响下，事物变得更快。曾经惰性的物体在电的颤动下发生变化，焕发生机。物质与电能的这些变化对应着越来越短暂的商品。现在，前缀 "e-"的潜在含义甚至超过了 "市场"。从电子邮件到电子货币和电子垃圾，电子结合并增强了物质和交易。电话和烤箱、照相机和书籍、吹叶机和茶壶都服从于同样朦胧的电子法则。每件电器都是曾经静止的物体的电子变异。物质是带电的，但它会产生什么呢？在这种普遍的电气化经济中，物质不仅仅是悬浮、发射、传导和移动，它还会循环、泄漏、分解、消失和浪费。物体的边界在被打破的同时，也受到了更强烈的冲击。正如德州仪器公司和英特尔公司的早期先驱们所预料的那样，电子技术现在已经无处不在，几乎所有的东西都在某种程度上通过电子处理获得信息。但这种普遍性现在也成为了困境的一部分，电子产品的激增使其体积和瞬时性构成了物质处理问题。 [20] 在这场 "物质革命 "中（引用第 2 章中塞勒斯的话），电子产品的生产和设计寿命越来越短。生产的增加和寿命的缩短对电子废物的累积产生了最明显的影响。

With the rise of automation and electronicization, materials become increasingly indistinguishable from their performance. Materials such as plastic are defined in relation to their functions, as designer Ezio Manzini suggests, from “mechanical function” to “surface quality” to “special electric properties” and even integrating “information input and output systems” into materials.[21] Materials are assessed for their performativity; they are engineered for efficiency, functionality, and, on a certain level, elimination. Objects become smaller, and extraneous components are removed. Function and flow stand in for matter—qualities that are ultimately symptomatic of the electric and the electronic. Matter performs as a package, a surface, a plastic medium for the delivery of function. These operations are also processes of materialization. As discussed in the previous two chapters, electronic technologies enable the capacity for acceleration, proliferation, and destabilization. Yet these same dynamics contribute to the transformation of material and its exchange, as well as the generation of waste and remainder. Electronics and electronicization have as much to do with material developments as with innovations in technology and manufacturing.
随着自动化和电子化的兴起，材料的性能越来越难以区分。正如设计师埃齐奥-曼齐尼（Ezio Manzini）所言，塑料等材料的定义与其功能有关，从 "机械功能 "到 "表面质量 "再到 "特殊电气性能"，甚至将 "信息输入和输出系统 "整合到材料中。 [21] 对材料的性能进行评估；对材料的效率、功能进行设计，并在一定程度上消除多余的部分。物体变得越来越小，不相干的成分被去除。功能和流动代替了物质--最终成为电气和电子的特征。物质充当了传递功能的包装、表面和塑料媒介。这些操作也是物质化的过程。正如前两章所讨论的，电子技术具有加速、扩散和不稳定的能力。然而，同样的动力也促进了材料的转化和交换，以及废物和剩余物的产生。电子技术和电子化既与材料的发展有关，也与技术和制造业的创新有关。

Packaging Electronics
包装电子产品

It may be the case that electronics owe as much of their development and evolution to the history of plastics as they do to the history of silicon and transistors. It may also be the case that the plastic and the electronic—and, by extension, the plastic and the virtual—have more in common than previously imagined. Plastic is the material that enabled the profusion of disposable packages; it is abundant and pervasive, malleable, and suitable for an infinite variety of uses. But plastics and silicon are also functional materials; they perform operations, so they do more than Page 85 →provide the “raw” material for technologies and objects. These materials in fact inform the possibility of emerging technologies. As “informed material[s],”[22] they exist within processes of materialization and not simply as inert matter.
电子产品的发展和演变，可能在很大程度上要归功于塑料的历史，就像归功于硅和晶体管的历史一样。此外，塑料和电子产品之间的共通之处，以及塑料和虚拟世界之间的共通之处，可能比人们之前想象的还要多。塑料是使一次性包装大量出现的材料；它丰富而普遍，可塑性强，适用于各种用途。但是，塑料和硅也是功能性材料；它们可以进行操作，因此它们不仅仅是第 85 页 → 为技术和物品提供 "原材料"。事实上，这些材料为新兴技术提供了可能性。作为 "有信息的材料"， [22] ，它们存在于物质化过程中，而不仅仅是惰性物质。

Informed materials, as discussed by Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent and Isabelle Stengers, operate as more than raw materials, but in fact contribute to the possibility for new technologies and functionalities to emerge. Electronics are comprised of informed materials: silicon enables the flow of electricity and the apparent dematerialization of matter; plastic is inscribed with the capacity for disposability and mass production that now characterizes electronics. Plastic, as a functional material, could be produced in relatively unlimited quantities; it was inexpensive, easily replaced; it could embody the instantly disposable and the imminently possible all at once. As various commentators in the Modern Packaging Journal opined, “The biggest thing that's ever happened in molded plastics so far as packaging is concerned is the acceptance of the idea that packages are made to be thrown away.”[23] Plastic packaging came to embody all the defining traits of disposability: cheap, abundant, and expendable after a single use. The transience of packaging ultimately contributed to increases in production volumes, where millions of packages eventually grew to billions of packages discarded annually.[24] The single-use purpose of packaging easily extended to all objects made of plastic. Suddenly, not just the casing but entire goods were subject to the logic of abundant, single use.
正如贝尔纳黛特-本绍德-文森特和伊莎贝尔-施特恩格斯所讨论的那样，有信息的材料不仅仅是原材料，事实上还有助于新技术和新功能的出现。电子产品是由信息材料组成的：硅可以实现电力流动和物质的明显非物质化；塑料则具有可抛弃性和大规模生产的能力，而这正是电子产品目前的特点。塑料作为一种功能性材料，可以相对无限量地生产；它价格低廉，易于更换；它可以同时体现即用即弃和无限可能。正如《现代包装杂志》上的多位评论员所言："就包装而言，模塑塑料所发生的最大的事情就是接受了包装是用来扔掉的这一观点。 [23] 塑料包装体现了一次性的所有特征：廉价、丰富、用完即弃。包装的短暂性最终导致了生产量的增加，数百万个包装最终增加到每年丢弃数十亿个包装。 [24] 包装的一次性用途很容易扩展到所有塑料制品。突然之间，不仅是外壳，整个商品都受制于大量一次性使用的逻辑。

Spectacular examples of multi-million unit uses of expendable molded plastics in containers for razor blades, ice cream and other foods, in tomato trays and berry baskets, are demonstrating that a plastic package, while it may be a thing of beauty, need not and should not be a joy forever. Consumers are learning to throw these containers in the trash can as nonchalantly as they would a paper cup—and in that psychology lies the future of molded plastic packaging.[25]
在刀片、冰淇淋和其他食品的容器中，在番茄托盘和浆果篮中，消耗性模塑塑料的数百万个使用单位的壮观实例表明，塑料包装虽然美观，但不必也不应该永远是一种乐趣。消费者正在学会像对待纸杯一样随手把这些容器扔进垃圾桶，而这种心理正是模塑包装的未来所在。 [25]

Plastic took the place of paper as the ultimate disposable material, and by doing so, it redefined the material sense of disposability. The rise of plastic packaging was, at one level, part of an effort to minimize the weight of goods previously packaged in glass. The use of plastic in order to minimize associated material, energy, and transport costs was related, Page 86 →then, to a certain drive toward dematerialization. The drive toward dematerialization became continuous with elimination, where goods and packages became more expendable as they required fewer material inputs.
塑料取代了纸张，成为最终的一次性材料，从而重新定义了一次性的物质意义。塑料包装的兴起在某种程度上是为了尽量减轻以前用玻璃包装的商品的重量。为了最大限度地降低相关的材料、能源和运输成本而使用塑料包装，这与某种非物质化的趋势有关。非物质化的驱动力随着淘汰的进行而持续，在淘汰的过程中，商品和包装变得更加易耗，因为它们需要的材料投入更少。

Modernized packaging not only extends to the cellophane and molded polyethylene surrounding tomatoes and soap but also includes the skin around the increasingly transient technological “guts” of machines.[26] In this sense, packaging became a model for disposability that began to inform a whole range of goods, including electrical appliances. Electronics, as with the force of electricity that preceded it, depend on the design of these packages and fluid materialities. Designed packages in the form of electric appliances may enable a sense of efficiency, futurity, and disposability.[27] With electrical appliances and electronics, increasing consumption depended as much on the disposability offered by the package as on the promise the futuristic package presented in the form of technological fashion. Electronics perform in relation to imagined futures; they are packaged in a forward and instantaneous passing of time. Electronics of all sorts have been packaged in ephemeral plastic containers, disposable shells for the conveyance of information.
现代化的包装不仅包括包裹番茄和肥皂的玻璃纸和模塑聚乙烯，还包括包裹日益瞬息万变的机器技术 "内脏 "的表皮。 [26] 从这个意义上说，包装成为一种可抛弃的模式，开始影响包括电器在内的所有商品。电子产品和之前的电力一样，都依赖于这些包装和流动材料的设计。以电器为形式的设计包装可以带来效率、未来感和可抛弃感。 [27] 对于电器和电子产品而言，消费的增长既取决于包装提供的可处置性，也取决于未来包装以技术时尚的形式带来的承诺。电子产品的表现与想象中的未来有关；它们被包装在一个向前的、瞬间即逝的时间中。各种电子产品都被包装在短暂的塑料容器中，成为传递信息的一次性外壳。

Plastic, as Roland Barthes writes, “is in essence the stuff of alchemy,”[28] because it enables “the transmutation of matter.”[29] So thorough is this transmutation that plastic appears to dematerialize completely in the production process, where it moves from “raw telluric matter” to the “finished object.”[30] In this dematerializing movement, which resonates with the electric inventories and immaterial networks discussed in the previous chapter, plastic acquires infinite possibilities for transformation. Any number of objects appear in plastic shells, molds, and packages. Plastic, similar to electronics, mobilizes matter toward apparent invisibility, lending a sense of dematerialization through miniaturization and through accelerating rates of circulation. Plastic is, then, in many ways continuous with the changes enacted by the microchip: these are materials and technologies that emerge as programmed matter, engineered to express malleability, invisibility, and disposability. It was the proliferation of plastics that gave concrete—if immaterial—form to this sense of dematerialization. Plastics are in fact also the material carriers of many seemingly immaterial information and communication media.[31] Just when plastic became so pervasive that it even became the common carrier for electronic technologies, it receded from view. For this reason, plastic partly enabled the sense of virtuality, the sense that digital media Page 87 →somehow operate free from materiality.[32] As discussed earlier, in many ways, immateriality has less to do with the actual removal of matter and more to do with the alteration and “destabilization” of materials.
正如罗兰-巴特（Roland Barthes）所写，塑料 "本质上是炼金术的材料"， [28] ，因为它能够 "实现物质的嬗变"。 [29] 这种嬗变如此彻底，以至于塑料在生产过程中似乎完全实现了非物质化，从 "原材料 "变成了 "成品"。 [30] 这种非物质化运动与前一章讨论的电库存和非物质网络产生了共鸣，塑料获得了无限的转化可能性。在塑料外壳、模具和包装中出现的物品不计其数。与电子产品类似，塑料也能将物质变为无形，通过微型化和加速流通，带来一种非物质化的感觉。因此，塑料在许多方面与微型芯片所带来的变化是相辅相成的：这些材料和技术都是以编程物质的形式出现的，它们被设计成能够表达延展性、隐形性和可抛弃性。正是塑料的普及，使这种非物质化的感觉具体化--尽管是非物质的形式。事实上，塑料也是许多看似非物质的信息和通信媒体的物质载体。 [31] 就在塑料变得如此普遍，甚至成为电子技术的共同载体时，它却淡出了人们的视线。正因如此，塑料在一定程度上促成了虚拟感，即数字媒体在某种程度上摆脱了物质性。 [32] 如前所述，在许多方面，非物质性与物质的实际去除关系不大，而与材料的改变和 "不稳定 "关系更大。

Indeed, the microchip is a kind of plastic, a reverse packaging that renders malleable the electronics and appliances that it powers. But in fact, these devices take on another level of materiality through electronicization. Objects that were once inert, durable, and relatively benign are now plastic, toxic, disposable, and yet enduring. Electronics do not dematerialize as much as they rematerialize through such (plastic) programming of matter. Plastic, metals, and glass are the primary materials that make up electronics. As the icon of disposability, plastic is part of a group of material composites that often fade from view. These plastic composites constitute what Manzini calls “a world of nameless materials.” No longer are objects made of materials that are readily identifiable, such as wood or clay; instead, they are typically composed of a highly engineered and mysterious mix of substances. Computers are assessed less for their material integrity and more for their performance; materially, they may appear at most to be “plasticky” and disposable.[33] What we see with these opaque materials is the operation and image of the devices. Material becomes synonymous with its function and appearance and effaces its own substance. This shift was inevitably aided in large part by plastics. “Plastics have played a fundamental role,” Manzini notes, “in triggering the technical, economic, and cultural dynamics that led to the current new scenario of materials.”[34] Advances in plastics led not only to the “unrecognizability of materials” but also to the constant redesign of products with materials that promised better performance, with “less matter, less energy, more information.”[35] These are the new and nameless materials that dematerialize through the force of information. But when they resurface, they are increasingly difficult to salvage and recycle. Because of the wide variety of plastic composites used in electronics, it is often difficult to sort and recycle these materials for additional use.[36] They are also increasingly troublesome as pollutants and objects that linger indefinitely.
事实上，微型芯片是一种塑料，是一种反向包装，它使电子产品和电器具有可塑性。但事实上，通过电子化，这些设备具有了另一层物质性。曾经惰性、耐用、相对无害的物品现在变成了塑料、有毒、一次性，但却经久耐用。电子产品并没有非物质化，而是通过这种（塑料）物质编程实现了再物质化。塑料、金属和玻璃是构成电子产品的主要材料。作为一次性的象征，塑料是一组经常淡出人们视线的复合材料的一部分。这些塑料复合材料构成了曼齐尼所说的 "无名材料的世界"。物品不再由木材或粘土等易于识别的材料制成，取而代之的是，它们通常由高度工程化和神秘的混合物质组成。对计算机的评估较少考虑其材料的完整性，而更多考虑其性能；从材料上看，它们可能最多只是 "塑料质地 "和一次性的。 [33] 我们从这些不透明的材料中看到的是设备的运行和形象。材料成了其功能和外观的代名词，抹杀了其本身的实质。这种转变在很大程度上不可避免地得到了塑料的帮助。"曼齐尼指出："塑料在引发技术、经济和文化动力方面发挥了根本性的作用，这些动力导致了当前材料的新局面"。 [34] 塑料技术的进步不仅导致了 "材料的不可辨认性"，而且还导致人们不断重新设计产品，使用 "更少的物质、更少的能量、更多的信息 "的性能更好的材料。" [35] 这些无名的新材料通过信息的力量实现了非物质化。但当它们再次出现时，却越来越难以打捞和回收。由于电子产品中使用的塑料复合材料种类繁多，通常很难对这些材料进行分类和回收再利用。 [36] 此外，它们作为污染物和无限期滞留的物品，也越来越令人头疼。

While the electronic industry has speed and turnover in mind, it typically employs materials that last for decades. Here are copper and plastic, mercury and lead, substances thicker and more enduring than any transcription of ones and zeros. Yet for all their endurance, these substances have been essential to the emergence of new orders of ephemerality. Plastic is nearly synonymous with disposability; yet it is also the enduring Page 88 →discardable. Packaging carries with it this deeply ambivalent relation to materiality. Inside the plastic shell that constitutes the predominant material for most electronics are also beryllium, cadmium, and brominated flame retardants.[37] Materials are caught in a tension between the quick and the slow. Ephemerality can only hold at one level; it instead reveals new spaces of permanence. Throw away plastic to discover it lasts for an ice age. The balance of time shifts. The instant plastic package creates new geologies. We now have mountains of congealed carbon polymers. Entirely new landscapes are built up around the fallout from the momentary and the disposable. So this is not just a story about the vaporization of “all that is solid”; rather, it suggests that new forms of solidity—new types of “hardware”—emerge with the program of disposability. Disposability is, then, about more than just overproduction; it also includes conditions of material transience and pliability. Electronic technology may have ephemerality as its guiding agenda, but it unwittingly produces new orders of permanence and new spaces and artifacts of indeterminable duration. The remainders that move through the circuits of disposal, in contrast to the accelerated networks of production and consumption, are drawn into these extended orders of duration and material solidity.
虽然电子工业考虑的是速度和周转率，但它通常使用的材料却可以使用几十年。这里有铜和塑料、汞和铅，这些物质比任何 1 和 0 的转录都更厚实、更持久。然而，尽管这些物质经久耐用，它们对于新的短暂性秩序的出现却至关重要。塑料几乎是可抛弃的代名词，但它也是持久的第 88 页→可抛弃的。包装与物质性之间就存在着这种极度矛盾的关系。在构成大多数电子产品主要材料的塑料外壳中，还含有铍、镉和溴化阻燃剂。 [37] 材料处于快与慢的矛盾之中。短暂性只能维持在一个水平上，它反而会揭示出新的永久性空间。扔掉塑料，你会发现它可以维持一个冰河时代。时间的平衡发生了变化。即时塑料包装创造了新的地质。我们现在有了凝结成山的碳聚合物。全新的地貌围绕着瞬时性和一次性的余波而形成。因此，这不仅仅是一个关于 "所有坚固的东西 "蒸发的故事；相反，它表明，新形式的坚固--新类型的 "硬件"--随着一次性计划的出现而出现。因此，一次性不仅仅是指过度生产，还包括物质的短暂性和柔韧性。电子技术可能将短暂性作为其指导议程，但它却在不知不觉中生产出了新的永久性秩序，以及新的无法确定持续时间的空间和人工制品。 与生产和消费的加速网络形成对比的是，通过处理循环流动的残留物被卷入这些持续时间和物质稳固性的扩展秩序中。

Circuits of Disposal
处置回路

Disposal and disposability distinctly inform processes of materialization and dematerialization. Disposal and disposability correspond to spaces of removal that stretch beyond singular disposable objects. These are the hidden flows of disposal, involving not just the wasted materials that are used in the manufacture of goods but also the murky spaces where abandoned electronics are dismantled, trafficked, and repurposed. These circuits of disposal reveal how and where these technologies dissolve. The plastic package that encases most electronics has a life beyond its immediate disposal. Indeed, the plastic packaging surrounding electronics enables disposability, a relative sense of immateriality, and mobility. “The distinction between disposability and mobility,” as cultural commentator Alvin Toffler notes, “is, from the point of view of the duration of relationships, a thin one.”[38] With increasing disposability, goods become so transient that they are rendered liquid and mobile.[39] “Mobile technologies” acquire an expanded meaning, for the most mobile of technologies are, no doubt, often the most disposable. The discards that are Page 89 →mobilized, packaged, and shipped across watery networks give rise to new places and new formations. But where are these circuits and places of disposal?
处置和可丢弃性为物质化和非物质化过程提供了独特的信息。处置和可抛弃性对应的是超越单一一次性物品的清除空间。这些都是处理过程中的隐性流动，不仅涉及到用于制造商品的废弃材料，还涉及到废弃电子产品被拆解、贩卖和重新利用的阴暗空间。这些废弃物的处理过程揭示了这些技术是如何以及在何处消解的。封装大多数电子产品的塑料包装在直接废弃后仍有生命。事实上，电子产品的塑料包装具有可抛弃性、相对的非物质感和流动性。"文化评论家阿尔文-托夫勒（Alvin Toffler）指出："从人际关系的持续时间来看，一次性和流动性之间的区别很微弱。 [38] 随着一次性越来越强，物品变得如此短暂，以至于它们变得具有流动性和移动性。 [39] "移动技术 "的含义扩大了，因为最具移动性的技术无疑往往也是最可抛弃的技术。被移动、包装并通过水网运输的废弃物产生了新的场所和新的形态。但是，这些废弃物的处理线路和地点在哪里呢？

When we trace through the circuits of disposal, we move closer to what might be Leonia's nebulous boundary between garbage mounds and city. Dirt is supposedly “outside the system.”[40] But disposal is about not just attempted elimination but also arranging and ordering, putting aside or situating in relation to networks of exchange.[41] While many studies on waste suggest that garbage is a relationship between “matter in place and matter displaced,”[42] the very process of displacement can, in fact, give rise to places. These places emerge as the residue from attempting to relocate dirt toward an outside. There are many stages and places within disposal, which may extend to sites of storage, reuse, and recycling; transfer stations; and incinerators and landfills. The remainder of this chapter addresses those sites of disposal that are prior to and in transition to the salvage yard and dump, before electronics have reached terminal waste sites (the dump is addressed in a later chapter).
当我们追溯垃圾处理的流程时，我们就会更接近莱奥尼亚在垃圾堆和城市之间模糊的界限。按理说，泥土是 "系统之外 "的东西。 [40] 但是，垃圾处理不仅仅是试图消除垃圾，还包括安排和排序、搁置或置于与交换网络相关的位置。 [41] 虽然许多关于垃圾的研究都认为垃圾是 "原地物质与被置换物质 "之间的关系， [42] ，但事实上，置换的过程本身就会产生地方。这些地方的出现是试图将污物重新安置到外部的残留物。废弃物处理有许多阶段和场所，包括储存、再利用和再循环场所、转运站、焚化炉和垃圾填埋场。本章的其余部分将讨论在电子产品到达终端废物处理场（垃圾场将在后一章中讨论）之前以及向打捞场和垃圾场过渡的处理场所。

Disposal does not necessarily involve an absolute expelling of unwanted material but, rather, reveals attempts to recuperate or delay the demise of objects in order to postpone their decline of value.[43] Yet the margins where trash is shifted or held are not necessarily sharply delineated but overlap and intersect. Electronics are left on curbsides and in skips, packaged in closets, bundled up in warehouses. These peripheral sites are often actually central but invisible. Part of the process of disposal and displacement involves a willful overlooking of the electronic material debris that surrounds us. Debris lingers in places and often compels us to contend with its dissipated value. A disposed object has, in addition to mobility, a sort of “motility” or stickiness, as geographer Kevin Hetherington notes: objects appear to vanish “only to return again unexpectedly and perhaps in a different place or in a different form.”[44] When waste returns and resurfaces, it becomes clear that disposal is about more than matter out of place. Instead, disposal involves a set of practices for dealing with waste (even if this means overlooking it).[45] When we dispose of something, we create places and relations out of the residue of this displacement.
垃圾处理并不一定涉及绝对驱逐不需要的材料，而是揭示了回收或延迟物品消亡的企图，以推迟其价值的下降。 [43] 然而，垃圾被转移或保留的边缘并不一定是清晰划分的，而是重叠和交叉的。电子产品被丢弃在路边和垃圾箱里，包装在壁橱里，捆绑在仓库里。这些外围场所实际上往往是中心地带，但却看不见。在处理和转移的过程中，我们会有意无意地忽略身边的电子材料碎片。废弃物在一些地方挥之不去，常常迫使我们与其消散的价值作斗争。正如地理学家凯文-赫瑟林顿（Kevin Hetherington）所指出的那样，被丢弃的物品除了具有流动性之外，还具有一种 "运动性 "或粘性：物品似乎消失了，"只是出乎意料地再次回来，也许是在不同的地方或以不同的形式"。 [44] 当废弃物返回并再次出现时，我们就会发现，处置的意义并不仅仅是物质的消失。相反，废弃物处理涉及一套处理废弃物的方法（即使这意味着忽略它）。 [45] 当我们丢弃某样东西时，我们会从这种置换的残留物中创造出场所和关系。

In an attempt to map out these extended spaces of electronic waste disposal, I took a friend's aged personal computer to the nearest recycling facility (at the time, in Montreal). Like many devices of its kind, this PC had sat in a closet gathering dust. Outdated, with a DOS operating Page 90 →system, the petrified machine was a bulky object that one felt should be put to good use but that was no longer functional. As mentioned previously, as much as 75 percent of obsolete electronics are currently stockpiled in the United States.[46] If all the devices that had been stowed away entered the waste stream suddenly, en masse, they would completely overload the system.[47] But there is a good reason why these devices do not unilaterally go in such a direction and why they continue to linger past the point of optimum performance. Not only are the circuits for electronic disposal undefined, but electronics are caught in a set of holding patterns that typifies disposal. The spaces of stockpiling and delay involve sites where “uncertain value” can be assessed.[48] The pause before a more terminal disposal in the dump or before packaging in shipping containers bound for the shores of China and India, is necessary in order to assess the lapsed value of the item. Disposal involves strategies of deferring the moment when objects become rubbish. Electronics initially undergo just such a holding pattern. No doubt, electronics stick around because of the relatively high price paid for them in proportion to the shortness of their useful life. What was at one time a device at the cutting edge of performativity has become an inert black (or beige) box, a device awaiting its final dispatch but remaining in the dim margins.
为了摸清这些电子垃圾处理的延伸空间，我把朋友的一台老旧个人电脑送到了最近的回收站（当时在蒙特利尔）。和许多同类设备一样，这台个人电脑一直放在壁橱里积灰。这台电脑已经过时，使用的是 DOS 操作系统。如前所述，美国目前有多达 75% 的过时电子产品被囤积起来。 [46] 如果所有被囤积起来的设备突然大规模进入垃圾流，它们将使系统完全超负荷。 [47] 但是，这些设备并没有单方面朝这个方向发展，而是继续徘徊在最佳性能点之后，这是有充分理由的。不仅电子废弃物的处理流程没有明确规定，而且电子产品还陷入了一系列典型的废弃物处理模式。囤积和拖延的空间涉及可以评估 "不确定价值 "的场所。 [48] 为了评估物品的失效价值，在将其最终丢弃到垃圾场或装入运往中国和印度海岸的集装箱之前的停顿是必要的。处理涉及推迟物品成为垃圾的时机的策略。电子产品最初就经历了这样一种保留模式。毫无疑问，电子产品之所以能够留存下来，是因为它们的价格相对较高，而使用寿命却很短。电子产品曾一度是性能最前沿的设备，但现在却变成了惰性的黑盒子（或米色盒子），一个等待最终被丢弃的设备，但却留在了暗淡的边缘。

In my electronics disposal experiment, I located the nearest certified electronics recycler—situated, inevitably, well outside the city center, so that I had to drive the device to its proper waste-handling home. Following this path of disposal, I drove to the near edge of the airport, to a row of nameless light-industrial structures. Numbered loading docks edged up against a continuous plane of corrugated steel architecture, which was interrupted only by the company logo and front entrance. Carting the PC from the car trunk to the front lobby, I noticed that I was the only person in sight, and silent parking lots stretched into the distance. Inside the waiting room, it was clear that this act of singular recycling was unusual, even absurd. I met with the recycler and asked for verification of how the machine would be recycled and if the hard drive could be “wiped” of data (evidence of the success of this process was later sent to me in an e-mail with 13 lines of zeros, indicating no data found).[49] With the recycler's assurances, I handed over the ancient machine, which transferred to the shop floor for disassembly and recycling.[50]
在我的电子产品处理实验中，我找到了最近的一家经过认证的电子产品回收商--但不可避免的是，这家回收商位于市中心之外，因此我不得不开车将设备送往其合适的废物处理场所。沿着这条处理路径，我驱车来到机场附近，一排无名的轻工业建筑前。编号的装卸码头与波纹钢结构的连续平面相邻，只有公司的标志和前门被打断。把电脑从汽车后备箱搬到前厅时，我注意到眼前只有我一个人，寂静的停车场一直延伸到远处。在等候室里，很明显，这种单一的回收行为是不寻常的，甚至是荒谬的。我见到了回收人员，并要求确认机器将如何回收，以及是否可以 "擦除 "硬盘中的数据（后来我收到了一封电子邮件，上面有 13 行零，表示没有发现数据）。 [49] 在回收商的保证下，我交出了这台古老的机器，并将其转移到车间进行拆卸和回收。 [50]

Businesses, institutions, and manufacturers are the primary recyclers of electronics. These groups are often prohibited from sending their electronics to landfills, so they are bound by law to find a recycling option Page 91 →for their machines.[51] While it is not yet illegal in many places for consumers to place their electronics in the trash for eventual shipment to the landfill, more policies now require that electronics are not interred in landfills, as many of the components in these devices are hazardous and present the possibility for environmental damage upon their breakdown and decay.[52] Increasing pressure has also been placed on governments to mandate an “extended producer responsibility,” or EPR, that would require electronics manufacturers to take back the devices that they produce, for disposal and treatment.[53] EPR is often seen as a more ideal solution than a mandate that would only require the recycling of electronics, as the latter does not address the fact that the vast majority of electronics collected for recycling are eventually sent, in varying states, to developing countries, where they are processed and handled in relatively unsafe and environmentally unsound conditions.
企业、机构和制造商是电子产品的主要回收者。这些团体通常被禁止将其电子产品送往垃圾填埋场，因此他们必须依法为其机器寻找回收方案。 [51] 虽然在许多地方，消费者将电子产品扔进垃圾桶最终运往垃圾填埋场并不违法，但现在越来越多的政策要求不得将电子产品扔进垃圾填埋场，因为这些设备中的许多部件都是有害的，一旦分解和腐烂，就有可能对环境造成破坏。 [52] 各国政府也面临着越来越大的压力，要求强制实行 "生产者延伸责任"（EPR），即要求电子产品制造商收回其生产的设备，以便进行处置和处理。 [53] 与只要求回收电子产品的规定相比，生产者延伸责任往往被视为更理想的解决方案，因为后者并没有解决这样一个事实，即绝大多数回收的电子产品最终都以不同的状态被送往发展中国家，在相对不安全和不环保的条件下进行加工和处理。

When we follow electronics beyond their initial disposal, we find that even the apparently final forms of disposal are not nearly so complete and that value is never quite fully exhausted. If we unfold the stages of electronic disposal, we begin to see that there are multiple possible stages of removal, depending on the route that electronics follow. From Montreal to the Bronx and from Pennsylvania to New Jersey, I have visited electronic waste recyclers who have detailed the process of electronics disposal and recycling. Typically, electronics are first collected by recyclers in North America or Europe, who salvage high-grade machines for resale and extract valuable metal from devices for scrap or who alternately bundle defunct machines in shipping containers. In either case, at some stage down the line of processing, the electronics are usually sent to developing countries for scrap and salvaging of components, copper, gold, iron, plastic, nonferrous metals, cables, cathode-ray tubes, printed boards, and more. Raw materials markets thrive on and reincorporate these materials.
当我们对电子产品进行初次处置之后，我们会发现，即使是表面上看似最终的处置形式也并不那么彻底，价值永远不会完全耗尽。如果我们展开电子产品的处置阶段，我们就会发现，根据电子产品的处置路径，可能存在多个阶段。从蒙特利尔到布朗克斯，从宾夕法尼亚州到新泽西州，我走访过电子垃圾回收商，他们详细介绍了电子产品的处理和回收过程。通常情况下，电子产品首先由北美或欧洲的回收商收集，他们会打捞出高档机器用于转售，并从设备中提取有价值的金属作为废料，或者将失效的机器捆绑在海运集装箱中。无论是哪种情况，在加工过程的某个阶段，这些电子产品通常会被送到发展中国家进行报废，并回收零部件、铜、金、铁、塑料、有色金属、电缆、阴极射线管、印刷电路板等。原材料市场在这些材料的基础上蓬勃发展，并重新整合这些材料。

The disposal of electronics, then, follows a trajectory between developed and developing countries, where devices migrate from technology-rich regions to those places with an abundance of cheap labor and a high demand for raw materials. While countries such as China are currently regulating against the importation of electronic waste, shipments continue to make their way to Asia, Africa, and other developing countries for recycling and disposal.[54] Using GPS to track the fate of a television recycled in the United Kingdom, Greenpeace activists have mapped how this legitimately recycled electronic device was eventually retrieved in a Page 92 →secondhand market in Nigeria. But there were many stages to locating and recovering the television as it moved across the ocean, from recycler to port, and from port to market.[55] At the same time, many used computers and electronics are sent to developing countries as donations. These devices are meant to contribute to overcoming the “digital divide” by supplying electronics to people who might not otherwise have access to them. Yet the donation of obsolete electronics does not contend with the dilemma that these machines will eventually become waste and will linger in places that often lack the infrastructure for handling these wastes properly.[56]
因此，电子产品的处理在发达国家和发展中国家之间循环往复，电子产品从技术发达的地区转移到廉价劳动力丰富、原材料需求量大的地区。虽然中国等国家目前正在对进口电子垃圾进行管制，但仍有大量电子垃圾运往亚洲、非洲和其他发展中国家进行回收和处理。 [54] 绿色和平组织的活动人士利用全球定位系统追踪了一台在英国回收的电视机的命运，并绘制了这台合法回收的电子设备最终如何在尼日利亚的一个二手市场被回收的地图。但是，在电视机漂洋过海，从回收商到港口，再从港口到市场的过程中，寻找和回收电视机需要经过许多阶段。 [55] 与此同时，许多二手电脑和电子产品作为捐赠品被送往发展中国家。这些设备的目的是向那些可能无法获得电子产品的人提供电子产品，从而为消除 "数字鸿沟 "做出贡献。然而，捐赠废旧电子产品并没有解决这样一个难题，即这些机器最终将成为废物，并将滞留在往往缺乏适当处理这些废物的基础设施的地方。 [56]

Indeed, this geographical relation between waste and raw materials is critical to the formation of the “third world.”[57] Even when electronics are collected by recyclers in the developed countries, the cost of recycling materials and the geography of markets for raw materials make developing countries a more “viable” place for disposed electronics to be sent in the end. But the cycle of production, consumption, disposal, and recycling is not a machine in perpetual motion, and as the recent collapse in the global market for recyclables suggests, the geographic relationship of manufacturing and waste is not fixed. When developed countries experience slower rates of growth and consumption, the developing countries that supply the products and remove the wastes similarly experience a slackening of activity. During recessions, piles of recyclables stack up in developed countries, as the usual routes for shipping and reusing these materials freeze up. Prices for raw materials can move with the same volatility as apparently abstract indices within electronic markets.[58] Recyclables may even begin to move in new circuits, shifting the relationship between manufacturing and raw materials from more disparate trajectories to nearer geographies; or materials are repurposed not for production but for incineration.[59]
事实上，废物与原材料之间的这种地理关系对于 "第三世界 "的形成至关重要。 [57] 即使发达国家的回收商收集了电子产品，回收材料的成本和原材料市场的地理位置也使得发展中国家成为废弃电子产品最终被送往的更 "可行 "的地方。但是，生产、消费、处理和回收的循环并不是一台永动机，正如最近全球可回收材料市场的崩溃所表明的，生产和废弃物的地理关系并不是固定不变的。当发达国家的增长和消费速度放缓时，提供产品和清除废物的发展中国家的活动也同样放缓。在经济衰退期间，发达国家的可回收物堆积如山，因为运输和再利用这些材料的常规路线冻结了。原材料的价格会像电子市场中明显抽象的指数一样波动。 [58] 可回收材料甚至可能开始以新的方式流动，将制造业与原材料之间的关系从更加分散的轨迹转移到更近的地域；或者材料被重新利用，不是用于生产，而是用于焚烧。 [59]

Not only is it often cheaper to send electronic waste across the ocean than to process it locally in places such as North America, but because so much manufacturing takes place in China, the enormous demand for raw materials means the movements of electronic commodity and electronic waste nearly collide with one another, as electronic waste often makes the loop back to the site of its manufacturing.[60] In an account that is reminiscent of Packard's Cornucopia City, journalist Heather Rogers describes how “some shipping companies that bring consumer goods into the United States have taken up rubbish handling. Instead of returning with empty vessels, they fill their cargo containers with U.S. wastes, Page 93 →which they then sell to recycling and disposal operations in their home countries.”[61] Shipping containers become part of a veritable conveyor belt, where the movement of goods back and forth across the ocean operates as some well-oiled machinery. Commodity and rubbish anticipate each other. The ease with which these goods move, the lack of distinction between goods for market and goods for disposal, increasingly functions as an abstract system of exchange, as the shipping and receiving of goods now takes place through the automated movement of sea containers.[62] The jumble, reek, and materiality of shipped goods are neatly sealed in containers that do not reveal the contents within. The same containers that ship electronic goods to market could just as likely contain electronic waste: the specificity of these materials has been eclipsed within a standardized container and mechanism of movement.
将电子垃圾运往大洋彼岸往往比在北美等地就地处理更便宜，而且由于大量制造活动在中国进行，对原材料的巨大需求意味着电子商品和电子垃圾的流动几乎相互碰撞，因为电子垃圾往往会返回其制造地。 [60] 记者希瑟-罗杰斯（Heather Rogers）在一篇令人想起帕卡德的《粟米城》的报道中描述了 "一些向美国运送消费品的运输公司是如何处理垃圾的。他们不是空船返回，而是在货物集装箱里装满美国垃圾，然后卖给本国的回收和处理企业"。 [61] 海运集装箱成为名副其实的传送带的一部分，货物在大洋上来回穿梭，就像一台运转良好的机器。商品和垃圾相互影响。这些货物移动方便，没有市场货物和废弃货物之分，日益成为一种抽象的交换系统，因为货物的运输和接收现在都是通过海运集装箱的自动移动来完成的。 [62] 装运货物的杂乱无章、恶臭和物质性被整齐地密封在集装箱中，无法显示其中的内容。将电子产品运往市场的集装箱同样可能装有电子垃圾：这些材料的特殊性在标准化的集装箱和运输机制中黯然失色。

The majority of electronic waste, then, moves from developed to developing country by ship, which constitutes yet another space of delayed disposal. Electronics that have benefited from advances in plastics, packaging, and automation are then shuttled across the ocean by virtue of this other advance in “packaging.” Shipping containers advanced as a maritime technology at the same time that automation and packaging emerged. Shipping containers enabled a new and automated ease of movement, which had a particular influence on the global transfer of cargo. The automated, containerized, and efficient movement of goods by ship resembles those other material, economic, spatial, and temporal changes that were taking place, from plastics to electronics. A technical innovation and newly fluid network of containerized shipping emerged to facilitate the distribution of goods and wastes.[63] These containers move in a liquid and global organization that shifts in relation to cheap labor. Newly discovered peripheries can then become sites for the mobilization and shipment of waste.
因此，大部分电子垃圾都是通过轮船从发达国家运往发展中国家的，这构成了另一个延迟处理的空间。得益于塑料、包装和自动化技术进步的电子产品，又因 "包装 "技术的进步而漂洋过海。在自动化和包装技术出现的同时，海运集装箱作为一种海运技术也得到了发展。海运集装箱带来了全新的自动化便捷运输方式，对全球货物运输产生了特殊影响。自动化、集装箱化和高效率的货物运输与其他物质、经济、空间和时间上的变化相似，从塑料到电子产品都是如此。集装箱运输的技术创新和新的流动网络的出现，促进了货物和废物的分销。 [63] 这些集装箱在流动的全球组织中移动，并随着廉价劳动力的变化而变化。新发现的边缘地区可以成为动员和运输废物的场所。

Yet within these watery circuits of transport and communication are spaces of material delay. Even at its most routinized, shipping constitutes an extended temporality that undergirds the instantaneous time of electronics. The age of information is more approximate to what artist Alan Sekula calls the “third industrial revolution,” which crucially depends not just on electronic technologies but also on these technologies and networks of shipping. While the instant and virtual transport that occurs in digital space often holds sway over our sense of mobility—global, material, or otherwise—in fact, the “forgotten space” of the sea actually enables the movement of most materials, including electronics. So binding Page 94 →are these material flows that they serve as a significant counterpoint to the dematerialized flows of “cyberspace.” Sekula writes,
然而，在这些运输和通信的水路中，存在着物质延迟的空间。即使在最常规化的情况下，航运也构成了一种延伸的时间性，支撑着电子产品的瞬时时间。信息时代更接近于艺术家艾伦-塞库拉（Alan Sekula）所说的 "第三次工业革命"，它不仅依赖于电子技术，还依赖于这些技术和航运网络。虽然数字空间中的即时和虚拟运输常常左右着我们的移动感--全球的、物质的或其他的--但事实上，海洋这个 "被遗忘的空间 "实际上促成了包括电子产品在内的大多数材料的移动。这些物质流动如此具有约束力，以至于成为 "网络空间 "非物质化流动的重要对立面。塞库拉写道

Large-scale material flows remain intractable. Acceleration is not absolute: the hydrodynamics of large-capacity hulls and the power output of diesel engines set a limit to the speed of cargo ships not far beyond that of the first quarter of this century. It still takes about eight days to cross the Atlantic and about twelve to cross the Pacific. A society of accelerated flows is also in certain key aspects a society of deliberately slow movement.[64]
大规模物质流仍然难以解决。加速并不是绝对的：大容量船体的流体力学和柴油发动机的动力输出为货轮的速度设定了一个极限，这个极限不会远远超过本世纪第一季度的速度。横渡大西洋仍然需要 8 天，横渡太平洋需要 12 天。一个加速流动的社会在某些关键方面也是一个刻意缓慢流动的社会。 [64]

Electronics and electronic waste trail through these spun-out liquid networks. The suddenness of disposal is drawn out again into orders of material time that are neither plastic nor virtual but, rather, extend into the indeterminable durations of delivery, disassembly, and decay. Just as we position ourselves in the “information revolution,” we find that in many ways we are still entrenched in the measured material networks of the Industrial Revolution. In the paused space of shipping, all that had apparently dematerialized rematerializes. Electronics pass through, collect, and sediment in the delay between material registers and in the delay between continents.
电子产品和电子废弃物在这些剥离的液体网络中穿行。废弃物处理的突然性再次被拉入物质时间的秩序中，这种秩序既不是可塑的，也不是虚拟的，而是延伸到交付、拆卸和衰变的不确定持续时间中。就像我们在 "信息革命 "中定位自己一样，我们发现在许多方面，我们仍然被固化在工业革命的有度量的物质网络中。在停顿的航运空间中，所有明显非物质化的东西都重新物质化了。电子产品在物质登记之间的延迟和大陆之间的延迟中穿行、收集和沉淀。

Container ships loaded with electronic waste are primarily sent from North America to China, although other circuits of electronic disposal may be traced from Europe to Africa and from Singapore to India. In its report Exporting Harm, the Basel Action Network estimates that as much as 50 to 80 percent of electronic waste that is collected in recycling centers in the United States is eventually shipped to locations in developing countries. Guangdong, Lagos, and Delhi receive and distribute used electronics, which move from harbors inland to scrap yards, recycling sites, and resale markets. While electronic waste may have been displaced from one location, it resurfaces in these sites as material for potential reuse and recycling. The question of which “system” is displacing its wastes and how these wastes are configured looms large with the issue of electronic waste. While electronics may have reached the end of their useful life after 18 months in developed countries, becoming “inessential,” these same devices are incorporated into other systems where value and use is recuperated and where waste becomes scrap and commodity. These disposed materials are further delayed from complete rubbishing, as they are processed and repurposed in locations often distant from their use and consumption.[65]
装载电子废弃物的集装箱船主要从北美运往中国，但也可追踪到从欧洲到非洲以及从新加坡到印度的其他电子废弃物处理线路。巴塞尔行动网络（Basel Action Network）在其报告《输出危害》（Exporting Harm）中估计，在美国回收中心收集的电子垃圾中，高达 50% 至 80% 最终被运往发展中国家。广东、拉各斯和德里接收并分销废旧电子产品，这些产品从内陆港口运往废品收购站、回收站和转售市场。虽然电子垃圾可能已经从一个地方转移，但它们又重新出现在这些地方，成为可能再利用和再循环的材料。在电子垃圾问题上，哪个 "系统 "正在取代其废物以及这些废物是如何配置的问题显得尤为重要。在发达国家，电子产品可能在 18 个月后就达到其使用寿命的终点，成为 "无用之物"，而在其他系统中，同样的设备被重新利用，价值和用途得到恢复，废物成为废料和商品。这些被丢弃的材料在远离其使用和消费的地方进行加工和再利用，从而进一步推迟了完全废弃的时间。 [65]

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What makes electronic waste of particular concern is not just its volume and the fact that it now constitutes the fastest-growing waste stream in developed countries but also that its components are potentially hazardous upon disassembly and decay.[66] The practice of recycling may reinforce a sense that electronics are prepared and processed in a responsible way. But in developing countries, the recycling of electronics occurs through often crude and unsafe methods, including “open burning, acid baths and toxic dumping,” which pollute the environment and endanger the workers and local population.[67] Residents in developed countries are relieved of responsibility for these materials, and residents in developing countries process materials and waste that often they did not generate. Perhaps for this reason, sociologist Zygmunt Bauman has spoken of how workers that sort through wastes and recycle materials seem, in the global economy, to also be “disposable people,”[68] expendable and made to deal with wastes from the wealthiest parts of the world. The murky but inevitable relationship between disposability and accountability materializes in concrete form with electronic waste. Circuits for the disposal of electronic waste do not enable its complete elimination; instead, they mobilize these materials toward other sites, forms of labor, and salvage practices.
电子废物之所以特别令人担忧，不仅是因为其数量大，而且因为它现在是发达国家增长最快的废物流，还因为其部件在拆卸和腐烂后具有潜在的危险性。 [66] 回收利用的做法可能会加强人们的意识，即电子产品是以负责任的方式准备和处理的。但在发展中国家，电子产品的回收通常采用粗暴和不安全的方法，包括 "露天焚烧、酸洗和有毒倾倒"，这些方法污染环境，危害工人和当地居民。 [67] 发达国家的居民被免除了对这些材料的责任，而发展中国家的居民处理的材料和废物往往不是他们产生的。也许正因为如此，社会学家齐格蒙特-鲍曼（Zygmunt Bauman）曾说过，在全球经济中，整理废物和回收材料的工人似乎也是 "一次性的人"， [68] ，他们是消耗品，必须处理来自世界最富裕地区的废物。可支配性与责任之间模糊但不可避免的关系在电子垃圾中以具体的形式体现出来。电子废弃物处理系统并不能彻底消除电子废弃物；相反，它们将这些材料转移到其他场所、劳动形式和回收实践中。

Dirt, Displacement, Demattering
污垢、位移、消散

Recycling may potentially have the effect of increasing or encouraging disposability.[69] Materials may be just as rapidly thrown away, but the sorting, delay, and reintegration of these materials suggests that any problems arising from disposability can be addressed through this reuse. The distinction between recycled matter and rubbish is important in understanding the dynamic of electronic waste and rubbish in general. Recycling is another space of delay within disposal. It draws out materials for sorting, the recuperation of value, and reintegration by transforming rubbish into new commodities. Recycled material can even reenter spaces of exchange and renewed production. In many ways, this transformation takes place through the almost complete devaluation of goods and return to raw material, so that recycled materials move in and out of the economy; they are transformed from commodity to waste and raw material and from raw material into commodity again.[70] But this process involves not just the abstract transformation of materials and values but also the formation of places where material rejection and devaluation takes place. Wire villages, canals flush with broken monitor Page 96 →glass, and alleys full of chemical barrels, which are the typical sites for recycling electronic waste in developing countries, are the actual sites in which these transformations occur. Far from the dematerialized specter of cyberspace, these practices of disposal continually provide evidence of just how material—if dispersed—electronic technologies are.
再循环可能会产生增加或鼓励一次性的效果。 [69] 材料可能会很快被扔掉，但这些材料的分类、延迟和重新整合表明，可处置性引起的任何问题都可以通过这种再利用来解决。回收物和垃圾之间的区别对于理解电子垃圾和一般垃圾的动态十分重要。回收利用是处理过程中的另一个延迟空间。它通过将垃圾转化为新的商品，将材料分类、价值回收和重新整合。回收的材料甚至可以重新进入交换和再生产的空间。在许多方面，这种转化是通过商品几乎完全贬值并回归原材料来实现的，因此，回收材料在经济中进进出出；它们从商品转化为废物和原材料，又从原材料再次转化为商品。 [70] 但这一过程涉及的不仅仅是材料和价值的抽象转化，还形成了材料排斥和贬值的场所。发展中国家典型的电子垃圾回收地--电线村、堆满破碎显示器第 96 页 → 玻璃的运河、堆满化工桶的小巷，就是这些转化发生的实际场所。与网络空间的非物质化幽灵相去甚远，这些处理方式不断证明了电子技术的物质性--尽管是分散的。

When we recycle, we repeat the process of delaying the inevitable return to rubbish. Electronic waste may be discarded in one location but then surfaces in another to be processed as goods with marginal scrap value. Yet when that scrap is processed into new electronic components, for instance, it reenters a value system that will mobilize again toward rubbish. Dirt, in other words, is the dynamic.[71] Dirt is, in fact, a constant condition to which objects such as electronics return and against which their value is negotiated.[72] A thing may be reconstituted—as the preceding discussion on plastic reminds—in an infinite number of ways. It may pass into states of disposal and then enter several stages of delay, recuperation, and reentry. When electronics pass through disposal, they undergo such transformations. The displacement of this electronic “dirt” further gives rise to places, social relations, and environmental effects.
当我们回收利用时，我们重复着延迟不可避免的回归垃圾的过程。电子垃圾可能在一个地方被丢弃，但在另一个地方又被加工成具有边际废料价值的物品。然而，当这些废料被加工成新的电子元件时，它又会重新进入一个价值体系，再次向垃圾流动。换句话说，垃圾是一种动态。 [71] 事实上，污垢是电子产品等物品返回的一个恒定条件，其价值也是在此条件下协商确定的。 [72] 正如前面关于塑料的讨论所提醒的那样，一件物品可以以无数种方式重新组合。它可能会进入弃置状态，然后进入延迟、恢复和再进入等几个阶段。当电子产品经过废弃处理时，它们就会经历这样的转变。这些电子 "污垢 "的转移进一步产生了场所、社会关系和环境影响。

It is useful, at the end of this chapter, to return to the earlier discussion on the relevance of approaching consumption through disposal, of understanding the role that consumption plays in using up and dissolving goods and how these practices are guided by the dynamic of dirt. Addressing the interdependent relationship between production and consumption, Marx articulates that “a product becomes a real product only by being consumed” and that “only by decomposing the product does consumption give the product the finishing touch.” In this sense, “consumption creates the need for new production.”[73] Marx's schema creates a loop between production and consumption and focuses on production as the condition to which economies return, where consumption provides the necessary dissolution of products in order to spur new production—hence his phrase “Consumptive production. Productive consumption.”[74] While Marx crucially draws attention to the dissolution that characterizes consumption, his analysis does not draw out the spaces and processes of dissolution and does not consider that dissolution may, in fact, be a condition guiding economic exchange. Waste, in this respect, is typically unaccounted for within discussions of production and consumption. Yet waste is a dynamic that influences all phases of economic exchange, providing the basis for the rise and fall of value and the formation of new commodities. Indeed, Marx says as much when he argues, Page 97 →“Consumption accomplishes the act of production only in completing the product as product by dissolving it.”[75] While Marx goes on, in the same passage, to the renewed need for production, a slight interpretive realignment indicates that what is guiding these economic exchanges most of all is the inevitable dissolution of products. Here, products are complete only when wasted. This is a dissolution that occurs not only in consumption but also, by extension, in disposal and the recuperative spaces of recycling.
在本章的最后，我们有必要回到之前的讨论，即通过处置来对待消费，理解消费在使用和消解商品方面所起的作用，以及这些做法如何受到污垢动态的引导。在谈到生产与消费之间的相互依存关系时，马克思明确指出，"产品只有被消费才成为真正的产品"，"只有通过分解产品，消费才给产品以画龙点睛的效果"。从这个意义上说，"消费创造了对新生产的需要"。 [73] 马克思的图式在生产和消费之间建立了一个循环，并将生产作为经济回归的条件，消费为产品提供必要的分解，以刺激新的生产--这就是他的短语 "消费性生产。生产性消费"。 [74] 虽然马克思在关键时刻提请人们注意消费所具有的消解特征，但他的分析并没有勾勒出消解的空间和过程，也没有考虑到消解实际上可能是指导经济交换的一个条件。在这方面，生产和消费的讨论通常没有考虑到浪费问题。然而，浪费是影响经济交换各个阶段的一种动力，它为价值的涨落和新商品的形成提供了基础。事实上，马克思也是这么说的，他认为，第 97 页→"消费只是通过溶解产品来完成作为产品的产品，从而完成生产行为。" [75] 虽然马克思在同一段话中继续提到生产的新需求，但稍作解释调整就会发现，引导这些经济交换的最重要因素是产品不可避免的解体。在这里，产品只有在被浪费时才是完整的。这种消解不仅发生在消费过程中，而且延伸到处置和回收利用的再生空间中。

When we focus on these spaces and processes of dissolution, we can reconsider consumption not only as a process of acquisition but, equally, as a matter of how and where we rid ourselves of objects that are typically manufactured for disposal. Consumption is continuous with using up, and disposal is a critical part of the use of electronics, even if these devices are not in direct control of users. “The issue of de-constitution, of throwing away,” archaeologist Gavin Lucas urges, “clearly needs to be related to theories of consumption,” because, he suggests, “shedding off possessions can be as complex a process as acquiring them.”[76] Consumption emerges not just as a process of dissolution that spurs new production but as a drawn-out process of “dispossession” and “demattering” that critically calls attention to how we get rid of things, how they circulate, where those things go, what residues they leave behind, and what political economies and ecologies they bind together. Disposal provides a way to focus on consumption without eliding this act of using up and without seeing disposal as the simple discarding of matter. Instead, disposal brings into relief those practices, spaces, temporalities, and performances that emerge through the removal and demattering of goods in general and of electronics specifically. Colloredo-Mansfeld argues that “what it actually means to consume an object remains curiously unexamined” and that, in fact, this aspect of consumption as using up is not only a necessary area of study but also reveals how consumption can articulate social relations that “act as generative moments” through expenditure.[77] Consumption and dissolution do not return exclusively to production in this analysis but open up into other spaces that are shaped through the practices and materialities of disposal.
当我们关注这些消解的空间和过程时，我们就可以重新考虑消费问题，它不仅是一个获取的过程，同样也是一个我们如何以及在何处摆脱那些通常是为处置而制造的物品的问题。消费与使用是连续的，而处理是使用电子产品的一个关键部分，即使这些设备并不在用户的直接控制之下。考古学家加文-卢卡斯（Gavin Lucas）认为，"去机构化、丢弃的问题""显然需要与消费理论联系起来"，因为他认为，"舍弃财产和获得财产一样，都是一个复杂的过程"。 [76] "消费不仅是一个促进新生产的解体过程，也是一个漫长的 "剥夺 "和 "消散 "过程，它批判性地唤起人们对我们如何摆脱物品、它们如何流通、这些物品去了哪里、它们留下了哪些残留物以及它们将哪些政治经济和生态联系在一起的关注。废弃处理提供了一种关注消费的方式，同时又不会忽略这种使用行为，也不会将废弃处理视为对物质的简单丢弃。相反，废弃处理使那些通过去除和拆散一般物品，特别是电子产品而产生的实践、空间、时间性和表演变得更加清晰。科洛雷多-曼斯菲尔德认为，"消费一件物品究竟意味着什么，却奇怪地没有得到研究"，事实上，消费即使用不仅是一个必要的研究领域，而且揭示了消费如何通过支出来表达 "作为生成时刻 "的社会关系。 [77] 在这一分析中，消费和消解并不完全回归生产，而是向其他空间开放，这些空间是通过处置的实践和物质性形成的。

The circuits of disposal discussed in this chapter reveal the locations—often not so officially designated—where the “de-constitution of material culture” takes place.[78] As these practices demonstrate, such demattering is too multilayered and multilocated to occur in any single designated place. If we return to Leonia and Cornucopia City, we arrive Page 98 →this time with a much different sense of the circuits of disposal in these places. Cornucopia City trucks its goods from the production line to the dump: it does not account for the necessary role of consumption in using up goods and extending disposal into multiple places. Leonia simply shifts its continually discarded goods outward, to an unnamed margin, which could just as well be some electronic waste dump in Guangdong. We not only need places of demattering; we already have them. They just tend not to register as places of regard. But these places of disposal continue to exceed their boundaries, forcing us to reconcile ourselves to the effects of our wastes—electronic and otherwise. Yet there are also spaces of more official demattering that we can turn to in order to consider how we deal with the loss of material culture. The museum or archive is perhaps primary among these designated spaces for witnessing or arresting the erosion and erasure of material culture. These are sites that manage the duration and space of material release but also preserve a concrete record of the program of transience within electronics. In the next chapter, I consider how the museum and archive offer up spaces of demattering and disposal, as well as material memories of failed technologies.
本章所讨论的处理方式揭示了 "物质文化去建制化 "的发生地点--通常不是官方指定的地点。 [78] 正如这些实践所表明的那样，这种 "去物质化 "是多层次、多地点的，不可能在任何单一的指定地点进行。如果我们再回到莱奥尼亚和粟米城，我们会对这些地方的处理方式有一种截然不同的感觉。Cornucopia 城用卡车将货物从生产线运到垃圾场：它没有考虑到消费在耗尽货物和将处置延伸到多个地方方面的必要作用。莱奥尼娅只是将其不断丢弃的货物向外转移，转移到一个不知名的边缘地带，而这个边缘地带也可能是广东的某个电子垃圾场。我们不仅需要废弃物处理场所，而且我们已经有了这些场所。只是它们往往不被视为处理场所。但是，这些废弃物处理场所不断超越其边界，迫使我们接受我们的电子废物和其他废物所造成的影响。然而，我们也可以求助于一些更为正式的消解空间，以考虑如何处理物质文化的损失。博物馆或档案馆也许是这些指定空间中见证或阻止物质文化侵蚀和消解的主要场所。这些场所管理着物质释放的时间和空间，同时也保存着电子产品短暂性程序的具体记录。在下一章中，我将探讨博物馆和档案馆如何提供消解和处置的空间，以及对失效技术的物质记忆。

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FOUR
四

Museum of Failure
失败博物馆

THE MUTABILITY OF ELECTRONIC MEMORY
电子记忆的可变性

Computers offer an interesting daydream: that we may be able to store things digitally instead of physically. In other words, turn the libraries to digital storage; digitize paintings and photographs; even digitize the genetic codes of animals, so that species can be restored at future dates.
计算机提供了一个有趣的白日梦：我们也许可以用数字而不是物理方式来存储东西。换句话说，将图书馆转化为数字存储；将绘画和照片数字化；甚至将动物的遗传密码数字化，以便将来可以恢复物种。

—TED NELSON, Computer Lib/Dream Machines
泰德-内尔松，《电脑图书馆/梦想机器

The possibility will arise that technics, far from being merely in time, properly constitutes time.
这就会产生这样一种可能性，即技术学远非仅仅存在于时间之中，而是恰当地构成了时间。

—BERNARD STIEGLER, Technics and Time
伯纳德-斯蒂格勒，《技术与时间

Refuse of History
拒绝历史

In the Computer History Museum in Mountain View, California, a veritable warehouse of machinery is on display. Here are a Jacquard loom and Hollerith punched card machine, the Cray 7600 supercomputer and the JOHNNIAC. Many of the machines are notable for the contributions they made to the development of computing; others are representative examples of everyday electronics from a particular era. Yet all of these machines, regardless of merit or extent of distribution, are silent. Disconnected and unplugged, the devices seem to meditate under a layer of dust, which is amplified by the fluorescent lights. In this hall of exhibit placards and mute machines, other features slowly begin to rise to the surface. One mainframe, the curator tells a group of visitors, has peculiar markings to which he would like to draw our attention. The machine is the WISC, or Wisconsin Integrally Synchronized Computer, which was developed between 1951 and 1955 as part of the PhD thesis of Gene Amdahl at the University of Wisconsin. While this machine was pioneering Page 102 →for its time, it quickly became obsolete as many new mainframes entered the market, and Amdahl went on to develop other computers at IBM. The markings that we are directed to examine are a scattering of bullet holes across the console of the machine. According to computing legend, when Amdahl moved on to IBM, the device was used as a training computer, only to be later retired and moved to a professor's midwestern basement. In this subterranean storage space, it became the direct or indirect object of rifle target practice. Once it was eventually rescued and preserved in the Computer History Museum, it bore these indelible marks of its other life, when it once lingered in a state of disuse. The holes that puncture through the WISC's bullet-riddled console aim into the secret workings of the machine. Memory drum and electric circuits are not the only apparatuses that lie behind its opaque exterior, however. These bullet holes also tear into the mechanics of technological obsolescence. They are a reminder that in the endless tale of technical evolution, electronic machines are regularly cast aside, become obsolete, and are kept in storage as inert remainders. Before it entered the museum, the WISC acquired this other layer of dust, a rough grain recording the fate of failed electronics.
在加利福尼亚州山景城的计算机历史博物馆里，陈列着名副其实的机器仓库。这里有提花织布机、霍勒里思打孔机、克雷 7600 超级计算机和约翰尼亚克（JOHNNIAC）。其中许多机器因其对计算机发展做出的贡献而备受瞩目；其他机器则是特定时代日常电子产品的代表。然而，所有这些机器，无论其优劣或分布范围如何，都是无声的。断开连接，拔掉插头，这些设备似乎在一层灰尘下沉思，而这层灰尘又被荧光灯放大。在这个挂满展牌和静音机器的展厅里，其他特征也开始慢慢浮出水面。馆长告诉一群参观者，其中一台主机上有一些奇特的标记，他想引起我们的注意。这台机器是 WISC，即威斯康星综合同步计算机，于 1951 年至 1955 年间开发，是吉恩-阿姆达尔（Gene Amdahl）在威斯康星大学的博士论文的一部分。虽然这台机器在当时具有开创性第 102 页→，但随着许多新的大型机进入市场，它很快就被淘汰了，而阿姆达尔则继续在 IBM 开发其他计算机。我们要检查的标记是机器控制台上散布的弹孔。根据计算机方面的传说，当阿姆达尔转投 IBM 后，这台设备被用作培训计算机，后来退役并搬到了一位教授位于中西部的地下室。在这个地下储藏室里，它直接或间接地成为了步枪瞄准练习的对象。当它最终被抢救出来并保存在计算机历史博物馆中时，它的另一种生活留下了不可磨灭的印记，它曾一度处于废弃状态。 在 WISC 弹痕累累的控制台上，穿透的小孔瞄准了机器的秘密运作。然而，记忆鼓和电路并不是隐藏在其不透明外表下的唯一装置。这些弹孔还撕裂了技术陈旧的机械结构。它们提醒人们，在无休止的技术演进故事中，电子机器经常被丢弃、淘汰，并作为惰性残骸被保存起来。在进入博物馆之前，WISC 还蒙上了这层灰尘，这些粗糙的纹理记录了失败电子产品的命运。

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In the museum and archive,[1] there are failed and obsolete technologies in abundance. On display are objects that at one time were so terrifyingly new they seemed to tip into impossible future imaginings. But the objects lapse into disrepair; they fail to remain new forever. There is always a perceived need for another upgrade and another, ad infinitum. Cultural theorist Will Straw suggests that “the sites in which unwanted cultural commodities (old records, books, etc.) accumulate are, at one level, museums of failure.”[2] Any museum or archive in which electronics are held is a collection of repeated obsolescence and breakdown. But failure is only one part of this story. Whether in a state of decay or preservation, obsolete devices begin to express tales that are about something other than technical evolution. By tearing into the mechanics of obsolescence, the WISC bullet holes do more than simply reveal the failure and mutability of machines. Above and beyond this, the bullet holes open into another order of time that exceeds the trajectory of progress and innovation. Obsolete commodities and technologies, as Benjamin explains, open up other orders of time by falling out of the time of progress.[3] Instead of demonstrating historical advances, these objects provide evidence of the dust that sediments as a record of these material and technological imaginings.
在博物馆和档案馆 [1] ，失败和过时的技术比比皆是。展出的物品曾一度新得吓人，似乎能让人对未来产生不可能的想象。但是，这些物品年久失修，无法永远保持崭新。人们总是认为需要再升级，再升级，无穷无尽。文化理论家威尔-斯特劳（Will Straw）认为，"从某种程度上说，积聚着不需要的文化商品（旧唱片、书籍等）的场所就是失败的博物馆"。 [2] "任何收藏电子产品的博物馆或档案馆都是一个重复陈旧和故障的集合体。但故障只是故事的一部分。无论是处于衰败状态还是保存状态，陈旧的设备都开始讲述技术演变之外的故事。通过揭示陈旧的机械原理，武检中心的弹孔不仅揭示了机器的故障和可变性。除此之外，这些弹孔还打开了另一种时间秩序，超越了进步和创新的轨迹。正如本雅明（Benjamin）所解释的那样，过时的商品和技术因脱离了进步的时代而开启了另一种时间秩序。 [3] 与其说这些物品展示了历史的进步，不如说它们提供了尘埃沉积的证据，记录了这些物质和技术的想象。

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There is yet another image of bullets in this history of electronics. A chart by International Computers Ltd., or ICL, a now-defunct company from the United Kingdom, compares the speed of bullets to the speeds at which mainframes process or printers output data. Within the usual pronouncements on the progress, speed, abundance, and overload of new technologies, the dust is most often overlooked. But dust may, in fact, be a more accurate gauge of these technological objects. For all the successive doubling of computing speed and for all the flurry of new electronic innovations, there is a corresponding degree of electronic obsolescence. While electronics may seem to demarcate the accelerating speed of information, they also uncover the accumulation of dust. The speed and effect of “progress” has a necessary remainder. But if we suspend the assumption of progress and concentrate on the discarded objects, we can begin to consider how dust may be an underlying condition. Nowhere does this become more apparent than in the museum and archive. The attempt to preserve electronics collides with the fact that these are machines programmed for their own destruction. Such a collision reveals economies of electronic time that not only are problematic for the archive but also undo the narratives of speed and progress so central to electronic technologies. This chapter considers how archives shift under the influence of electronic temporalities. Electronic memories—as electronic fossils that both settle into the form of hard drives and storage devices, and that scatter through operating systems and archives alike—give rise to specific modes of electronic waste. It is these fossils of electronic memory that this chapter investigates.
在电子产品的发展史上，还有另一个关于子弹的形象。国际计算机有限公司（ICL，一家现已解散的英国公司）制作了一张图表，将子弹的速度与大型机处理或打印机输出数据的速度进行了比较。在人们对新技术的进步、速度、丰富和超负荷的惯常表述中，灰尘往往被忽视。但事实上，尘埃可能是衡量这些技术对象的更准确的标准。尽管计算速度连续翻番，电子创新层出不穷，但电子产品的淘汰程度也是相应的。电子产品看似划定了信息的加速度，却也揭开了尘埃的积累。进步 "的速度和效果有其必然的剩余。但是，如果我们暂缓对 "进步 "的假设，将注意力集中在被丢弃的物品上，我们就可以开始思考灰尘是如何成为一种潜在的条件的。这一点在博物馆和档案馆中最为明显。人们试图保护电子产品，但事实上，这些机器的程序设计就是为了毁灭它们自己。这种碰撞揭示了电子时间的经济性，不仅对档案馆造成问题，而且还破坏了对电子技术至关重要的速度与进步的叙述。本章探讨了档案如何在电子时间性的影响下发生转变。电子记忆--作为电子化石，既以硬盘驱动器和存储设备的形式沉淀下来，又散落在操作系统和档案中--产生了特定模式的电子废物。本章研究的正是这些电子记忆化石。

The WISC stands among devices that were once novel inventions but are now arcane and relatively impenetrable artifacts. The uses and legibility of these devices have passed. They are forgotten technologies. But in this space of lapsed function and memory, the devices persist as remnants. As suggestive remainders, they become newly resonant. Plastic cases of robot eyes vacantly fix on some far distance, tangled wires mass together as though these metallic devices were born of aquatic origins, and video game consoles resemble hungry industrial ovens. Impenetrable or strange, inaccessible and decaying, beyond the reach of function and so made bizarre, but ultimately engendering new imaginings, these objects undergo an electronic alchemy that gives rise to the unexpected. In fact, the fantastic aspects of technologies, as Benjamin suggests, are revealed in both their making and their breaking. These are the two moments when the utopic future that technological objects promise is Page 106 →revealed. When technologies become obsolete, we have the opportunity to reexamine these utopian promises and to recast the material, political, and historical terms on which we encounter these devices.[4] Were these electronics, strange forms to us now, once meant to transport us to some utopian condition? Their earnestness suggests as much. They are nothing less than molded plastic epics. Yet the rush of innovation congeals into a fossil record. The short life and quick death of these objects settles into a layer of this natural history that reveals the critical relation between temporality and materiality and between progress and obsolescence.
WISC 与其他设备一样，曾经是新颖的发明，但现在却成了神秘和相对难以理解的人工制品。这些设备的用途和可识别性已经过去。它们是被遗忘的技术。但在这个功能和记忆消失的空间里，这些设备作为残留物依然存在。作为暗示性的残留物，它们产生了新的共鸣。塑料外壳上的机器人眼睛空洞地注视着远方，纠缠在一起的电线仿佛这些金属设备诞生于水中，而视频游戏机则像饥饿的工业烤箱。这些物品或坚不可摧，或奇形怪状，或难以接近，或日渐衰败，或超出功能范围，因而变得怪异，但最终又产生了新的想象，它们经历了电子炼金术的洗礼，产生了意想不到的效果。事实上，正如本雅明所言，技术的奇妙之处既体现在其制造过程中，也体现在其破解过程中。在这两个时刻，技术物品所承诺的乌托邦式的未来就会显现出来。当技术过时时，我们就有机会重新审视这些乌托邦式的承诺，并重塑我们与这些设备相遇时的物质、政治和历史条件。 [4] 这些对我们来说形态怪异的电子产品，曾经是为了把我们带到某种乌托邦状态吗？它们的认真态度表明了这一点。它们无异于成型的塑料史诗。然而，急速的创新却凝固成了化石记录。这些物品短暂的生命和迅速的死亡在这一自然历史中沉淀下来，揭示了时间性和物质性之间以及进步和淘汰之间的重要关系。

While the attention of many writers on culture and technology returns to the successive “creation,” or the next “paradigm shift,” Benjamin suggests, instead, that we attend to these orphaned objects and places. From them, he generates this particular form of natural history, in which history sediments into things. In this method, knowledge settles into dead objects through mortification.[5] The mors, the degradation that comes with decay, of falling out of favor, is not a common topic in the world of electronics. But still, we have the leftover shells, and these are not without their substance. It may be that from this state of obsolescence, it is possible to learn the most about what these technologies promised and what fate befell them. Failure presents the fossils of forgotten dreams, the residue of collapsed utopias, and the program of obsolescence. Through the outmoded, it is possible to move beyond those more “totalizing” aspects of technology, such as progress, teleological reasoning, or the heroism of invention.
当许多研究文化和技术的作家将注意力集中在接踵而至的 "创造 "或下一个 "范式转变 "时，本雅明却建议我们关注这些被遗忘的事物和地方。本雅明从中创造出一种特殊形式的自然史，让历史沉淀到事物之中。在这种方法中，知识通过蜕变沉淀到死物中。 [5] 在电子产品的世界里，"蜕变"（mors），即衰败、失宠带来的退化，并不是一个常见的话题。但是，我们仍然有残留的外壳，这些外壳并非没有实质内容。或许，从这种过时的状态中，我们可以了解到这些技术的承诺和命运。失败是被遗忘的梦想的化石，是坍塌的乌托邦的残渣，也是过时的程序。通过过时的技术，我们有可能超越技术中那些更 "全面 "的方面，如进步、目的论推理或发明的英雄主义。

Outmoded technologies reveal the unintended and residual, and they allow access to these other registers, spaces from which also issue the mythic, the failed imaginings, and the alchemy of electronic devices. The dustbin of history, the refuse of history, adds up to a much more dynamic record. Waste renders problematic the telling of history as an unwavering narrative of progress. Past objects do not illuminate the past as much as reveal the inevitability of decay, or “irresistible decay,” as Benjamin terms it.[6] But disintegration and decomposition are not the dystopic angle on utopic promises; instead, they offer up a way of characterizing processes of materialization that are not simply causal or informed by ideological objectives. Histories and material cultures are not immune to decay, and they may even engender a more intensified relation to it. It is to such a transformation that this chapter turns in order to investigate an electronic alchemy that is not about automatic progress as much as the complex ways in which machines fall apart.
过时的技术揭示了非预期的和残留的东西，它们允许进入这些其他的注册空间，从这些空间中也产生了神话、失败的想象和电子设备的炼金术。历史的垃圾桶，历史的垃圾，汇聚成一个更具活力的记录。将历史作为一个坚定不移的进步叙事来讲述，会因垃圾而产生问题。过去的物品并没有照亮过去，而是揭示了衰败的必然性，或如本雅明所说的 "不可抗拒的衰败"。 [6] 但是，解体和分解并不是乌托邦式承诺中的乌托邦式角度；相反，它们提供了一种描述物质化过程的方式，而这种过程并不只是因果关系或意识形态目标所决定的。历史和物质文化并不能幸免于衰变，它们甚至可能与衰变产生更加密切的关系。本章正是要探讨这种转变，以研究电子炼金术，这种炼金术与自动进步无关，而与机器分崩离析的复杂方式有关。

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Some of the best places to witness the unwitting decay of electronics are in the very spaces where they would be preserved. Many electronics relegated to museums undergo such a rapid scale and rate of demattering that preservation is rendered problematic. Preservation becomes another word for managed decay, for a delay within the extended process of disposal. The museum may also be construed as a space of disposal.[7] Often, the museum and archive collect and stow away objects that have for most purposes been disposed of and removed from the spaces of everyday circulation. The museum collects objects in storage, much the same as the electronics lingering in closets, attics, and warehouses; but the objects in the museum must be continually sorted and deaccessioned in order to make way for new objects. Moreover, the migration of archived materials to digital formats has shortened the life of most museum objects, tied as they are to the life of electronic data. These newly digitized objects require, in turn, a continual transference, updating, and migration to newer formats in order not to dissolve into the inaccessible static of obsolete electronic data. Electronic archives, electronic memory, and electronic waste are bound up in these shared processes of materialization; they are part of the same constellation of data and dream.
一些见证电子产品在不知不觉中衰变的最佳场所，恰恰就在它们本该保存的地方。许多被送进博物馆的电子产品都在以如此快的规模和速度消亡，以至于保存都成了问题。保存变成了有管理的衰变的另一种说法，变成了在延长的处理过程中的延迟。博物馆也可以被理解为一个废弃空间。 [7] 通常情况下，博物馆和档案馆收集和存放的物品在大多数情况下已被弃置，并从日常流通的空间中移走。博物馆收藏的物品就像徘徊在壁橱、阁楼和仓库中的电子产品一样；但博物馆中的物品必须不断分类和退藏，以便为新的物品让路。此外，档案资料向数字格式的迁移缩短了大多数博物馆藏品的寿命，因为它们与电子数据的寿命息息相关。反过来，这些新的数字化物品也需要不断地转移、更新和迁移到更新的格式，才不至于消融在过时的电子数据中，成为无法获取的静态数据。电子档案、电子记忆和电子废弃物在这些共同的物质化过程中紧密相连；它们是数据和梦想的同一星座的一部分。

Electronic Memories
电子记忆

At first glance, electronic memory and storage seem to be the ideal instruments for an enhanced process of archivization.[8] With electronically assisted memories, it is possible to process, store, and transmit more material and data. Archives promise to be nothing less than advanced and virtual versions of the Library of Alexandria. The introduction of the integrated circuit is often considered a significant marker in this revolution in the processing of electronic memory, where chips introduced in the 1970s initially had one kilobit of binary storage and have since grown to several gigabytes of temporary storage (and counting).[9] Electronic memory repeatedly realigns toward expanded volumes and velocities.[10] Memory storage and memory processing (or RAM) have both increased appreciably. The sheer increase in the scope of memory processing and storage generates, in turn, the need for new terms and concepts to describe these altered temporalities and materialities. Such memory capacities have even been described as “global,” processes that occur through extended networks and so are beyond the scope of any “earth-bound body.”[11] The scope of such memory has gone beyond being Page 108 →a mere material extension or surrogate, to become a seemingly independent entity. Computers synthesize “times”; they generate temporalities and memories. But these temporalities are distributed and extend beyond any single human capacity.
乍一看，电子存储器和存储设备似乎是加强档案工作的理想工具。 [8] 有了电子辅助记忆，就有可能处理、存储和传输更多的材料和数据。档案馆有望成为不亚于亚历山大图书馆的先进虚拟版本。集成电路的问世通常被认为是这场电子存储器处理革命的一个重要标志，20 世纪 70 年代问世的芯片最初只有一千位二进制存储空间，后来发展到几千兆字节的临时存储空间（还在不断增加）。 [9] 电子存储器反复调整，体积和速度不断扩大。 [10] 内存存储和内存处理（或 RAM）都有了显著增长。内存处理和存储范围的扩大反过来又需要新的术语和概念来描述这些改变了的时间性和物质性。这种记忆能力甚至被描述为 "全球性 "的，通过扩展网络进行的过程，因此超出了任何 "地球上的身体 "的范围。 [11] 这种记忆的范围已经超越了第 108 页→单纯的物质延伸或替代物的范畴，成为一个看似独立的实体。计算机合成 "时间"；它们产生时间性和记忆。但这些时间性是分布式的，超出了人类的单一能力。

The operation of memory reaches such an extent that it has, at various times, even seemed to render “man” obsolete. In 1962, for example, as Arthur Clarke writes in “The Obsolescence of Man,” “Marquardt Corporation's Astro Division had just announced a new memory storage device that could store inside a six-foot cube all information recorded during the last 10,000 years.”[12] Clarke describes an unprecedented archive, which occupies a mere six cubic feet in physical space but extends out 10,000 years into the temporal dimension. He elaborates on this new temporal compression,
记忆的运作达到了如此程度，以至于在不同时期，它甚至似乎使 "人 "变得过时。例如，1962 年，阿瑟-克拉克在《人类的过时》一书中写道："马夸特公司的天体部门刚刚宣布了一种新的记忆存储设备，它可以在一个六英尺的立方体中存储过去一万年中记录的所有信息"。 [12] 克拉克描述了一个史无前例的档案库，它占据的物理空间只有六立方英尺，但在时间维度上却延伸了一万年。他详细阐述了这种新的时间压缩、

That would mean, of course, not only every book ever printed, but everything ever written in any language on paper, papyrus, parchment or stone. It represents a capacity untold millions of times greater than that of a single human memory, and though there is a mighty gulf between merely storing information and thinking creatively—the Library of Congress has never written a book—it does indicate that mechanical brains of enormous power could be very small in physical size.[13]
当然，这不仅意味着有史以来印刷的所有书籍，而且意味着用任何语言写在纸张、纸莎草纸、羊皮纸或石头上的所有东西。虽然仅仅存储信息与创造性思维之间存在巨大的鸿沟--美国国会图书馆从未写过一本书--但它确实表明，具有巨大能量的机械大脑在物理尺寸上可能非常小。 [13]

With this perfect archive, “man” (as embodied memory) effectively becomes obsolete. Such a lumbering, bulky, and inefficiently material memory is no match for those cubes and circuits that can cut through entire generations with the flick of a switch. These memories can also no longer be described as surrogate.[14] Instead, they are planetary, even cosmic. The computer not only synthesizes times; it consumes them. In this respect, it may be useful to get a gauge on what the machine's “diet” entails. Here is a machine capable of devouring centuries, of processing comparisons across epochs. Its extension across time makes electronic technology appear to be the ideal mechanism for a more advanced archival project. But this extended memory is not without its alchemy.
有了这个完美的档案库，"人"（作为具体化的记忆）实际上已经过时了。这种笨重、臃肿、低效的物质记忆，根本无法与那些只需轻轻一按开关就能穿越整整几代人的立方体和电路相比。这些记忆也不再是代用记忆。 [14] 取而代之的是地球记忆，甚至是宇宙记忆。计算机不仅合成时间，而且消耗时间。在这方面，了解一下这台机器的 "饮食 "可能会有所帮助。这台机器能够吞噬几个世纪，能够处理跨时代的比较。它在时间上的延伸使电子技术似乎成为更高级档案项目的理想机制。但是，这种延伸记忆并非没有炼金术。

In the first chapter of this book, we encountered Bush's proposal for a “Memex,” a device that would help people organize and retrieve mountains of data (and so stave off potential overload). The Memex, as previously discussed, would aid in this process by compressing a large store of information to a minute size, where reams of papers and entire sets Page 109 →of encyclopedias could be accessed within the space of a tidy desk. The principal use of the Memex, of course, is as an aid to memory. It is an archival device and allows for ease of storage and retrieval, cross-referencing and association. It ultimately improves our ability to “get at the record.” With untold storage space and an appetite to consume anything, the Memex would dine on books and records, letters and photographs. Its digestion of this material, stored away for ready access, would be aided by its “mechanization,” which would allow material to “be consulted to exceeding speed and flexibility.” The Memex is, then, “an enlarged intimate supplement” to memory. This is a memory machine that depends for its usefulness on consisting in large part of “mechanism,” or, in other words, of the means to process, access, and deliver information that might otherwise have disappeared from memory.[15] But what is presented at first glance as an aid to memory quickly becomes an entirely new order of memory, time, and processing.
在本书的第一章中，我们提到了布什关于 "Memex "的建议，这是一种可以帮助人们整理和检索堆积如山的数据（从而避免潜在的超负荷）的设备。如前所述，Memex 可以将大量的信息压缩到极小的尺寸，从而帮助人们在整洁的办公桌空间内查阅成卷的文件和整套的百科全书。当然，Memex 的主要用途是辅助记忆。它是一种存档设备，便于存储和检索、交叉引用和联想。它最终提高了我们 "获取记录 "的能力。Memex 拥有数不清的存储空间，而且胃口大开，什么都想吃，它可以吃掉书籍和记录、信件和照片。它对这些材料的消化，储存起来以便随时取用，将得益于它的 "机械化"，这将使材料的 "查阅速度和灵活性超乎寻常"。因此，Memex 是记忆的 "扩大的亲密补充"。这是一台记忆机器，它的实用性在很大程度上取决于它的 "机制"，或者换句话说，取决于处理、访问和传递信息的手段，否则这些信息可能会从记忆中消失。 [15] 但是，乍一看是辅助记忆的东西，很快就变成了记忆、时间和处理的全新秩序。

Bush's proposal dates from 1945. But in 2001, Microsoft took up the Memex proposal as an opportunity to develop a new, similar program: MyLifeBits. This modern-day attempt to implement the Memex proposes to “encode, store, and allow easy access to all of a person's information for personal and professional use.” When this project proposes to work with “all of a person's information,” it literally intends to catalog everything, including “articles, books, music, photos, and video,” together with all that is “born digital,” including “office documents, email, [and] digital photos.”[16] This is an archive from which nothing escapes. Furthermore, new material continually presents itself as worthy of recording. Cameras with sensors may even document “environmental information” by taking continual snapshots, archiving up to 1,000 images per day. The drive to archive everything even begins to burnish entire centuries with a particular grain, where the twentieth century will have a much different resolution than the twenty-first century. Indeed, the authors speculate that “21st century users may expect to record their life more extensively and in higher fidelity—and may drive a market for much greater storage.”[17] These increased resolutions and quantities also mean that the scope of “multimedia” exceeds all imagination. This “transaction processing system” is capable of capturing “virtually everything in a person's life at meaningful resolution—user's interaction with others, as well as logging location, calories, heart rate, temperature, steps taken, web pages, mouse clicks, and heart beats.”[18] The volume and type of material to be indexed is quite simply “inexhaustible.” Even the expiration date on the milk in Page 110 →the refrigerator can be made into archivable, searchable, and programmable content.
布什的提议可以追溯到 1945 年。但在 2001 年，微软以 Memex 提案为契机，开发出了一款新的类似程序：MyLifeBits.这个现代版的 Memex 计划建议 "编码、存储并允许轻松访问个人和专业用途的所有信息"。当这个项目提出要处理 "一个人的所有信息 "时，它确实打算对所有信息进行编目，包括 "文章、书籍、音乐、照片和视频"，以及所有 "天生的数字信息"，包括 "办公文档、电子邮件[和]数字照片"。 [16] 这是一个无处可逃的档案馆。此外，不断有新的材料出现，值得记录下来。带有传感器的照相机甚至可以通过持续拍摄快照来记录 "环境信息"，每天最多可存档 1000 张图像。将一切归档的动力甚至开始让整个世纪都充满了特定的纹理，20 世纪的分辨率将与 21 世纪大相径庭。事实上，作者推测，"21 世纪的用户可能希望更广泛、更高保真地记录他们的生活，这可能会推动更大存储量的市场"。 [17] 分辨率和数量的增加也意味着 "多媒体 "的范围超出了人们的想象。这种 "事务处理系统 "能够以有意义的分辨率捕捉 "一个人生活中的几乎所有内容--用户与他人的互动，以及记录位置、卡路里、心率、温度、所走的步数、网页、鼠标点击和心跳"。 [18] 索引材料的数量和类型简直是 "取之不尽，用之不竭"。"即使是第 110 页→冰箱里牛奶的保质期也可以成为可存档、可搜索和可编程的内容。

While one leap occurs within this project when all media are digitized, yet another occurs when the entire world is rendered as potential digital media-in-waiting. Why should our heartbeats not be stored and accessed as digital traces? Not only does the digital operate as a device for managing other media; it also permits the ability to operate on that media.[19] Archivable data is calculable data. This is the other critical component of electronic memory: not only does it store, but it also programs material for operation. The computer is the universal machine.[20] It can operate on anything as long as that material is rendered in digital format. The consequences of digitalization are seldom mentioned. While these electronic mechanisms may seem to preserve “endangered things” in a relatively permanent archive, they also present the dilemma that, as Kittler notes, “the medium that archives all media cannot archive itself.”[21] As we input heaps of data into digital devices, it seldom occurs to us that the digital devices themselves are rapidly changing entities and that they, too, generate data for the record. Moreover, the inability to archive itself means the electronic mechanism has a fundamental inattention to its own temporal configuration.
在这个项目中，当所有媒体都被数字化时，就会发生一次飞跃，而当整个世界都成为潜在的数字媒体时，又会发生另一次飞跃。为什么我们的心跳不能作为数字痕迹被存储和访问呢？数字媒体不仅是管理其他媒体的设备，而且还允许在这些媒体上进行操作。 [19] 可存档数据是可计算数据。这是电子存储器的另一个重要组成部分：它不仅能存储，还能为操作材料编程。计算机是万能机器。 [20] 只要材料以数字格式呈现，它就可以在任何材料上运行。数字化的后果很少被提及。虽然这些电子机制似乎可以将 "濒危事物 "保存在一个相对永久的档案中，但它们也带来了一个难题，正如基特勒所指出的，"归档所有媒体的媒介无法归档自身"。 [21] 当我们将大量数据输入数字设备时，很少会想到数字设备本身也是快速变化的实体，它们也会产生数据以供记录。此外，无法将自身存档意味着电子机制从根本上不关注自身的时间配置。

When memory is apparently separated from material requirements, compressed as it is within a compact processor, the course of time not only computes in much different ways but also variously comes to ruin. The electronic archive grows to prodigious proportions, yet this same archive may be completely inaccessible in less than a decade unless it is reformatted to keep pace with new electronic technologies. Ten thousand years may be ensconced in a six-foot cube, but without a means to access the data, we can only gaze wistfully at the minimal cube and wonder at the inaccessible 10,000 years that did, at one time, fire through its busy circuits. Increasingly, this issue has become a quandary for electronic archives. Former director of the Getty Conservation Institute Miguel Angel Corzo indicates how digital media of even the most significant cultural moments quickly evaporate. “For instance,” he writes, “digitized images from the historic 1976 Viking mission to Mars that had been carefully stored and appeared to be in good condition are now degraded and unreadable.”[22] As the MyLifeBits researchers note, the primary dilemma that their proposal encounters is the problem of longevity; in other words, “how do you insure that your bits will live forever and be interpretable?”[23] The upgrading of hardware, the introduction of Page 111 →new operating systems, the transience of data formats—these elements are constants within the development of electronics.[24] Each wave of new and improved tools of electronic memory potentially will obliterate past records and render them inaccessible, unless, of course, we rerecord everything in this new format.[25] The only perceived feasible solution, then, is to develop “emulation systems”[26] that will move data to new platforms at least every ten years, in order to ensure that we can still “get at the record.” Yet even this hopeful process of erasure and reinscription typically falls outside the archival record. Is it possible that these electronic archives are at once the most extended temporal registers while simultaneously having the shortest duration of all archives to date?
当记忆与物质需求明显分离，并被压缩在一个紧凑的处理器中时，时间的进程不仅以不同的方式计算，而且还以不同的方式毁灭。电子档案增长到惊人的规模，但同样的档案可能在不到十年的时间内就完全无法访问，除非重新格式化以跟上新的电子技术。一万年前的资料可能被保存在一个六英尺的立方体中，但如果没有获取这些数据的手段，我们就只能望着这个最小的立方体踌躇满志，并对无法获取的一万年前的资料感到惊奇，而这一万年前的资料曾一度在其繁忙的电路中闪烁。这个问题日益成为电子档案馆的一个难题。盖蒂保护研究所前所长米格尔-安赫尔-科尔索指出，即使是最重要的文化时刻的数字媒体也会很快消失。"例如，"他写道，"1976 年历史性的维京号火星任务的数字化图像经过精心保存，看起来保存完好，但现在已经退化，无法读取。 [22] 正如 MyLifeBits 的研究人员所指出的，他们的提案遇到的主要难题是寿命问题，换句话说，"如何确保你的比特永远存活并可被解读？ [23] 硬件的升级、新操作系统的引入、数据格式的瞬息万变--这些都是电子技术发展过程中的常态。 [24] 每一波新的、改进的电子记忆工具都有可能抹去过去的记录，使其无法访问，当然，除非我们用这种新格式重新记录一切。 [25] 因此，唯一可行的办法就是开发 "仿真系统 " [26] ，至少每十年将数据转移到新的平台上，以确保我们仍然可以 "获取记录"。然而，即使是这种充满希望的擦除和重刻过程，通常也不属于档案记录的范畴。这些电子档案是否有可能既是时间最长的登记簿，同时又是迄今为止所有档案中时间最短的？

Much more than digital media comes into play when we consider all of the possible elements of electronic systems that may, at any moment, become inaccessible, incompatible, or obsolete. The failure of components or seemingly isolated objects may actually reveal the systems to which objects are connected, because these elements are, as sociologist Harvey Molotch notes, “‘interactively stabilized’ practices and things.”[27] Any archive that attempts to preserve electronic objects enrolls itself inadvertly in the preservation of electronic systems. But the project of preserving electronic systems makes previous forms of preservation—from objects to paper, with their threatening worms and mildew—pale in comparison. “Basically,” as Sterling writes, “you the lonely archivist are trying to support and preserve an entire cybernetic post-industrial system.”[28] This system presents an untold number of pitfalls not only due to the quantity of objects to be preserved but also due to the infinite possibilities for failure in the preservation project. The scope of these breakdowns means that “the central processing chip can fail. The operating system can fail. The language that supports the operating system may be discontinued and no longer supported.”[29] But these failures only begin to hint at the full scope of possible disasters. Indeed, as Sterling writes, “it gets worse.”
当我们考虑到电子系统中所有可能的元素，它们随时可能变得无法访问、不兼容或过时时，起作用的远不止数字媒体。组件或看似孤立的物件的故障实际上可能揭示了物件所连接的系统，因为这些元素正如社会学家哈维-莫洛奇（Harvey Molotch）所指出的那样，是"'互动稳定'的实践和事物"。 [27] 任何试图保存电子物品的档案馆都会无意中将自己卷入电子系统的保存中。但是，保存电子系统的项目使得以前的保存形式--从物品到纸张，以及具有威胁性的蠕虫和霉菌--变得苍白无力。斯特林写道："基本上"，"你这个孤独的档案管理员正试图支持和保存整个控制论后工业系统"。 [28] 这个系统带来了数不清的隐患，这不仅是因为需要保存的物品数量巨大，还因为保存项目中存在着无限的失败可能性。这些故障的范围意味着 "中央处理芯片可能失灵。操作系统可能失灵。支持操作系统的语言可能停产，不再得到支持"。 [29] "但是，这些故障只是开始暗示可能发生灾难的全部范围。事实上，正如斯特林所写，"情况会变得更糟"。

You may lose the subtler forms of adjunct software, such as the screen display software, the printer drivers, the audio chips. The keyboard format may not work. The application may fail. The data storage formats for the application may no longer be supported. You may have different screen dimensions, or different graphics formats that fail to display for various bulky, difficult, inexplicable reasons. The material you are trying to preserve may Page 112 →be encrypted. The key may have been lost. There may be digital rights management difficulties that forbid copying. And, the storage media themselves are physically unstable.[30]
您可能会丢失更微妙的辅助软件，如屏幕显示软件、打印机驱动程序和音频芯片。键盘格式可能无法使用。应用程序可能失效。应用程序的数据存储格式可能不再受支持。你的屏幕尺寸可能不同，或者不同的图形格式由于各种笨重、困难和无法解释的原因而无法显示。您要保存的资料可能已加密。密钥可能已经丢失。可能存在禁止复制的数字版权管理难题。存储介质本身也不稳定。 [30]

At the same time that we are stuffing nearly everything into electronic formats, those same formats prove to be incredibly short-lived and contingent. When we are presented with the possibility of devising a database “for life,” we must confront the reality that there is no digital format that has proven to be capable of such an inordinately long time span. Even now, five-inch “floppy” discs that are no more than 10 years old are typically unreadable, as there are very few remaining machines capable of extracting data in this format. From software to operating systems, Web sites and storage media, electronic technologies collide in multiple layers of transience. The universal archiving medium, electronics, cannot itself be archived. So much for the database for life. Rather than gesture toward the permanent and enduring, however, perhaps we should address more fully the thoroughgoing transience of the electronic.
在我们把几乎所有东西都塞进电子格式的同时，这些格式也被证明是非常短暂和偶然的。当我们面临设计一个 "终身 "数据库的可能性时，我们必须面对这样一个现实：没有任何一种数字格式被证明能够拥有如此之长的时间跨度。即使是现在，使用时间不超过 10 年的 5 英寸 "软盘 "通常也无法读取，因为能够提取这种格式数据的机器已经所剩无几。从软件到操作系统、网站和存储介质，电子技术碰撞出多层次的瞬息万变。通用的存档媒介--电子技术，本身无法存档。生命数据库也不过如此。不过，与其对永久性和持久性做出姿态，或许我们应该更全面地探讨电子技术的彻底短暂性。

Electronic time is fleeting. With this realization, we can dispense with narratives of enduring cultural records and instead begin to study this technology in its volatility. Here is a technology that would archive everything and even transform nonmedia into digital format. It can store and sort and search and process beyond measure, and it can erase all of this data with a silent and swift system collapse. The promise of absolute memory, of a record of everything, gives way to erasure. But in this dynamic, we can begin to uncover the temporal economy of these electronic memory technologies. Electronic archives depend as much on erasure and transmission, it turns out, as on storage.[31] Because the archive is more akin to a network than a storage shed, the archive is most effective when its contents translate into transmission, into the ready execution of programs. Memory, in this respect, always occurs as a kind of program. Storage does very little on its own. How many inaccessible hard drives from decades past can one stare at before realizing such a fact? Without a means of “getting at the record,” these electronic devices are little more than doorstops. But with the “program” of memory, no item in storage is left idle for long—in fact, the longer it is left idle, the more chance there is that it will disappear from the record completely. Instead, the distance between memory and real time nearly collapses.[32] In such a temporal economy, memory operates in a much more immediate and instantaneous way. Storage is only accessible to memory if it, too, moves through these rapid transmissions.
电子时间转瞬即逝。认识到这一点后，我们就可以放弃对持久文化记录的叙述，转而开始研究这种变化无常的技术。这项技术可以将一切归档，甚至将非媒体转化为数字格式。它可以存储、分类、搜索和处理各种数据，也可以通过无声而迅速的系统崩溃清除所有数据。绝对记忆、记录一切的承诺让位给了抹杀。但在这种动态中，我们可以开始揭示这些电子记忆技术的时间经济性。事实证明，电子档案与存储一样依赖于删除和传输。 [31] 因为档案馆更像一个网络而不是一个存储棚，当档案馆的内容转化为传输，转化为程序的随时执行时，档案馆才是最有效的。在这方面，存储器总是作为一种程序出现。存储本身的作用微乎其微。几十年过去了，有多少无法访问的硬盘驱动器让人目瞪口呆，然后才意识到这一事实？如果没有 "获取记录 "的方法，这些电子设备不过是门板而已。但有了内存的 "程序"，存储中的任何项目都不会长期闲置--事实上，闲置的时间越长，它就越有可能从记录中彻底消失。相反，内存与实时之间的距离几乎崩溃。 [32] 在这种时间经济中，记忆的运作方式更为直接和即时。只有当存储也通过这些快速传输移动时，记忆才能访问存储。

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We can see how assumptions regarding the archive—whether electronic or otherwise—founder when they fail to consider how memory, duration, and times emerge through technologies.[33] Electronics may have given us the nanosecond, but they have also given us digital decay. The latter is much less about placing ourselves on a known—even if imperceptible—timescale and much more about a set of unfolding temporal effects. Indeed, digital decay can be so disorienting that it may be difficult to gauge whether the trash is coming or going, whether the rubbish is in the past or surfaces as a sure marker of the future. Sterling suggests that in these technologies of time, we repeatedly generate leftovers, all sorts of “prehistoric” hardware. In this sense, “trash is always our premier cultural export to the future.”[34] Ancient hardware turns up in the future, but, then, what would the future be without its rubbish? Surely it would lose all sense of futurity—of newness—if it did not have some identifiably obsolete remnants. It may be that electronic technologies do not just generate obsolete remainders but also positively rely on these remainders—these old media—to gauge what is new. It is in this same temporal density that emerges with obsolescence that Benjamin is able to direct us to let the dust settle until we see that the driving force of technological progress may, in fact, be standing still.
我们可以看到，当有关档案的假设--无论是电子档案还是其他档案--没有考虑到记忆、持续时间和时间是如何通过技术产生的时候，它们是如何形成的。 [33] 电子技术可能给了我们纳秒，但也给了我们数字衰减。后者更多的不是将我们自己置于一个已知的--即使是难以察觉的--时间尺度上，而是一系列正在展开的时间效应。事实上，数字衰变可能会让人迷失方向，以至于很难判断垃圾是来了还是走了，垃圾是在过去还是作为未来的标记浮现出来。斯特林认为，在这些时间技术中，我们会反复产生遗留物，即各种 "史前 "硬件。从这个意义上说，"垃圾永远是我们向未来输出的首要文化"。 [34] 古代硬件会出现在未来，但如果没有垃圾，未来又会是什么样子呢？如果没有一些明显过时的残留物，未来肯定会失去所有的未来感--新意。也许，电子技术不仅会产生过时的残留物，而且还会积极地依赖这些残留物--这些旧媒体--来衡量新事物。本雅明正是在这种与过时一起出现的时间密度中引导我们让尘埃落定，直到我们看到技术进步的驱动力实际上可能是静止的。

Programmed for Obsolescence
程序过时

As is apparent by now, the history of postwar computing is full of tales of obsolescence. Countless electronic artifacts could be selected as evidence of the ways in which innovation turns to ruin. Even projects that would attempt to document and analyze current and historic developments in computing fail. The U.S. National Bureau of Standards attempted to catalog all the extant computers in 1951 with its report “Evaluation of Automatic Computing Machines.” The bureau failed in its survey and had to abandon the project because too many machines were developed far too quickly to document.[35] Similarly, in the preface to the second edition of his study A History of Modern Computing, computing historian Paul Ceruzzi indicates that just as he was completing his manuscript, he felt it was rendered obsolete by ongoing developments in computing.[36] He suggests that new orders of time continually emerge that may explain this dilemma of never being able to capture the world of computing and electronics.[37]
显而易见，战后计算机的历史充满了过时的故事。无数的电子产品都可以被选作创新变成毁灭的证据。即使是试图记录和分析当前和历史上计算机发展的项目，也都以失败告终。1951 年，美国国家标准局在其报告 "自动计算机评估 "中试图对所有现存计算机进行编目。该局的调查以失败告终，不得不放弃该项目，因为太多的机器发展得太快，根本无法记录。 [35] 同样，计算历史学家保罗-塞鲁齐在其研究著作《现代计算史》第二版的序言中指出，就在他完成手稿的时候，他感觉自己的手稿已经被计算领域的不断发展所淘汰。 [36] 他认为，新的时间秩序不断涌现，或许可以解释这种永远无法捕捉计算和电子世界的窘境。 [37]

The historian will never manage to compile a complete account of computing, because this is an ever-shifting and rapidly accelerating Page 114 →field. The speed with which innovations occur means that the speed of analysis and capture is seemingly too slow to keep pace. If everything we write about electronics becomes obsolete the moment we put pen to paper (itself an obsolete turn of phrase), then perhaps we should begin to address this dynamic of obsolescence. Clearly, this is the one thing that does not fall out of fashion. We can count on the dynamic of obsolescence to retain relevance not only with Babbage's Difference Engine of 1822 but also with the seemingly futuristic “Internet of Things.” Histories and machines alike are obsolete the moment they are introduced. These are not tales that will be fixed or definitive. But, then, does this not require that we begin to reconsider histories of electronics as histories of expiration? There is certain impossibility to writing the “now” of these technologies, a fact that is only made more evident by the strange persistence of the self-defeating term new media.[38] The new, with such rapid rates of innovation, is inevitably always old in a very short amount of time. Can we even refer to currently new media as new anymore? The Internet seems positively prehistoric, having been in common use for more than a decade now. This may explain why researchers have declared the death of the Internet, or the advancement of the Internet, or the rise of Web 2.0. In attempting to capture a technology so driven to outdo itself, the very “histories” that would describe it must turn to the dynamic of obsolescence and to an understanding of how transience forces a reevaluation of those histories.
历史学家永远也无法对计算进行完整的描述，因为这是一个不断变化、快速发展的领域。创新的速度意味着分析和捕捉的速度似乎跟不上。如果我们所写的一切有关电子产品的文章在落笔的那一刻就会过时（这本身就是一个过时的说法），那么我们或许就应该开始应对这种过时的动态。显然，这是唯一不会过时的东西。我们不仅可以指望巴贝奇 1822 年的差分引擎，还可以指望看似未来主义的 "物联网 "也能保持过时的活力。历史和机器在问世的那一刻就已经过时。这些都不是固定不变的故事。然而，这难道不要求我们开始重新考虑电子产品的历史，将其视为失效的历史吗？要书写这些技术的 "现在 "肯定是不可能的，而新媒体这个自欺欺人的奇怪术语的持续存在则更加证明了这一点。 [38] 创新速度如此之快的新媒体，不可避免地总会在很短的时间内过时。我们还能把目前的新媒体称为新媒体吗？互联网似乎是史前时代的产物，至今已被普遍使用了十多年。这或许可以解释为什么研究人员宣称互联网已经消亡，或互联网正在进步，或 Web 2.0 正在崛起。在试图捕捉这种不断超越自我的技术时，描述它的 "历史 "必须转向过时的动力，转向对短暂性如何迫使人们重新评估这些历史的理解。

Of all the types of obsolescence, technological obsolescence often appears to be the most incontrovertible. Technological advances present an inescapable logic for upgrading and discarding. Packard, who attacked obsolescence as a strategy parallel to disposability, suggested that it was adopted by marketing experts to deal with the problem of overproduction and underconsumption. From his perspective, commodities—particularly technological commodities—began to be produced with rapidly diminishing expiration dates. They were subject to “planned failure,” which ensured that consumers would always have a reason—whether through the desire for the new or through mechanical breakdown—to ingest more commodities.[39] Unlike Packard, Toffler attributed such rapid advances not to intentional manipulation on the part of producers but, rather, to advances in technology, of which the computer was a prime example. The new machines were simply better than the older versions.[40] This dynamic was not something that could be “attributed to the evil design of a few contemporary hucksters” but, Page 115 →instead, stemmed from the rapid rate of obsolescence, the “fantastic rate of turnover of the products in our lives,” which was yet another sign of the “entire accelerative process—a process involving not merely the life span of sparkplugs, but of whole societies.”[41] For Toffler, obsolescence did not exclusively proceed through advertisers or industrial designers pulling some imaginary puppet strings.[42] Instead, he suggested we were all subject to these forces, which had become larger than any single person or organization.
在所有类型的淘汰中，技术淘汰似乎是最无可争议的。技术进步为升级和废弃提供了一种不可避免的逻辑。帕卡德将过时作为一种与可抛弃性并行的战略加以抨击，他认为市场营销专家采用过时是为了解决生产过剩和消费不足的问题。在他看来，商品--尤其是技术商品--的生产期限开始迅速缩短。它们受到 "计划性失效 "的影响，这确保了消费者总有理由--无论是通过对新事物的渴望还是通过机械故障--摄入更多的商品。 [39] 与帕卡德不同的是，托夫勒认为这种快速发展并不是生产者有意操纵的结果，而是技术进步的结果，计算机就是一个最好的例子。新机器就是比旧机器好。 [40] 这种态势并不能 "归咎于当代少数小商小贩的邪恶设计"，而是源于快速的淘汰速度，即 "我们生活中产品的奇妙更替速度"，这是 "整个加速过程的另一个标志--这个过程涉及的不仅仅是火花塞的寿命，而是整个社会的寿命"。 [41] 在托夫勒看来，淘汰并不完全是通过广告商或工业设计师拉动一些想象中的木偶线来实现的。 [42] 相反，他认为我们都受到这些力量的影响，这些力量已经超越了任何一个人或组织。

This debate and the possibility that obsolescence is integral to modern production direct us to the larger scope of technological obsolescence, which encompasses not just the regular introduction of new gadgets but also a seemingly involuntary impulse. Technological obsolescence seems to proceed automatically, without need for overarching control, because machines are programmed for failure. These machines are self-propagating and self-obsolescing. Their obsolescence is literally built-in.[43] For these same reasons, technological obsolescence is continuous, as many writers suggest, with the program of human obsolescence.[44] Technological obsolescence finally makes humans obsolete as the directors, the replicators, and the saboteurs of machines.[45]
这场辩论以及淘汰是现代生产不可分割的一部分这一可能性，将我们引向了更大范围的技术淘汰，它不仅包括定期引进新的小工具，还包括一种看似非自愿的冲动。技术淘汰似乎是自动进行的，不需要总体控制，因为机器是为失败而编程的。这些机器是自我繁殖和自我淘汰的。它们的淘汰实际上是内在的。 [43] 出于同样的原因，正如许多作家所言，技术的淘汰与人类的淘汰是连续的。 [44] 技术的淘汰最终使人类作为机器的指挥者、复制者和破坏者而被淘汰。 [45]

Obsolescence appears to be “built-in” on multiple levels, from the actual decay of hardware, software, and content; to the economic requirement for continued innovation; to the way in which the pastness and the newness of electronic media and technology is narrated. Technology even acts as a reference point for change, where not to be at the technological forefront is a sure indicator of obsolescence. “Obsolescence,” Sterling writes, “is innovation in reverse.”[46] But this pairing may be more coincidental than causal. Obsolescence plays a role in validating innovation; without obsolete objects and technologies, we would have no register of what constitutes an “innovation.” Obsolescence is not just that which is left behind but also that which persists in the present as a discernible marker of disuse. In this “production of obsolescence,” as cultural theorist Evan Watkins writes, “‘yesterday's’ innovation” does not simply disappear; instead, it endures so that other, new technologies may appear to be innovative all over again.[47] New technologies seem to be innovative, particularly in contrast to those rusty cogs and sprockets that surround us or to those defunct electronics that are shipped for recycling to developing countries. Obsolete technologies do not disappear into the past so much as they shore up the margins, playing silent witness to the newness of the newest devices. Obsolete objects continue to Page 116 →play a role in the overall market of change; they reveal the “capitalization of change.”[48] Obsolete objects, the “day-before-yesterday's technology,” are integral both in producing the future and in producing the “primitive,” the uneconomical, the passé.[49] Museums and archives that collect obsolete electronics play a fundamental role in validating the newness of the latest innovations. Obsolescence is not so much innovation in reverse as it is the ongoing maintenance of a sense of technological development. Without this rubbish, which is coextensive with new technologies, we would not have a sure indicator of the progress we have made. All around us are the machines that readily propel us into the future. To move us ever forward, many of these machines do not even need to function.
从硬件、软件和内容的实际衰减，到持续创新的经济要求，再到对电子媒体和技术的新旧程度的描述，过时似乎在多个层面上都是 "内在 "的。技术甚至充当了变革的参照点，不走在技术前沿必然意味着过时。斯特林写道："过时 "就是 "反向创新"。 [46] 但这种搭配可能更多的是巧合，而非因果关系。陈旧在验证创新方面发挥着作用；如果没有陈旧的物品和技术，我们就不知道什么是 "创新"。陈旧不仅指被遗弃的东西，也指作为废弃的明显标志而存在于当下的东西。文化理论家埃文-沃特金斯（Evan Watkins）写道，在这种 "过时的生产 "中，"'昨天的'创新 "并没有简单地消失；相反，它经久不衰，从而使其他新技术看似再次创新。 [47] 新技术似乎是创新的，尤其是与我们身边那些生锈的齿轮和链轮，或者那些被运往发展中国家回收的废弃电子产品相比。过时的技术并没有消失在历史长河中，而是支撑着边缘地带，默默地见证着最新设备的焕然一新。过时物品继续在整个变革市场中发挥作用；它们揭示了 "变革的资本化"。 [48] 陈旧物品，即 "昨天之前的技术"，既是生产未来的组成部分，也是生产 "原始"、不经济、过时物品的组成部分。 [49] 收集过时电子产品的博物馆和档案馆在验证最新创新产品的新颖性方面发挥着重要作用。与其说过时是一种逆向创新，不如说它是对技术发展感的持续维护。如果没有这些与新技术并存的垃圾，我们就无法确定我们取得了哪些进步。在我们周围，到处都是推动我们走向未来的机器。为了推动我们不断前进，许多机器甚至不需要运转。

Fad Machines
时尚机器

Most electronics have a longer presence as defunct remnants than as fully functioning, plugged-in and systems-based technologies. But such a temporal inversion is almost to be expected when the rate of innovation within electronics has contracted to as little as 18 months. Moore's Law has been the benchmark by which computing revolutions have been measured since 1965.[50] A near golden law within the world of computing, this may even be “the true driving force of history,” as argued by Ceruzzi as well as engineers in the industry.[51] The computing revolution, then, depends on the appearance of new technologies every two years or less in order to materialize as devices that seem to be “revolutionary.”[52] The revolutionary potential of electronic technologies can be measured literally—by the frequent revolutions, the successive turnover in devices.[53] Yet the driving force that writes orders of computing history is also a force of transience. With every new set of technologies, the devices currently in use edge even closer to obsolescence and become even more likely to fail, whether through incompatibility or lack of repair. These “revolutions” ebb and flow with regular predictability. Yet just how do these revolutions become so consistently executed? To what extent is Moore's Law a driving force, and to what extent has it come to be a “self-fulfilling prophecy” through vast, if transient, infrastructures and investments?
大多数电子产品作为失效的残留物，其存在时间要长于作为功能齐全、插入式和以系统为基础的技术的存在时间。但是，当电子产品的创新速度缩短到只有 18 个月时，这种时间上的反转几乎是意料之中的。自 1965 年以来，摩尔定律一直是衡量计算机革命的基准。 [50] 正如 Ceruzzi 和业内工程师所言，摩尔定律几乎是计算机世界的黄金定律，甚至可以说是 "历史的真正动力"。 [51] 因此，计算机革命依赖于每两年或更短时间内出现的新技术，以实现看似 "革命性 "的设备。 [52] 电子技术的革命潜力可以通过频繁的革命、设备的连续更新来衡量。 [53] 然而，书写计算机历史的驱动力也是一种短暂的力量。随着每一套新技术的出现，目前使用的设备就会更加接近淘汰，也更有可能因为不兼容或缺乏维修而出现故障。这些 "革命 "起起落落，有规律可循。然而，这些 "革命 "是如何持续进行的呢？摩尔定律在多大程度上是一种驱动力，它又在多大程度上通过庞大的（即使是短暂的）基础设施和投资成为一种 "自我实现的预言"？

Sociologist Donald MacKenzie uses the phrase “self-fulfilling prophecy” to refer to the ways in which technological growth or failure is shored up by expectations and investments that ensure such a performance. Page 117 →“Moore's Law,” he writes, “is not merely an after-the-fact empirical description of processes of change in microelectronics; it is a belief that has become self-fulfilling by guiding the technological and investment choices of those involved.”[54] While the belief in technological growth may “be dashed as technologies encounter the obduracy of both the physical and the social world,”[55] a lot of effort goes into attempting to make these guiding principles come to fruition. To maintain facilities advanced enough to fulfill the objectives of Moore's Law, Intel regularly updates its chip fabrication facilities, amortizing as much as one billion U.S. dollars per year just in production costs. At this rate, Gordon Moore himself has noted that this means Intel factory facilities are completely replenished every four to five years.[56] To remain at the forefront of technological change, investment must be made in infrastructures that enable these rates of change. As MacKenzie aptly states, “Persistent patterns of technological change are persistent in part because technologists and others believe they will be persistent.”[57] Increases in computing become a guiding factor as much as an expected development for the computing and electronics industry. This could be described as a more than empirical phenomenon: the evidence of computing growth is bound up with technological imaginaries and ideal rates of advance. Processes of materialization, which span from fabs to expressions of innovation, maintain and stabilize these more-than-empirical events.
社会学家唐纳德-麦肯齐（Donald MacKenzie）用 "自我实现的预言"（self-fulfilling prophecy）一词来指技术的发展或失败是由确保这种表现的期望和投资所支撑的。第 117 页→他写道："摩尔定律""不仅仅是对微电子变化过程的事后经验性描述；它还是一种信念，通过指导相关人员的技术和投资选择而自我实现"。 [54] 虽然技术增长的信念可能会 "随着技术遭遇物理世界和社会世界的顽固不化而破灭"， [55] ，但为了实现这些指导原则，人们付出了巨大的努力。为了维持足够先进的设备以实现摩尔定律的目标，英特尔定期更新其芯片制造设备，每年仅生产成本就摊销高达 10 亿美元。按照这个速度，戈登-摩尔本人也指出，这意味着英特尔的工厂设施每四到五年就会得到一次全面补充。 [56] 要保持技术变革的领先地位，就必须投资于能够实现这种变革速度的基础设施。正如麦肯齐（MacKenzie）所说："技术变革的持续模式之所以持续，部分原因在于技术专家和其他人相信它们会持续下去。 [57] 计算能力的提升已成为计算机和电子产业发展的指导因素和预期发展。这可以说是一种超越经验的现象：计算机增长的证据与技术想象和理想的进步速度息息相关。 从晶圆厂到创新表现形式的物化过程，维持并稳定着这些超越经验的事件。

To maintain the rate of innovation set by Moore's Law, any number of devices are deployed in order to arrive at advanced computing speeds, including renewed factory facilities as well as modified components, new chemical combinations, and experimental technologies. While the requirement exists to maintain the standard of Moore's Law, this rate of technological growth also serves as an ideal guide for maximum growth. It is actually riskier to attempt “optimization” of speeds, as it presents “the risk of technological failure.”[58] We have the self-fulfilling prophecy of Moore's Law, the basis for a new “revolution” in computing and electronics every 18 months. This, as much as the number of transistors on a microchip, is the basis for “a technological trajectory,” or an “institution” for technological developments.[59] While it appears to be automatic, a force emanating from technology itself, Moore's Law is, in many ways, bound up with sustained efforts to maintain the regularity of this change. The landscape of electronic transience consists of more than just the sudden and magical, if regularly predictable, technological innovation of its own accord. This level of innovation is an industry standard, Page 118 →and it is the rate of change to which any number of social, political, economic, and technological dials are tuned. Ideal levels of innovation may fail to materialize, but these trajectories describe the processes whereby new machine economies emerge together with new machines. A natural history of electronics, then, encompasses not just the marvels of electrical firing and decay but also the extended systems and resources established to underpin the innovation and turnover of electronics.
为了保持摩尔定律所设定的创新速度，需要部署各种设备来达到先进的计算速度，包括更新工厂设施以及改进组件、新的化学组合和实验技术。虽然要求保持摩尔定律的标准，但这种技术增长速度也是实现最大增长的理想指南。试图 "优化 "速度实际上风险更大，因为这会带来 "技术失败的风险"。 [58] 我们有摩尔定律这个自我实现的预言，它是每隔 18 个月计算机和电子领域就会发生一次新 "革命 "的基础。这与微芯片上的晶体管数量一样，是 "技术轨迹 "或技术发展 "体制 "的基础。 [59] 虽然摩尔定律似乎是自动的，是技术本身所产生的一种力量，但在许多方面，摩尔定律是与维持这种变化的规律性的持续努力联系在一起的。电子产品的瞬息万变，不仅包括突如其来的神奇技术创新，也包括可预见的规律性技术创新。这种创新水平是一种行业标准，第 118 页→也是社会、政治、经济和技术等各方面的变化速度。理想的创新水平可能无法实现，但这些轨迹描述了新机器经济与新机器同时出现的过程。因此，电子产品的自然史不仅包括电子产品的发射和衰变，还包括为支持电子产品的创新和更替而建立的扩展系统和资源。

When Toffler refers to the “fad machine,” to discuss the regular turnover of objects, he suggests that transience has developed to such a point that we have entered what he calls “the economics of impermanence,” where products are built for the short term.[60] Collapsing duration, ephemerality and transience are, as he argues, distinctly enabled by advances in technology.[61] It perhaps comes as no surprise that Toffler would cite “automation expert John Diebold” as a voice commenting on the need to think of products for the short term. So insistent is the fad machine that it seems to be automatic, to constitute an automation program. In the late 1960s, thousands of products were developed and faded away in rapid succession. When products at one time may have been in the market for several decades, increasingly they were present only for a matter of months and, at times, weeks.[62] A side effect of such production and obsolescence is the colossal amount of rubbish that accumulates, as products are discarded and substituted for newer models. Yet all of this debris is fodder for the archive. With such a prolific program for the production and consumption of goods, how does the archive—as both a culture and a technology—shift to contain and sort the remains of everyday life?
当托夫勒提到 "流行机器 "来讨论物品的定期更替时，他暗示短暂性已经发展到这样一个地步，即我们已经进入了他所说的 "无常经济学"，产品是为短期而制造的。 [60] 他认为，持续时间的倒塌、短暂性和短暂性明显是由技术进步促成的。 [61] 托夫勒引用 "自动化专家约翰-迪波德 "来评论短期产品的必要性，也许并不令人意外。流行机器如此顽固，似乎是自动的，构成了一个自动化程序。20 世纪 60 年代末，数以千计的产品被开发出来，又接二连三地消失。在过去，产品可能会在市场上存在几十年，而现在，它们越来越多地只存在几个月，有时甚至几周。 [62] 这种生产和淘汰的一个副作用是，随着产品被丢弃和更新换代，积累了大量垃圾。然而，所有这些垃圾都是档案馆的素材。在商品生产和消费如此繁盛的情况下，作为一种文化和技术，档案馆又是如何将日常生活中的残留物收纳和分类的呢？

Salvaging Archives
抢救档案

From the “economics of impermanence,” we arrive at the archive of impermanence. Today, the archive must contend with the dilemma of preserving self-erasing artifacts, of fixing a material culture that is intensely ephemeral. The move to archive “everyday life” has led to the reinvention of the project of preservation, where almost everything constitutes possibly archivable material.[63] But in the attempt to archive everything, we would encounter the everyday and its “distorted memories” all over again. With such all-encompassing means of archiving at our disposal, we are able to store everything, but in that ambitious documentation, we at the same time inevitably include the decay and oblivion that, at one time, it was the task of the archive to guard against.
从 "无常经济学 "出发，我们来到了无常档案馆。如今，档案馆必须面对保存自我消亡的人工制品、固定极具短暂性的物质文化的困境。将 "日常生活 "归档的举措导致了保存项目的重塑，几乎所有的东西都可能成为可归档的材料。 [63] 但是，在试图将所有东西归档的过程中，我们会重新遭遇日常生活及其 "扭曲的记忆"。有了这种包罗万象的存档手段，我们就能存储一切，但在这种雄心勃勃的记录中，我们同时也不可避免地包含了腐朽和遗忘，而这曾是档案馆的任务。

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Electronic storage brings the tension between memory and oblivion to a renewed collision. Electronics may have even contributed to rewriting the archive's program. The transience and even banality that emerge with electronic storage extends to new levels, where heartbeats and expiring milk acquire a place as archive-worthy data. In fact, through the monumental task of archiving everything, the archive becomes more akin to a disorderly waste site, which then requires processes of computation to make sense of the welter of material and data. This seeming contradiction is the functional basis for the electronic archive, where material is digitized in such quantities so as to appear chaotic, yet the engines of computation can, at the same time, search and process this material toward order. This capacity for at once creating and transforming waste may even change the “memory of waste” referred to by media theorist Wolfgang Ernst.[64]
电子存储使记忆与遗忘之间的矛盾再次碰撞。电子技术甚至可能改写了档案的程序。电子存储所带来的短暂性甚至平庸性延伸到了新的层面，心跳和即将过期的牛奶都获得了档案数据的地位。事实上，通过将所有东西归档的艰巨任务，档案馆变得更像一个无序的垃圾场，这就需要通过计算过程来理解这些材料和数据。这种看似矛盾的现象正是电子档案馆的功能基础，在电子档案馆中，材料被大量数字化，以至于显得杂乱无章，但计算引擎却能同时搜索和处理这些材料，使其趋于有序。这种同时创造和转化废物的能力，甚至可以改变媒体理论家沃尔夫冈-恩斯特（Wolfgang Ernst）所说的 "废物记忆"。 [64]

What will happen to the “memory of waste” under conditions of electronic storage, when the hermeneutic instrument for differentiating between value and rubbish in things to be stored is abolished in order to make place for a cybernetic register of non-hierarchical hypertexts. The electronic age succeeds in erasing the opposition between monumental inscription and discursive flow.[65]
在电子存储条件下，"废弃物的记忆 "会发生什么变化呢？在电子存储条件下，区分被存储事物的价值和垃圾的诠释学工具被废除，以便为无等级的超文本的控制论登记册让位。电子时代成功地消除了纪念碑式的铭刻与话语流之间的对立。 [65]

When the memory of waste shifts, so, too, does memory itself. The criteria for distinguishing significant event from everyday detail collapse with the ability to store everything without distinction and to process the material according to real-time requirements. In this respect, Ernst writes, “memory is being transformed cybernetically into synchronic information networks.”[66] The relevance of particular material as archive-worthy is less important within these systems than the ability to perform recall functions that suit the needs of the moment. The electronic archive does not, in fact, need to leave anything out.
当对废物的记忆发生变化时，记忆本身也会发生变化。将重大事件与日常细节区分开来的标准崩溃了，因为我们能够不加区分地存储一切，并根据实时要求处理材料。在这方面，恩斯特写道，"记忆正被网络化地转化为同步信息网络"。 [66] 在这些系统中，特定材料是否具有存档价值并不那么重要，重要的是能否根据当时的需要执行调用功能。事实上，电子档案不需要遗漏任何东西。

Archives mobilize and depend on particular recording technologies, which inform not only the means of recording but also what counts as “archivable content.” The archive machine doubles as a history machine. It establishes an “archival economy” that establishes the terms for significance.[67] In recording, these technologies also invent the terms for the originality and future relevance of that which is documented. Past and anticipated events alike, then, potentially shift, both in their recordability and in their recognized relevance, through recording technologies. Histories Page 120 →and futures emerge—are programmed and computed—through archival machines. The electronic archive, as a recording technology, requires a certain newness, an “original proposition” as the basis for archivization.[68] But the means by which newness is arrived at shifts. Electronic archives do not consist of something initially new and then indelibly fixed in a relatively permanent medium such as print. Instead, newness emerges with each computation and transmission. Seemingly trivial data may be acquired and stored in mass. With each executable program, with each search and process function, the data becomes new again. Electronic records invent the terms for their relevance through this operation, by making claims to newness with each processing. In this respect, nothing is without significance or possible significance. MyLifeBits suggests as much: with every documentary stroke, new material emerges as possible archivable content, from number of visits to the dentist to phone calls made daily. The project is, as the researchers write, “inexhaustible.” Because there is nothing that potentially would fall outside the walls of the archive, the electronic archive can continually renew everything through digital operations. Any “waste” in the record can be rescued, instantly, as an item of relevance. Through the archival program, newness repeatedly occurs, emerging through processes of execution, searching, and storing, as well as emulating, migrating and refreshing. These strategies all make it new—however trivial the content—again and again.
档案调动并依赖于特定的记录技术，这些技术不仅为记录手段提供信息，也为 "可归档内容 "提供信息。档案机器同时也是历史机器。它建立了一种 "档案经济"，确定了意义的术语。 [67] 在记录过程中，这些技术也为所记录内容的原创性和未来相关性创造了条件。因此，通过记录技术，过去的事件和预期的事件都有可能在可记录性和公认的相关性方面发生变化。历史和未来的出现，都是通过档案机器进行编程和计算的。电子档案作为一种记录技术，需要一定的新颖性，即 "原始命题 "作为存档的基础。 [68] 但实现新颖性的手段却在不断变化。电子档案并不是由最初的新东西组成，然后不可磨灭地固定在相对永久的媒介中，如印刷品。相反，每一次计算和传输都会产生新的内容。看似琐碎的数据可能被大量获取和存储。随着每一个可执行程序、每一次搜索和处理功能的出现，数据又会变得崭新。电子记录通过这种操作，在每次处理过程中都声称自己是新的，从而发明了与其相关的术语。在这方面，没有什么是没有意义或可能没有意义的。MyLifeBits 就表明了这一点：从看牙医的次数到每天打电话的次数，每一次记录都会产生新的材料，成为可能存档的内容。正如研究人员所写，该项目 "取之不尽，用之不竭"。"由于没有任何东西有可能落在档案馆的墙外，电子档案馆可以通过数字化操作不断更新一切。记录中的任何 "废弃物 "都能被立即抢救出来，成为具有相关性的物品。通过档案项目，新的东西不断出现，通过执行、搜索和存储过程，以及仿效、迁移和刷新过程而出现。这些策略都使新内容不断出现，无论其内容多么微不足道。

Electronics shift the practices of collection, archivization, and memory; they give rise to a new archival economy. The other side to this economy is, of course, the data that does not undergo searching, recall, and refreshing but, instead, sits idle in storage. Over a relatively short span of time, this saved electronic data that is not accessed begins to decay, then is lost and forgotten. If, a decade hence, researchers should have reason to use this long-neglected data, they may find it to be completely inaccessible, effectively lost from the record. In many respects, the electronic archive not only constructs but also erases events. Data is not lost because it is not archived, however; it is lost because it is archived, because it is digitized and entered into the seemingly endless electronic stores that are also increasingly volatile sites of memory. Economies of erasure, as much as economies of memory, emerge with the electronic archive. We have the capacity to store everything for possible recall, but these same extended memory technologies are capable of generating oblivion in other ways—not least of which is through the technological Page 121 →obsolescence that is so critical to their further development. Digital memory is volatile in more than one way. From the on and off of RAM, to the obsolescence of electronic formats, to the disposal of any analog or material version of archived material to save storage space, we forget in distinctly electronic ways.
电子产品改变了收集、存档和记忆的方式，催生了一种新的档案经济。当然，这种经济的另一面是那些没有经过搜索、调用和刷新，而是闲置在仓库中的数据。在相对较短的时间内，这些没有被访问的电子数据开始衰减，然后丢失和被遗忘。如果十年后，研究人员有理由使用这些长期被忽视的数据，他们可能会发现这些数据完全无法访问，实际上已经从记录中消失了。在许多方面，电子档案不仅构建了事件，也抹去了事件。然而，数据并不是因为没有存档而丢失，而是因为存档而丢失，因为数据被数字化并输入看似无穷无尽的电子存储器，而这些存储器也是越来越不稳定的记忆场所。随着电子档案的出现，删除经济和记忆经济同样出现。我们有能力存储一切以备可能的回忆，但这些扩展记忆技术也能以其他方式产生遗忘--其中最重要的是通过技术第 121 页→过时，这对它们的进一步发展至关重要。数字存储器的易失性不止一种。从 RAM 的开启和关闭，到电子格式的过时，再到为节省存储空间而废弃任何模拟或材料版本的存档资料，我们都在以明显的电子方式遗忘。

Electronics are shot through with novelty and obsolescence and yet now operate as the most comprehensive technology ever developed for archiving. These electronic archives enable infinite capacity for storage and short-term searching, but the temporalities that they process do not extend through the generations (unless these generations shrink to the span of Moore's Law). New structures of memory imply new structures not only of forgetting but also of erasing and demattering. The constitution and deconstitution of material culture, then, occurs through these distinct mechanisms of electronic technologies.[69] With digitization (a kind of demattering), analog originals are often discarded or stored in inaccessible locations, so that there is no “original” or accessible material version to which to refer. But here is another recursive loop, where modern materials—produced through the “fad machine”—are more prone to breakdown and decay. Preserving a digital, leak-free version of these material objects becomes a way to circumvent the threat of contamination and decay. In many cases, modern objects are not meant to last. Conservators encounter the dilemma of whether they should preserve decaying materials or allow their disintegration to take place as a more accurate reflection of the objects’ trajectories.[70] Digital archiving may offer an initial relief from the problem of this type of material decay, from cracking plastics and corroding metals; the matter of decay does not vanish, however, but relocates and is even amplified through electronic technologies.
电子技术充满了新奇和陈旧，但现在却成为有史以来最全面的存档技术。这些电子档案具有无限的存储和短期搜索能力，但它们所处理的时间性并不跨越几代人（除非这些世代缩小到摩尔定律的跨度）。新的记忆结构不仅意味着新的遗忘结构，也意味着新的删除和消解结构。因此，物质文化的构成和解构是通过电子技术的这些不同机制来实现的。 [69] 随着数字化的发展（一种消解），模拟原物往往被丢弃或储存在无法访问的地方，这样就没有 "原物 "或可访问的物质版本可以参考。但这又是一个递归循环，通过 "时尚机器 "生产的现代材料更容易损坏和衰变。保存这些材料的数字化、无泄漏版本就成了规避污染和腐烂威胁的一种方式。在许多情况下，现代物品并不是为了持久而存在的。文物保护工作者面临着两难的选择，是应该保护腐朽的材料，还是让它们解体，以更准确地反映文物的轨迹。 [70] 数字存档可以初步缓解这类材料腐烂的问题，包括塑料开裂和金属腐蚀；然而，腐烂的问题并没有消失，而是通过电子技术转移甚至放大了。

“Conservation,” as anthropologist Victor Buchli writes, is “anything but that: it is a very active and deliberate process of materialization; it ‘conserves’ nothing but ‘produces’ everything.”[71] By delaying objects in a seemingly ideal state, conservation produces a fixed sense of material culture that allows narratives of industrial progress to persist. It is for this reason that demattering is typically excluded from these narratives: it fundamentally goes against narratives of progress.[72] Such material and even alchemical transformations consist of shaping material culture through the assumptions of longevity, permanence, and technical evolution. Yet another alchemy emerges here, the alchemy of electronics, which reveal, through their material transformations, how these technologies Page 122 →contribute both to distinct modes of demattering and to reconfigurations of material memory. In these museums of failure, we begin to witness the dissolution not just of electronics but also of a material culture guided by permanence and duration in contradistinction to transience.
人类学家维克多-布赫利写道，"保护""并非如此：它是一个非常积极和深思熟虑的物质化过程；它什么也不'保护'，却'生产'一切"。 [71] "通过在看似理想的状态下延迟物品的保存，产生了一种固定的物质文化感，使工业进步的叙事得以持续。正是由于这个原因，去物质化通常被排除在这些叙事之外：它从根本上违背了进步的叙事。 [72] 这种物质甚至是炼金术的变革包括通过对寿命、持久性和技术进化的假设来塑造物质文化。这里还出现了另一种炼金术，即电子炼金术，通过其物质变革，揭示了这些技术是如何促进独特的消解模式和物质记忆的重构的。在这些失败的博物馆中，我们开始目睹的不仅是电子产品的解体，也是以永久性和持续时间为指导的物质文化的解体。

Even in spaces beyond electronic data, the hardware of electronic objects does not directly stimulate our memory simply through its sheer material presence. Electronic objects, whether computer hardware or ancient mobile phones, become inert as physical objects as they are disconnected from any functioning system that would make their operation more intelligible. The assumed association between artifact and memory has become subject to question.[73] Furthermore, with electronic archives, no longer do we activate memory through a store of objects; instead, items must be continually called up in rapid succession, a situation where the museum or archive becomes a “flow-through and transformer station” by “unfreezing” its objects.[74] Objects are unfrozen from their distant places of storage, but often the transmission and activating of information occurs through circuits that render material in electronic formats. With these formats, objects come to seem not only less “solid” but also less permanent. In order for objects to remain as active elements within memory, they need to be activated and recalled continuously and migrated across platforms. The longevity of electronic archives depends on prolonging this condition of impermanence through the permanent act of transfer.
即使在电子数据以外的空间，电子物品的硬件也不会仅仅通过其物质存在直接刺激我们的记忆。电子物品，无论是电脑硬件还是古老的手机，在与任何可使其运行更加易懂的功能系统断开连接后，作为实物就变得惰性十足。假定的人工制品与记忆之间的联系受到了质疑。 [73] 此外，有了电子档案，我们不再需要通过储存物品来激活记忆，而是必须不断地快速调用物品，在这种情况下，博物馆或档案馆通过 "解冻 "其物品而成为一个 "流动和转换站"。 [74] 物品从遥远的储存地解冻，但信息的传输和激活往往是通过电路进行的，这些电路以电子格式呈现资料。有了这些格式，物品不仅显得不那么 "坚固"，而且也不那么永久。为了让物品继续作为记忆中的活跃元素，它们需要不断被激活和调用，并在不同平台间迁移。电子档案的寿命取决于通过永久性的转移行为来延长这种无常状态。

Electronic objects and data disappear at a regular rate. “Page Not Found” is a common message transmitted to users of the Internet. Sites on the Internet are so unstable that a (now-obsolete) project, the Museum of E-Failure, has sprung up to attempt to catalog these “ghost sites.”[75] Online kitty litter warehouses and personal Web sites alike plunge into the irretrievable ether at a regular clip. The Internet may be the most thorough archive of impermanence, a fact that is made startlingly clear through projects that attempt to archive Internet materials. The Internet Archive is a project that has established an “Internet library,” that allows open access to an ongoing collection of Internet materials, including “texts, audio, moving images, and software as well as archived web pages.” The objective of such a collection is to “prevent the Internet—a new medium with major historical significance—and other ‘born-digital’ materials from disappearing into the past.” The Internet Archive's efforts extend to transforming ephemera into “enduring artifacts,” as well as “reviving dead links,” so that when the “404 - Page Not Found” error Page 123 →is received, “archived versions” of these lost sites are available. In their collection, the Internet Archive also offers a “Way-Back Machine” that displays Internet sites as they looked in a particular era.[76] This project then undertakes the continual translation of obsolete electronic materials into legible format. At the same time, the Internet Archive is a project that encounters the dilemma of how to archive itself, of how to store and reproduce in electronic format its own content and electronic technologies that are also subject to rapid decay and volatility.[77]
电子物体和数据经常消失。"找不到网页 "是互联网用户经常收到的信息。互联网上的网站如此不稳定，以至于出现了一个名为 "电子失败博物馆 "的项目，试图对这些 "幽灵网站 "进行编目（现在已经过时）。 [75] 网上猫砂仓库和个人网站都经常陷入无法挽回的漩涡。互联网可能是最彻底的无常档案库，试图将互联网资料归档的项目清楚地表明了这一事实。互联网档案馆是一个建立了 "互联网图书馆 "的项目，允许公开访问持续收集的互联网资料，包括 "文本、音频、动态图像和软件以及存档网页"。收集这些资料的目的是 "防止互联网--一种具有重大历史意义的新媒体--以及其他'天生的数字'资料消失在历史长河中"。互联网档案馆的努力还包括将短暂的资料转化为 "永恒的艺术品"，以及 "恢复死链接"，这样当收到 "404 - 找不到网页 "的错误信息时，就能找到这些丢失网站的 "存档版本"。互联网档案馆还在其收藏中提供了一个 "回溯机器"，显示特定时代互联网网站的原貌。 [76] 然后，该项目不断将过时的电子资料翻译成可读的格式。与此同时，互联网档案馆这个项目也遇到了如何将自己存档的难题，如何以电子格式存储和复制自己的内容和电子技术，而这些内容和技术也会迅速衰减和易变。 [77]

“The permanence of the archive,” media theorist Jens Schröter writes, “is changing.”[78] Material stored in electronic format undergoes rapid and inevitable decay and may become inaccessible, unless it is continually migrated to new formats. As much as the computer appears to be a universal machine, it is also a universally migrating machine. It depends on an archival economy that requires continual reformatting and that promises permanence only through constant migration. In many cases, electronic material remains accessible because of its unwitting archivization and transmission through information networks.[79] Digital versions undergo data loss but persist as grainy derivations because they are transmitted and retransmitted. Clearly, this points to yet another shift in the electronic archive, where to store material away in secure vaults does little to ensure the preservation of material. Rather, electronic material only persists because it is in use, because it is transmitted and transformed, migrated across platforms, emulated and recovered from any number of obsolete storage formats, whether floppy discs or ancient hard drives. While efforts are made at “future-proofing” electronic materials by attempting to ensure their longevity through some universal format, it has become evident, more and more, that no single electronic format will offer such permanence. Instead, if they are to persist, electronic archives will have to operate according to processes of continual migration and emulation. Electronic material will have to be recovered, transformed, and retransmitted on the order of at least every ten years, if not more often. Emulation, or the process of simulating earlier operating systems and applications through computer programs, together with the migration and reproduction of material in new electronic formats, puts archival material in a state of continual transformation.
"媒体理论家延斯-施罗特（Jens Schröter）写道："档案的永久性正在发生变化"。 [78] 以电子格式存储的资料会迅速且不可避免地衰减，除非不断迁移到新的格式，否则可能无法访问。计算机看似是一种通用机器，其实也是一种通用的迁移机器。它依赖于一种需要不断重新格式化的档案经济，只有通过不断迁移才能保证永久性。在许多情况下，电子资料之所以仍可访问，是因为它在不知不觉中被归档并通过信息网络传输。 [79] 数字版本的数据会丢失，但由于它们的传输和再传输，它们作为颗粒状的衍生物依然存在。显然，这表明电子档案的另一种变化，即把资料存放在安全的保险库中并不能确保资料的保存。相反，电子资料的存在只是因为它还在被使用，因为它还在被传输和转换，在不同的平台上迁移，被模拟，并从各种过时的存储格式（无论是软盘还是古老的硬盘驱动器）中恢复。尽管人们努力 "面向未来"，试图通过某种通用格式来确保电子资料的持久性，但越来越明显的是，没有一种单一的电子格式能够提供这种持久性。相反，电子档案要想长久存在，就必须按照不断迁移和仿效的程序运行。电子资料必须至少每十年，甚至更长时间进行一次恢复、转换和重新传输。 仿真，即通过计算机程序模拟早期操作系统和应用程序的过程，再加上以新的电子格式迁移和复制资料，使档案资料处于不断变化的状态。

Of course, this raises questions about the extent to which each transformation effectively creates a new entity—not a copy as much as a “correspondence,” as N. Katherine Hayles suggests.[80] This notion of correspondence points to the active processes of translation and emulation Page 124 →that occur across media types and within shifting media technologies. Such correspondence, or emulation, could even be construed as a kind of “salvage program.”[81] In this salvage program, archivization occurs less through copying and more through a process of rescuing the electronic debris from the scrap heap through acts of translation.[82] Salvage is a distinctly waste-based operation. It requires sifting through and continually reevaluating the possible use and value of electronic material. But with each act of emulation, the version changes; salvage transforms, puts to use, repurposes. The process of preservation, the sense of permanence, the notion of an inalterable material culture once so central to the archive—all of these have been shot through with the transience, obsolescence, and mutability of electronic materials. Emulation, as a practice of salvaging, further allows opportunities for deviation, interference, and creative interpretation. The electronic waste of history will require continual refurbishment and reinterpretation. Perhaps now that “electronic waste” has become a carrier of our cultural and material lives, we may turn to consider how to salvage so much lost material.
当然，这也提出了一个问题，即每一次转换在多大程度上有效地创造了一个新的实体，而不是 N. 凯瑟琳-海尔斯（N. Katherine Hayles）所说的 "复制 "或 "对应"。 [80] 这种 "对应 "的概念指向跨媒体类型和在不断变化的媒体技术中发生的积极的翻译和仿效过程。这种对应或仿效甚至可以被理解为一种 "抢救程序"。 [81] 在这种打捞计划中，存档的方式与其说是复制，不如说是通过翻译行为将电子碎片从废料堆中解救出来。 [82] 打捞是一种明显的废物利用操作。它要求对电子材料的可能用途和价值进行筛选和不断重新评估。但是，每一次仿效行为都会改变版本；打捞可以转换、使用和重新利用。保存的过程、永久性的感觉、不可改变的物质文化的概念曾经是档案馆的核心--所有这些都被电子材料的短暂性、过时性和易变性所击穿。仿真作为一种抢救性实践，进一步为偏离、干扰和创造性解释提供了机会。历史的电子垃圾需要不断翻新和重新诠释。也许现在 "电子垃圾 "已经成为我们文化和物质生活的载体，我们可以转而思考如何打捞如此多的遗失材料。

Computer systems store more than the details of pottery shards, however; they also contain critical information on the operation of electronic systems all around us, from power grids to transit networks to banking systems. These same systems require a certain archivization and emulation in order to maintain their operation—and avoid catastrophic failure—in real time. Kittler points to the more pressing need to develop a strategy for electronics to archive electronics, that impossible condition that may only be possible through emulation. Without this archival strategy, everything from “early-warning missile systems” to “weather forecasts and nuclear plants” may reach terminal states of incompatibility and indecipherability.[83] The side effects of technological obsolescence do not just include piles of obsolete gadgets, overflowing archives, and decaying data. The transience that electronic technologies introduces extends to their own operation, a situation that could be fatal, when we realize that innumerable components of critical systems are constantly on the verge of obsolescence and system failure. This is a system that unwittingly undoes itself, as Ernst suggests when he writes, “We have come to the point where the world no longer experiences itself in terms of life evolving in time but rather as a network interfering with itself.”[84] The real-time electronic archive does not just collect the everyday; it orders and possibly disrupts the everyday functioning of so much technology that surrounds us.
然而，计算机系统存储的不仅仅是陶器碎片的细节；它们还包含我们周围电子系统运行的关键信息，从电网、交通网络到银行系统。这些系统同样需要一定的存档和仿真，以保持其实时运行，避免灾难性故障。基特勒指出，电子产品更迫切需要制定一种战略，将电子产品存档，这种不可能实现的条件可能只有通过仿真才能实现。如果没有这种存档战略，从 "早期预警导弹系统 "到 "天气预报和核电站 "的一切都可能达到不兼容和无法破译的终极状态。 [83] 技术过时的副作用不仅包括成堆的过时小工具、泛滥的档案和衰减的数据。当我们意识到关键系统的无数组件一直处于过时和系统故障的边缘时，电子技术带来的短暂性就会延伸到其自身的运行，这种情况可能是致命的。这是一个在不知不觉中自我毁灭的系统，正如恩斯特所言，他写道："我们已经到了这样一个地步：世界不再以生命在时间中演进的方式来体验自身，而是以网络干扰自身的方式来体验自身"。 [84] "实时电子档案不仅收集日常事物，它还对我们周围众多技术的日常运作进行排序，甚至可能进行干扰。

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The program of technological obsolescence possibly reaches such a point of advanced failure that it even undoes itself. To address the fallout from technological obsolescence, it may be necessary to find another program—a salvage program that is capable of recovering and repurposing electronic material. This salvage program may need to operate with a memory that is attentive to waste. Waste in the archive presents the return of outdated, forgotten, and otherwise silent material. Waste is interference; it comes in the form of the obsolete, the failed and broken down. An attention to waste is an essential part of understanding electronics, those technologies programmed for obsolescence and in need of a salvage program. Such a program would exhibit an enlarged understanding of the ways in which waste is critical to the process of material transformation and revaluation, of disposal and recovery.[85] The electronic archive—of objects and data—brings renewed focus to this dual operation of disposal and recovery. Waste and the memory of waste operates in that murky space of salvage, a space that does not lead to the usual historical narratives or repeated performances of progress.[86] Instead, with the breaking and broken-down technologies, we can salvage more than technology; we can go so far as to recover the imagining that these technologies engendered. Perhaps, in the end, electronic devices, as well as electronic archives, may become sites more aligned with processes of material release and decay. This chapter attempts to salvage the overlooked demattering that takes place in the museum and archive, those principal sites for the processing of electronic material culture and electronic memory. By considering the obsolete objects, the limitations of preservation, the legacies of failure, and the forgotten technological marvels, it is possible to develop further this dynamic, alchemical quality of electronics, but only, as the next chapter explores, by turning our attention to questions of salvage and decay.
技术淘汰计划可能会达到高级失灵的地步，甚至会自我毁灭。为了解决技术淘汰带来的后果，可能有必要找到另一种程序--一种能够回收和重新利用电子材料的抢救程序。这种抢救程序可能需要以一种关注废弃物的记忆来运行。档案中的废弃物是过时的、被遗忘的和沉默的资料的回归。废物是一种干扰；它以过时、失败和损坏的形式出现。对废弃物的关注是理解电子产品的一个重要部分，这些技术被设定为过时，需要一个挽救计划。这样的计划将展示出对废弃物如何对材料转化和重估、处置和回收过程起到关键作用的深入理解。 [85] 电子档案--物品和数据--为这种处置和回收的双重运作带来了新的焦点。废弃物和对废弃物的记忆是在阴暗的抢救空间中进行的，这个空间不会导致通常的历史叙事或重复的进步表演。 [86] 相反，对于破碎的技术，我们可以抢救的不仅仅是技术；我们甚至可以恢复这些技术所产生的想象。也许到最后，电子设备和电子档案会成为更符合物质释放和衰变过程的场所。博物馆和档案馆是处理电子物质文化和电子记忆的主要场所，本章试图挽救博物馆和档案馆中被忽视的去物质化过程。 通过考虑过时的物品、保存的局限性、失败的遗产以及被遗忘的技术奇迹，我们有可能进一步发展电子产品这种动态的、炼金术般的特质，但正如下一章所探讨的那样，只有通过将我们的注意力转向抢救和衰变的问题，才有可能做到这一点。

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FIVE
五

Media in the Dump
垃圾场中的媒体

SALVAGE STORIES AND SPACES OF REMAINDER
抢救故事和剩余空间

He could tell at a glance that these ancient machines took up most of the storage space; they lined two entire walls, from ceiling to floor. Most of them had a layer of dust on them. The window space, too, was filled up by machines for sale, all second-hand, nothing new. Like a junk store, he thought morbidly. His experience went entirely against used merchandise; it made him feel queasy even to touch dusty, dirty-looking objects in second-hand shops. He liked things new, in sanitary cellophane packages. Imagine buying a used toothbrush, he thought to himself. Christ.
他一眼就能看出，这些古老的机器占据了储藏室的大部分空间；它们从天花板到地板，整整排满了两面墙。大部分机器上都落了一层灰尘。橱窗里也摆满了待售的机器，都是二手货，没有新的。他病态地想，就像一家废品商店。他的经验与二手商品完全背道而驰；在二手商店里，他甚至连碰一下沾满灰尘、看起来脏兮兮的东西都会感到恶心。他喜欢新的东西，喜欢卫生的玻璃纸包装。他心想，想象一下买一把用过的牙刷吧。天哪

—PHILIP K. DICK, In Milton Lumky Territory
菲利普-K-迪克，《在米尔顿-朗基领地

Salvage Stories
抢救故事

Having moved through the material and spatial registers of fossilized chips and screens, plastic packaging and electronic memory, this study arrives at the most obdurate, if disparate, aspect of electronic waste—that formless mass of peripherals and scrap, wires and printed circuit boards, that surfaces and settles in the dump and junkyard as the cast-off dregs of technological progress. This terminal tale then settles with rubbish, where electronics have ultimately reached the end of their operability and so collect and sediment in landfills. In these sites, there are two stories that emerge to reveal much different aspects of waste, electronic and otherwise. One story concerns a project crew of garbologists cutting core samples through landfills and sifting through rubbish to obtain a picture of contemporary consumption patterns. Bottles and burgers, ancient newspapers and mechanical relics, diapers and wrappers, all of the things we have used up are excavated deep from the steaming bowels of these recently sedimented landforms. The workers, in white jumpsuits Page 128 →and waders, enter this debris into a detailed inventory as evidence of our consumption activities. Here is a record of all that we coveted, possessed, and abandoned, sampled and tabulated from the formless sludge of decomposition.
在对化石化的芯片和屏幕、塑料包装和电子存储器进行物质和空间记录之后，这项研究来到了电子废物中最顽固的一面--无形的外围设备和废料、电线和印刷电路板，它们作为技术进步的废渣浮现并沉淀在垃圾场和废品站。然后，这个终结的故事与垃圾一起沉淀下来，电子产品最终达到了其可操作性的终点，并在垃圾填埋场聚集和沉淀。在这些垃圾场中，有两个故事揭示了电子垃圾和其他垃圾的不同方面。一个故事是由服装学家组成的项目小组在垃圾填埋场切割核心样本，筛选垃圾，以了解当代的消费模式。瓶子和汉堡包、古代报纸和机械遗物、尿布和包装纸，所有我们用过的东西都被从这些刚刚沉积下来的地貌的热气腾腾的肠道深处挖掘出来。身着白色连体服（第 128 页）和蛙鞋的工人们将这些废弃物作为我们消费活动的证据列入详细清单。这里记录着我们觊觎、拥有和遗弃的一切，从无形的腐烂污泥中取样并制成表格。

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The other story involves a picture of a worker suited in galoshes and rubber gloves standing under a lean-to, surrounded by muddy ground. In the worker's hand is a printed circuit board that he dips into an acid bath in order to extract tiny remnants of gold. Similar to the garbologists, this worker also sifts through the fallout of contemporary consumption, but for a much different purpose. He salvages valuable materials from electronic waste for resale because this material has been diverted from the landfills of developed countries and sent to developing countries for recycling. This diverted waste resurfaces in the scrap yards and loading docks of China and Nigeria. Waste not fit for Western dumps, due to either the lack of available landfill space or the high level of toxic substances in electronics, is, then, partially excluded from the record of consumption that the garbologists so meticulously compile.
另一个故事涉及一张照片，照片中一名工人穿着套鞋，戴着橡胶手套，站在一个简易棚下，周围是泥泞的地面。工人手中拿着一块印刷电路板，将其浸泡在酸液中，以提取微小的残金。与服装学家类似，这位工人也在筛选当代消费的残余物，但目的却大不相同。他从电子垃圾中打捞出有价值的材料进行转售，因为这些材料已从发达国家的垃圾填埋场转移到发展中国家进行回收利用。这些被转移的废料在中国和尼日利亚的废料场和装卸码头重新出现。由于缺乏可利用的垃圾填埋空间或电子产品中含有大量有毒物质，不适合在西方垃圾场填埋的废物，部分被排除在服装专家精心编制的消费记录之外。

Each of these operations is a salvage practice, a retrieval of wasted material, whether salvaging gold from discarded circuit boards or salvaging consumption data from the formless record of contemporary rubbish. Each of these salvage operations deals with the waste of contemporary culture. But the similarity between these salvage practices ends when we take into account the very different circuits of disposal in which electronic waste moves and settles. In chapter 3, I began my discussion of how electronics tip into these circuits of disposal, where the initial displacement of waste gives rise to places. In this discussion so far, I have addressed those spaces prior to and in transition to the dump, from the shipping container to the archive. Here, my intention is to dwell on the dump and those practices in and around the landfill and junkyard, including salvage and recycling. As mentioned throughout this study, electronic waste is often sent to developing countries under the guise of recycling. As the Basel Action Network indicates, up to 80 percent of electronic waste from the United States and up to 70 percent of electronic waste from Europe is shipped to developing countries.[1] Electronics may be diverted from Western landfills, but their “recycling” is often just a deferral until they reach another, if more distant, landfill.
无论是从废弃的电路板中打捞黄金，还是从当代垃圾的无形记录中打捞消费数据，每一种操作都是一种打捞实践，一种对废弃材料的检索。每一项打捞行动都涉及当代文化的浪费。但是，当我们考虑到电子垃圾移动和沉淀过程中截然不同的处理方式时，这些打捞实践之间的相似性也就不复存在了。在第 3 章中，我开始讨论电子产品是如何进入这些废弃物处理循环的，在这些循环中，最初的废弃物转移产生了地方。在迄今为止的讨论中，我已经讨论了从运输集装箱到档案馆等垃圾场之前和过渡时期的空间。在此，我将深入探讨垃圾场以及垃圾填埋场和废品收购站内外的实践，包括打捞和回收。正如本研究报告中提到的，电子垃圾经常以回收为名被送往发展中国家。巴塞尔行动网络指出，美国高达 80% 的电子垃圾和欧洲高达 70% 的电子垃圾被运往发展中国家。 [1] 电子产品可能会从西方国家的垃圾填埋场转移出来，但它们的 "回收 "往往只是推迟到另一个更远的垃圾填埋场。

This chapter registers the final stages of electronics in pieces and the processes of materialization that unfold as these fragmented machines scatter and travel across the globe, often far from their sites of initial consumption Page 130 →and use. While the spaces prior to the dump often generate multiple practices for the recuperation of value, the dump also is a space conducive to continually picking over the dregs, for rubbish is inexhaustible. Waste sticks and congeals; spaces of delay extend into spaces of indefinite remainder. As electronics sediment and begin to break down, they even create an unwitting archive of material, temporal, and ecological effects. These uncanny archives, in contrast to the more deliberate archives of the previous chapter, are the sites where the distinct salvage practices discussed here are located. This chapter dwells on these final staging grounds, where waste disposal does not give rise to absolute dissolution but, rather, provokes questions about how salvage practices deal with and transform remainders (infinitely deferred, but remainders all the same), how they recuperate value, and how they engage with the inevitability and irreversibility of waste.
本章记录了电子产品碎片化的最后阶段，以及这些支离破碎的机器在全球各地散落和旅行时的物化过程，这些机器往往远离其最初的消费地第 130 页 → 和使用地。虽然垃圾场之前的空间通常会产生多种回收价值的做法，但垃圾场也是一个有利于不断捡拾垃圾的空间，因为垃圾是取之不尽用之不竭的。垃圾会粘连、凝固；拖延的空间会延伸为无限期的剩余空间。随着电子产品的沉淀和开始分解，它们甚至在不知不觉中创造了物质、时间和生态效应的档案。这些不可思议的档案，与前一章中更为深思熟虑的档案形成鲜明对比，是本文所讨论的独特抢救实践的场所。本章将讨论这些最后的舞台，在这里，废弃物的处理并没有带来绝对的解体，而是引发了关于抢救实践如何处理和转化残留物（无限延迟，但始终是残留物）、如何恢复价值以及如何处理废弃物的不可避免性和不可逆转性的问题。

“Textures of Decay”
"衰败的纹理"

The landfill is a kind of archive, which assembles not through deliberate or comprehensive collection but, rather, through a default accumulation of wasted matter tightly packed in airless cells. Deep within the mounds of refuse, an anaerobic environment develops, where materials are preserved unwittingly, simply through the lack of oxygen, light, and water.[2] Biodegradability in landfills undergoes a state of arrest, so that most dumps end up mummifying their contents.[3] Landfills ensure the longevity of the already extended life span of most materials. Electronics are embalmed, plastics endure, chemicals linger and spread, simultaneously. Wasted matter is preserved in this other archive, not as a collection of items for posterity, but as objects whose ecological duration far exceeds their cultural relevance. In this other accidental archive, which is far more disorderly and formless than even the most decrepit collection of computing history, it is possible to observe the transience and breakdown that characterizes waste and electronics.
垃圾填埋场是一种档案馆，它不是通过刻意或全面的收集而形成的，而是通过将废弃物紧紧包裹在不透气的细胞中的默认积累而形成的。在垃圾堆的深处，形成了一种厌氧环境，由于缺乏氧气、光和水，垃圾在不知不觉中被保存了下来。 [2] 垃圾填埋场中的生物降解能力处于停滞状态，因此大多数垃圾堆最终会使其内容物变成木乃伊。 [3] 垃圾填埋确保了大多数材料本已延长的寿命更加长久。电子产品被防腐处理，塑料经久耐用，化学物质同时徘徊和扩散。废弃物被保存在另一个档案馆中，不是作为供后人收藏的物品，而是作为其生态寿命远远超过其文化意义的物品。在这个意外的档案馆中，我们可以观察到废弃物和电子产品的短暂性和破坏性，它甚至比计算机历史上最破败的收藏还要无序和无形。

The decay of waste occurs through temporal orders that span from the instant (of disposability) to a more extended geological history or earthly time. The landfill preserves this collision of temporal orders; it operates not just as a store of discarded objects but also as a record of technonatural relations that bear the imprint of shifting temporal and material conditions. Through the decay of material culture, it is possible to observe the landfill as an ecological archive. An unwitting staging ground for the Page 131 →breakdown and demattering of wasted materials, the landfill contains a record of contemporary consumption, the duration and toxicity of materials, and the transformation and remaindering of materials. It is a kind of “garbage museum” that at once preserves remainders but also generates new possibilities for material transformation.[4]
废弃物的衰变是通过时间顺序发生的，时间顺序从瞬间（可处置性）到更长的地质历史或地球时间。垃圾填埋场保留了这种时间秩序的碰撞；它不仅是废弃物品的储存地，也是技术与自然关系的记录地，带有时间和物质条件变化的印记。通过物质文化的衰变，可以将垃圾填埋场视为生态档案。垃圾填埋场是废弃材料在不知情的情况下被分解和消解的舞台，它记录了当代消费、材料的持续时间和毒性，以及材料的转化和剩余。垃圾填埋场是一种 "垃圾博物馆"，它既保存了残留物，也为材料转化提供了新的可能性。 [4]

Debris is often one of the most telling registers through which to understand material cultures. In this sense, archaeologist Michael Shanks suggests we turn our attention to these relatively neglected “material textures of decay.”[5] Beyond preservation and order, ruination is a formative and critical dynamic within material cultures, revealing how and where things fall apart and what material practices and geographies emerge to process this debris. The landfill is an ideal site in which to study such textures of decay, because when things break down, we encounter the effects and processes of materiality.[6] These effects and processes of material decay extend beyond the sheer fact of physical material breakdown, however, and encompass distinct temporalities and landscapes, as well as the practices and politics of salvage. When electronics break down and become formless, they split apart from the scripted spaces of preservation, progress narratives, and technological fascination.
瓦砾往往是了解物质文化最有说服力的载体之一。从这个意义上说，考古学家迈克尔-尚克斯建议我们将注意力转向这些相对被忽视的 "腐朽的物质纹理"。 [5] 在保存和秩序之外，废墟是物质文化中一种形成性和关键性的动态，它揭示了事物是如何以及在哪里分崩离析的，以及出现了哪些物质实践和地理学来处理这些碎片。垃圾填埋场是研究这种腐朽质地的理想场所，因为当事物分解时，我们会遇到物质性的影响和过程。 [6] 然而，这些物质衰变的效果和过程并不局限于纯粹的物质分解，而是包含了独特的时间性和景观，以及抢救的实践和政治。当电子产品分解并变得无形时，它们就从保存、进步叙事和技术魅力的剧本空间中分离出来。

Electronics further migrate across geopolitical divides to generate other salvage practices that must deal with the decay not just of technological imaginaries but also of toxic materialities. The salvage practices discussed in this chapter describe the actual repurposing of these materials. They also refer to the recovering of relations that are embedded within the final stages of handling electronic waste. From the debris and decay of electronics, it is possible to develop expanded salvage practices that turn over the imaginings, politics, economics, and geographies of electronic waste, in addition to the scraps of gold and copper that can be extracted from these machines. The fossils of leftover electronics make these relations resonate, and the natural history method enables the narration of these sedimented effects. In fact, Benjamin's salvage practices made use of archives and fossils as waste from the past that could be recycled to make available unexpected narratives—a form of ragpicking.[7] On one level, this form of salvage is striking in its difference from the garbology or electronic waste recycling previously described; on another level, Benjamin's analysis suggests expanded dimensions of salvage. Whether ragpicker, garbologist, or waste worker, each engages in transforming, picking through and digging up, sifting and reworking remainders—albeit for much different purposes and in much different ways. Page 132 →To salvage is to repurpose objects, to recycle some elements and discard others, to reinforce materials and rescue parts that are momentarily resonant and that operate in some way that had yet to be imagined. Waste is the stratum of the past in the present that is often overlooked. Salvaging is an act of imagining, of eliciting stories that may have been buried in the everydayness of objects. Yet salvaging is at once a poetic and political activity; it rematerializes the sets of material relations that enabled the manufacture, consumption, and movement of goods in the first place.[8]
电子产品进一步跨越地缘政治的鸿沟，产生了其他的抢救实践，这些实践不仅要处理技术想象的衰减问题，还要处理有毒物质的衰减问题。本章讨论的抢救实践描述了这些材料的实际再利用。它们还指的是在处理电子废弃物的最后阶段所蕴含的关系的恢复。从电子产品的残骸和腐烂中，我们有可能发展出扩展的打捞实践，除了可以从这些机器中提取出金和铜的碎片之外，还可以翻转电子垃圾的想象、政治、经济和地理。废弃电子产品的化石使这些关系产生了共鸣，而自然史的方法则使这些沉积效应得以叙述。事实上，本雅明的打捞实践利用了档案和化石，将其作为过去的废弃物加以回收利用，从而提供了意想不到的叙事--一种拾破烂的形式。 [7] 从一个层面上看，这种形式的打捞与之前描述的服装学或电子废物回收有着显著的不同；从另一个层面上看，本雅明的分析表明打捞的维度有所扩大。无论是拾破烂者、服装学家，还是废品工人，他们都参与了改造、挑选和挖掘、筛选和再加工残留物的工作，尽管目的和方式大相径庭。第 132 页→打捞就是重新利用物品，回收一些元素，丢弃另一些元素，加固材料，抢救暂时产生共鸣的部分，并以某种尚未想象到的方式运作。废弃物是过去在现在的地层，往往被忽视。 打捞是一种想象的行为，是唤起可能已被埋没在日常物品中的故事的行为。然而，打捞既是一种诗意的活动，也是一种政治活动；它将最初促成物品制造、消费和流通的一系列物质关系重新物质化。 [8]

Working with waste is not a matter of simple recuperation. From the physical breakdown of objects, to the multiple sites across which they migrate, to the extended timescales and pollution that can be left behind, waste generates inassimilable remainders. Such remainders are often elided from waste management and sustainable development discourses, which propose that all forms of waste may eventually be broken down and recuperated into a usable, remainder-free form.[9] Electronics materialize, dematerialize, and rematerialize. In this process, they do not sustain a seamless return to (re)production. Instead, they give rise to irreversible effects and remainders: a constellation of electronic waste. Waste always returns. Even with extensive attempts to salvage, recuperate, and recycle waste, remainders surface and resurface, thereby challenging sustainable development models that hold out for the flawless reintegration of wasted materials for renewed production.
处理废弃物不是一个简单的回收问题。从物品的物理分解，到其迁移的多个地点，再到可能留下的延长时间和污染，废物会产生不可吸收的残留物。废弃物管理和可持续发展的论述往往忽略了这些残留物，这些论述认为所有形式的废弃物最终都可以被分解并回收为可用的、无残留的形式。 [9] 电子产品物化、非物化、再物化。在这一过程中，电子产品并不能无缝回归（再）生产。相反，它们会产生不可逆转的影响和残留物：电子废物群。废物总是会回来的。即使我们广泛尝试打捞、回收和循环利用废弃物，残留物仍会浮出水面并再次出现，从而对可持续发展模式提出挑战，因为这种模式认为废弃材料可以完美无瑕地重新融入再生产。

Salvage necessarily involves engaging with those temporalities of decay and processes of materialization that constitute the texture of waste. How do electronics die? Where do they go to die? How do they transform and decompose? What (and whom) do they leave behind? New salvage practices become necessary in order to address the irretrievable remainders that accompany waste. These practices can offer ways of engaging with waste that attempt not to project a future of management and integration but, rather, to address and recuperate waste in its complexity. There is a politics of salvage, a politics of remainder; but as Benjamin also reminds, there is a poetics of salvage, a poetics of remainder. The remainder of this chapter traces the material dissolution and decay of electronics, piece by piece, to the landfill.
打捞必然涉及到那些构成废弃物质地的衰变时间性和物质化过程。电子产品是如何消亡的？它们在哪里消亡？它们如何转化和分解？它们留下了什么（和谁）？为了解决伴随废弃物而来的无法挽回的遗留物，新的抢救实践变得十分必要。这些实践可以提供与废弃物打交道的方式，这些方式不是试图预测管理和整合的未来，而是试图解决和恢复废弃物的复杂性。有一种抢救的政治，一种剩余的政治；但正如本雅明所提醒的，也有一种抢救的诗学，一种剩余的诗学。本章的其余部分将逐一追溯电子产品的物质消解和腐烂过程，直至垃圾填埋场。

Electronic Recovery, Electronic Remainder
电子恢复，电子剩余物

As electronics break down at end of life, they enter several stages of devaluation, salvaging, recycling, reprocessing, and decay. Just as the manufacture Page 133 →of electronics gives rise to chemical fallout and wasted resources, so, too, the disposal of electronics creates debris. Thompson notes, in his study on “rubbish theory,” that economic and physical decay are often discontinuous. Items become valueless, but their physical shells linger as “rubbish.”[10] While this rubbish may at some time circulate back to a position of durable value, its valueless status may persist indefinitely. Electronics depreciate in a similar way, where a PC may be devalued from an initial value of 2,000 U.S. dollars at the time of purchase to a maximum resale of 150 U.S. dollars three years later. Even accounting for the sparse market for vintage computers, this disappearing value will typically never be recovered. There is yet another option for items in the rubbish category, and that is the possibility of salvage and recycling. While most electronics will never relocate to a position of durable value, they can be repaired or can be stripped and cleared of any materials of marginal value.
当电子产品报废时，它们会进入贬值、抢救、回收、再加工和腐烂等几个阶段。正如电子产品的制造过程会产生化学沉淀物和资源浪费，电子产品的处置过程也会产生废弃物。汤普森在他的 "垃圾理论 "研究中指出，经济和物理衰变往往是不连续的。物品变得毫无价值，但其物理外壳却作为 "垃圾 "继续存在。 [10] 虽然这些 "垃圾 "可能会在某个时候重新流通起来，重新具有持久的价值，但其无价值的状态可能会无限期地持续下去。电子产品也会以类似的方式贬值，一台个人电脑可能会从购买时的初始价值 2000 美元贬值到三年后转售时的最高价值 150 美元。即使考虑到古董电脑的市场稀缺，这种价值的消失通常也永远无法弥补。对于垃圾类物品还有另一种选择，那就是打捞和回收。虽然大多数电子产品永远不会重新定位到具有持久价值的位置，但它们可以被修复，或者可以被剥离并清除任何具有边际价值的材料。

Electronics undergo many transformations in the course of decay. Repair and salvage typically precede recycling in the electronic disassembly process. Few electronics are repaired, due to the high costs of repair relative to the price of new machines. Remanufacturing does occur in some instances but is particularly dependent on whether electronics will be reissued in markets in developed or developing countries (with the latter often seen as a more viable market for refurbished machines). The process of remanufacture can actually conserve a large proportion of the labor, materials, and energy put into machines, since it repurposes machines into a similar form. Recycling, in comparison, focuses on salvaging and reforming materials into relatively raw substrates for renewed manufacture.[11] Although repair, remanufacture, and reuse are still possible strategies for working with inoperable electronics, they are typically less common salvage practices. With reuse, moreover, the age of the machine is an important factor in recovering any possible value. A new machine may fetch a price as high as 100 U.S. dollars if it can be repaired for reuse, while a machine more than 10 years old will have little to no value at all.[12]
电子产品在损耗过程中会发生许多变化。在电子拆解过程中，维修和打捞通常先于回收。由于维修成本相对于新机器的价格较高，很少有电子产品得到维修。在某些情况下确实会进行再制造，但这尤其取决于电子产品将在发达国家还是发展中国家的市场上重新发行（后者通常被视为翻新机器的一个更可行的市场）。再制造过程实际上可以节省大量的劳动力、材料和能源，因为它将机器重新利用为类似的形式。相比之下，回收利用的重点是抢救和改造材料，使其成为相对原始的基材，以便重新制造。 [11] 虽然维修、再制造和再利用仍然是处理无法使用的电子产品的可行策略，但它们通常是不太常见的抢救方法。此外，对于再利用而言，机器的新旧程度也是收回任何可能价值的重要因素。一台新机器如果可以修复再利用，价格可能高达 100 美元，而超过 10 年的机器则几乎没有任何价值。 [12]

Raw materials are salvaged from obsolete electronics, often by hand, by waste pickers working in conditions similar to those mentioned at the beginning of the chapter. The majority of salvaged materials sell for less than 1 U.S. dollar per pound.[13] As a report of the International Association of Electronics Recyclers indicates, the “commodity recovery values” from stripped electronics range between 1.50 to 2 U.S. dollars Page 134 →per machine. At the same time, these values are unstable, and because newer electronics contain fewer valuable metals and are now comprised of even more plastics, material prices are even lower than before.[14] The markets for salvaged goods also frequently fluctuate due to the changing relations between sites of manufacture and consumption, as well as the relatively minor contribution that recycled materials make to the overall supply of materials to manufacturing.[15] Many recyclers attempt to make up for these potentially erratic movements in value by trading in considerable volumes of scrap. Electronics returns to another economy of abundance—similar to the microchips discussed in the first chapter—where large volumes of electronic scrap are the most certain way to realize profits. At the scrap stage, disassembled electronics become important for their volumes of copper, gold, or steel. This is technology measured by the ton, a strange reversal of the apparent dematerialization that once characterized these electronics.
原材料是从废弃的电子产品中打捞出来的，通常由拾荒者手工打捞，其工作条件与本章开头提到的类似。大部分回收材料的售价低于每磅 1 美元。 [13] 国际电子回收商协会的一份报告指出，剥离电子产品的 "商品回收价值 "介于每台机器 1.50 美元至 2 美元之间。与此同时，这些价值并不稳定，而且由于较新的电子产品所含贵重金属较少，现在由更多塑料组成，材料价格甚至比以前更低。 [14] 由于制造地和消费地之间的关系不断变化，以及回收材料在整个制造材料供应中所占比例相对较小，回收物品的市场也经常出现波动。 [15] 许多回收商试图通过大量的废料交易来弥补这些潜在的价值波动。电子产品又回到了另一种丰裕经济--类似于第一章中讨论的微芯片--大量的电子废料是实现利润的最可靠方式。在废料阶段，拆解的电子产品因其铜、金或钢的数量而变得重要。这是一种以吨计算的技术，与这些电子产品曾经明显的非物质化特征形成了奇怪的反差。

Waste, in this respect, becomes a kind of “ore,” something held in large inventories and sourced from distinct areas.[16] The gathering of this ore is a project involving considerable labor. Materials are stripped and worked, altered and extracted, burned and soldered, fried and dipped. Much of this salvage work is carried out by waste workers in developing countries, who process materials in relatively informal and small-scale settings. The informal sector of waste work is, on the whole, not very well documented. But from Delhi, India, to Guangdong, China, many stages of transformation and “recovery” take place within the movement of electronic waste. Environmental scholars Ravi Agarwal and Kishore Wankhade, who work with Toxics Link, an organization that focuses on electronic waste, discuss how Delhi, India, has become a recycling center: “The presence of upstream markets, local entrepreneurship, and tiny-scale industries have made it a prime spot for trading recovering, reprocessing, and selling waste.”[17]
在这方面，废弃物成为了一种 "矿石"，一种拥有大量库存、来自不同地区的东西。 [16] 收集这些矿石是一项涉及大量劳动的工程。材料被剥离和加工、改变和提取、燃烧和焊接、油炸和浸渍。发展中国家的废品收购人员从事着大量的回收工作，他们在相对非正规和小规模的环境中处理材料。总体而言，非正规部门的废物处理工作并没有得到很好的记录。但是，从印度德里到中国广东，在电子废物的流动过程中发生了许多阶段的转化和 "回收"。环境学者拉维-阿加瓦尔（Ravi Agarwal）和基肖尔-万哈德（Kishore Wankhade）在专注于电子废弃物的组织 "有毒链接"（Toxics Link）工作，他们讨论了印度德里如何成为一个回收中心："上游市场的存在、当地的创业精神和小规模的工业使其成为交易回收、再加工和销售废物的首选之地"。 [17]

While many of the salvage and recycling operations for electronic waste take place in backyards and alleys, this informal sector exists in a close relationship with the more formal and mainstream economic channels for material distribution. Electronic waste may be collected in formal and recognized routes for waste handling, but in the process of its disposal, shipping, salvage, and scrapping, it circulates into more informal economies and “gray” markets.[18] Well-established channels for importing used electronics exist in India and beyond. Electronic waste circulates from developed countries (including the United States, Europe, and Page 135 →parts of Asia) through transit points spanning from Dubai to Singapore, passing through as undefined scrap in order to ease the customs process in ports ranging from Delhi to Lagos.
虽然许多电子废物的打捞和回收作业都是在后院和小巷进行的，但这一非正规部门与更为正规和主流的物资流通经济渠道有着密切的关系。电子废弃物可以通过正规和公认的废弃物处理渠道收集，但在处理、运输、打捞和报废过程中，电子废弃物会进入更非正规的经济和 "灰色 "市场。 [18] 在印度和其他国家，废旧电子产品的进口渠道非常完善。电子废弃物从发达国家（包括美国、欧洲和第 135 页 → 亚洲部分地区）通过从迪拜到新加坡的过境点进行流通，在德里到拉各斯的港口以未定义废料的形式通过，以简化海关程序。

Shipping containers stacked with obsolete electronics are routed and rerouted from transit point to port, labeled and relabeled as various forms of scrap or raw materials. The dismantling of electronics occurs as much through these infrastructures and routes as it does through the stripping of machines. Electronics are not labeled as waste but, instead, often travel through this more formless category of scrap. It is this same category of scrap that allows recyclers from developing countries to rescind responsibility for what happens to used electronics, for at this point, the electronics have transformed, magically, into little more than spare parts. Yet there are still many stages left in the dismantling, salvaging, and recycling of these machines. The salvage transformations that electronics undergo on their “route to the recycler” include the process of waste dealers first determining whether the machine is reusable and, if not, its potential price by weight. Machines then may be resold or scrapped, and if scrapped, they are separated into component parts, from monitors and memory to keyboards and motherboards, wires and casings, microchips and peripherals.[19] Here is the machine in pieces, where hard drives, CPUs, monitors, and chips are stripped and redistributed in secondhand markets. When all working components are extracted, the machines are then stripped for scrap. Copper wires are stripped from their housing, where hours of work may yield mountains of material but only a few dollars in return. Chips are methodically removed from circuit boards and drenched in acid baths to remove specks of gold. Waste pickers strip away at these machines that are not designed for disassembly, uncovering their toxic insides through equally toxic means of removal. They receive for their labor often just enough money to maintain a subsistence-level existence.
堆满废旧电子产品的集装箱从中转站到港口，被贴上标签又重新贴上标签，成为各种形式的废品或原材料。电子产品的拆解和机器的拆卸一样，都是通过这些基础设施和路线进行的。电子产品并没有被贴上废弃物的标签，相反，它们往往被归入废料这一更为无形的类别。也正是这一类废料，让发展中国家的回收商可以不对废旧电子产品的去向负责，因为在这一点上，电子产品已经神奇地变成了备件而已。然而，这些机器的拆解、打捞和回收仍有许多阶段。电子产品在 "送往回收商的途中 "所经历的回收转化过程包括：废物处理商首先确定机器是否可再利用，如果不可再利用，则按重量计算其潜在价格。然后，机器可能会被转售或报废，如果报废，它们会被拆分成不同的部件，从显示器和内存到键盘和主板、电线和外壳、微芯片和外围设备。 [19] 这里是机器的碎片，硬盘、CPU、显示器和芯片在这里被剥离，并在二手市场上重新分配。当所有工作部件都被提取出来后，这些机器就会被剥离成废品。铜线被从外壳中剥离出来，几个小时的工作可能会产生堆积如山的材料，但回报却只有几美元。芯片被有条不紊地从电路板上取下，浸泡在酸液中，以去除金点。拾荒者剥离这些并非为拆卸而设计的机器，通过同样有毒的拆卸方式揭开其有毒的内部。 他们的劳动所得往往仅够维持生计。

Multiple material transformations and exchanges take place in the salvaging of these discarded electronics. At every stage in the movement of electronic waste, material is extracted and repurposed. Electronics fall apart and are stripped and salvaged; but the spaces through which electronics move play a significant role in the process of that dissolution. The circulation of waste through spaces of remainder is a critical part of the material textures of electronic decay. The movement of waste and the different methods for processing waste span from collection and transport to assorted stages of disposal, which entail everything from incineration Page 136 →and recycling to dumping and exportation.[20] Exportation of waste is often discussed as an unviable method of waste handling, yet it is a common way in which materials are displaced. Indeed, while discussions of waste handling are often restricted to the more obvious channels of dumping and recycling, there are numerous other circuits through which rubbish moves, from reuse to salvaging. Objects that are used or used up do not necessarily issue straight for the dump. Secondhand goods, from clothing to furniture, may be repurposed in a number of ways. At the same time, these more innocuous goods move in different ways than goods that have a high level of toxicity, such as electronic waste.[21] As this mapping of the disassembly of electronic waste suggests, secondhand objects do not always circulate as benign objects capable of reuse.
在打捞这些废弃电子产品的过程中，发生了多种物质转换和交换。在电子废弃物流动的每个阶段，材料都会被提取和重新利用。电子产品分解、剥离和打捞，但电子产品流动的空间在分解过程中发挥着重要作用。废弃物在剩余空间中的循环是电子产品衰变的物质纹理的重要组成部分。废弃物的流动和不同的处理方法涵盖了从收集、运输到各种处理阶段，其中包括从焚烧、回收利用到倾倒和出口等各个环节。 [20] 废物出口经常被认为是一种不可行的废物处理方法，但这却是一种常见的材料转移方式。事实上，尽管关于废物处理的讨论往往局限于倾倒和回收这两种较为明显的渠道，但从再利用到打捞，垃圾的流动还有许多其他途径。使用过或用完的物品并不一定直接扔进垃圾场。从服装到家具等二手物品可以通过多种方式重新利用。同时，与电子垃圾等毒性较高的物品相比，这些无害物品的移动方式也有所不同。 [21] 正如电子垃圾拆解图所示，二手物品并不总是作为可以再利用的良性物品流通。

Recirculation and recuperation are strategies essential to the movement of commodities such as electronics, but these processes are often opaque. They take place in informal economic sectors, in peripheral landscapes, performed by workers in developing countries. Recirculation also involves the transformation and conversion of materials. As John Frow suggests, “the conversion processes by which things pass from one state into another” is a critical area of material culture yet to be explored fully.[22] The processes of disposing of and destroying things not only lead to the conversion and transformation of materials but also potentially contribute to the mobility and circulation of those materials.[23] These processes may be more or less accelerated. But the conversion process and the spaces through which electronics move are replete with remainder.
再循环和再利用是电子产品等商品流通必不可少的战略，但这些过程往往是不透明的。它们发生在非正规经济部门，发生在边缘地带，由发展中国家的工人进行。再循环还涉及材料的转化和转换。正如约翰-弗洛（John Frow）所言，"事物从一种状态进入另一种状态的转换过程 "是物质文化中一个尚待充分探索的关键领域。 [22] 处理和销毁物品的过程不仅会导致材料的转换和转化，还可能会促进这些材料的流动和循环。 [23] 这些过程或多或少会加快。但是，转换过程和电子产品流动的空间充满了剩余。

Material disassembly and conversion does not just enable circulation, moreover. Circulation may also further contribute to the transformation of goods, particularly through a decline in value or fall in status. Once commodities such as electronics travel to developing countries, they migrate toward the rubbish category just by virtue of passing across this geopolitical and economic divide. As anthropologist Michael Taussig suggests, commodities that turn up in developing countries almost automatically acquire this sense of the outmoded. It is the circulation of these objects to developing countries that “releases” the “atmosphere” of objects, imbuing them with the quality of the “recently outmoded.”[24] Objects manufactured in developing countries, as well as discarded objects from the developed countries, are left to molder as “relics of modernity.”[25] Outmoded objects, together with toxins and waste, are cast off in this terrain that operates as a global landfill as much as a record for the fallout from modernity. However, through this record, the “power Page 137 →of ghosts embedded in the commodities created by yesteryear's technology”[26] come to light, revealing, at once, the promises initially offered by commodities as well as the remainder and resources that issue from maintaining the repetitive force of progress.
此外，物质拆解和转换并不只是为了流通。流通还可能进一步促进商品的转化，特别是通过价值下降或地位下降。一旦电子产品等商品流向发展中国家，它们就会因跨越地缘政治和经济鸿沟而被归入垃圾类别。正如人类学家迈克尔-陶西格（Michael Taussig）所说，在发展中国家出现的商品几乎会自动获得这种过时感。正是这些物品在发展中国家的流通 "释放 "了物品的 "氛围"，使其具有 "新近过时 "的特质。 [24] 发展中国家制造的物品以及发达国家废弃的物品被当作 "现代遗物"，任其发霉。 [25] 过时的物品，连同毒素和废弃物，都被丢弃在这片土地上，这里既是全球垃圾填埋场，也是现代性后果的记录地。然而，通过这种记录，"昔日技术创造的商品中蕴含的幽灵的力量" [26] 显现出来，同时揭示了商品最初提供的承诺，以及维持进步的重复力量所产生的剩余和资源。

In addition to salvaging the material residues and peripheral geographies connected to electronic waste, it is also possible to salvage these more mythic remainders from obsolete commodities. Contained in outmoded objects are these obscured dimensions (of politics, economics, resources) that inevitably resurface with the death of the commodity. Waste pickers who salvage through the remains of dead electronics do not necessarily have the luxury of entertaining the wish fulfillment these devices promised; instead, in salvaging and recycling these machines, they reveal how these promised wishes fall apart. By stripping, salvaging, and recycling electronics to a condition of formlessness (only to be reformed), it is possible to see both the expanded materialities of these devices and the layers of politics, economies, and ecologies that sediment through them.
除了打捞与电子垃圾相关的物质残留物和边缘地理环境，还可以从过时的商品中打捞这些更具神话色彩的残留物。过时的物品中包含着这些被掩盖的层面（政治、经济、资源），它们不可避免地随着商品的消亡而重新浮现。拾荒者通过打捞废弃电子产品的残骸，并不一定能奢望这些设备能实现他们的愿望；相反，在打捞和回收这些机器的过程中，他们揭示了这些许诺的愿望是如何破灭的。通过对电子产品进行剥离、打捞和回收，使其达到一种无形的状态（只是为了进行改造），我们有可能看到这些设备的扩展物质性，以及通过它们沉淀的政治、经济和生态的层次。

Recycling and Dumping
回收和倾倒

As already discussed, the process of salvage precedes recycling, as a way to strip machines of any operable parts and ready materials for transformation and return to the status of (relatively) raw materials. Distinct materials and components are extracted from electronics, from chips to copper and gold. Waste workers in developing countries employ hammers to smash cathode-ray tubes to extract copper; they heat circuit boards to remove chips; they soak these same boards in acid baths to remove gold; they extract motors from printers; they refill printing cartridges; they smash and chip plastic for melting and recovery; they strip and burn PVC wires to extract copper or aluminum; they separate hard disks to retrieve copper, aluminum, and magnets.[27] Recycling marks the transfer of these salvaged items back to production, where the metals, the plastics, and the working components are reintegrated into circuits of use. As discussed in chapter 3 however, even more than a return to production, recycling marks a return to wasting. While recycling appears to be a way to rid ourselves of remainder, to incorporate neatly all that is leftover, it in fact performs a deferral and inevitable return to the death of objects.
如前所述，抢救过程先于回收过程，这是一种剥离机器任何可操作部件的方法，也是一种将材料转化并恢复到（相对）原材料状态的方法。从电子产品中提取不同的材料和部件，从芯片到铜和金。发展中国家的废品工人用锤子敲碎阴极射线管以提取铜；他们加热电路板以取出芯片；他们将这些电路板浸泡在酸液中以取出金；他们从打印机中提取电机；他们重新填充打印墨盒；他们敲碎塑料并将其切碎以熔化和回收；他们剥离并烧毁聚氯乙烯电线以提取铜或铝；他们分离硬盘以提取铜、铝和磁铁。 [27] 回收标志着将这些回收物品转回生产，在生产过程中，金属、塑料和工作部件被重新整合到使用电路中。然而，正如第 3 章所讨论的，回收不仅仅是回归生产，更是回归浪费。虽然回收利用看似是一种摆脱剩余物的方式，将所有剩余物整齐地纳入其中，但它实际上是对物品死亡的一种推迟和不可避免的回归。

The transformation of waste to raw material through recycling is a Page 138 →way in which commodities become formless in order to be reformed. Recycling does not remove remainder or wastage; instead, it displaces and transforms waste.[28] The myth that waste may be recycled without remainder, instantly, into newly productive systems, presents a political and environmental dilemma. Not only does recycling rely on “economically viable markets” that, as Van Loon and Sabelis note, can actually take up recycled material for use in production; it also depends on the speculative “future profits” that will derive from “present waste.”[29] The time between waste and recycling is supposed to be minimal, as though the fallout from linear growth may be recuperated in a cyclical time to feed back into that linear time. This collision of temporalities can present a key problem for recycling.[30] Within this equation, there is the problem presented by the assumed remainder-free and instant recuperation of waste, as well as the problem of the assumed remainder-free status of renewed production. In this model, the management of waste, its return to recycling, is a “displacement.”[31] However, this displacement is not directed toward a space “outside” the “system” but, rather, occurs within systems, across temporalities, and even in fictional futures. As discussed earlier, remainder “directs us,” even as we displace and attempt to reintegrate it. Remainder acquires a duration and delay, circulates through spaces, and undergoes material deformation and transformation, but it persists, nonetheless, in one form or another, as an ineradicable dust. Recycling, in this sense, is never complete and always generates even more waste.
通过循环利用将废物转化为原材料，是一种将商品变为无形以进行改造的方式。回收利用并不能消除剩余或浪费，相反，它是对废物的置换和转化。 [28] 那种认为废弃物可以无剩余、立即被回收利用并转化为新的生产系统的神话，带来了政治和环境上的困境。回收利用不仅依赖于 "经济上可行的市场"，正如 Van Loon 和 Sabelis 所指出的那样，这些市场能够真正将回收材料用于生产；它还依赖于从 "现在的废物 "中获得的投机性 "未来利润"。 [29] 废弃物和回收之间的时间应该是最短的，就好像线性增长的后果可以在周期性的时间内得到恢复，并反馈到线性时间中。这种时间性的碰撞会给回收利用带来关键问题。 [30] 在这个等式中，存在着假定废物无剩余和即时回收的问题，以及假定再生产无剩余的问题。在这个模型中，废物的管理、废物的回收再利用是一种 "置换"。 [31] 然而，这种位移并不是指向 "系统 "之外的空间，而是发生在系统内部，跨越时空，甚至是虚构的未来。如前所述，剩余物 "指引着我们"，即使我们将其置换并试图将其重新整合。剩余物具有持续时间和延迟性，在空间中循环往复，经历物质变形和转变，但它仍然以这样或那样的形式存在着，成为不可磨灭的尘埃。从这个意义上说，循环利用永远不会完成，总会产生更多的废物。

While the majority of recycling takes place in the developing countries, some recycling, particularly initial salvage, takes place in developed countries. Electronics recycling facilities range in size and sophistication of operation. Some operations consist of a few workers who strip machines of particular components for reuse and then ship machines onward. Other operations shred entire machines. The latter process, considered by some to be one of the more advanced methods for dealing with electronic waste, consists of shredding everything into dust and separating these minute fragments into scrap categories based on their material composition.[32] In this process, materials are purposefully driven to a state of dust, as the ideal unit of recuperation. Dust that most closely approximates raw materials may then be shipped to manufacturing markets for reuse. But once again, the reuse of these materials depends on ongoing manufacturing and consumer demand. Without this demand, even the most advanced of recycling methods does little more than convert materials into idle raw materials. Whether recycling methods are Page 139 →“high-tech” ways of generating dust or consist of more dangerous methods of burning leftover electronics to render these materials to dust,[33] the spaces and material sediments bundled into electronics do not transform into waste-free futures.
虽然大部分回收活动是在发展中国家进行的，但也有一些回收活动，特别是初始回收活动是在发达国家进行的。电子产品回收设施的规模和运作的复杂程度各不相同。有些回收机构只有几名工人，他们将机器的特定部件拆卸下来以便再利用，然后将机器运走。其他回收机构则将整台机器粉碎。后一种工艺被一些人认为是处理电子废弃物的更先进方法之一，包括将所有东西粉碎成灰尘，然后根据材料成分将这些微小的碎片分成不同的废料类别。 [32] 在这一过程中，材料被有意识地驱赶到灰尘状态，作为理想的回收单位。最接近原材料的粉尘可以运往制造市场进行再利用。但是，这些材料的再利用再次取决于制造业和消费者的持续需求。如果没有这种需求，即使是最先进的回收方法，也只能将材料转化为闲置的原材料。无论回收方法是以 "高科技 "的方式产生灰尘，还是以更危险的方式焚烧剩余的电子产品，使这些材料变成灰尘， [33] ，电子产品所包含的空间和材料沉积物都不会变成无废物的未来。

The contradiction, of course, is that electronics are rendered functionless if they are contaminated with even a speck of dust during manufacture. As discussed earlier, dust threatens the functioning of these machines, yet dust returns as a definitive mark of the materiality and temporality of electronics. Indeed, as cultural historian Carolyn Steedman suggests, dust is a mark of the past and of the “imperishability of matter, through all the stages of growth and decay.” Dust is a reminder that “Nothing goes away.”[34] Steedman goes so far to suggest that dust “is not about Waste” but, instead, “is about circularity, the impossibility of things disappearing, or going away, or being gone.”[35] Through this study on electronic waste, however, I suggest that dust and waste are not mutually exclusive categories—that dust, far from constituting the “opposite thing to waste,”[36] actually increases our understanding of waste as a process involving transformation and remainder, not erasure through expenditure. Even within electronics, which are guided by a sense of the apparent ease of dematerialization and erasure, it is possible to observe just how persistent remainder is.
当然，矛盾之处在于，如果电子产品在制造过程中沾染了哪怕一丁点灰尘，它们就会失去功能。如前所述，灰尘威胁着这些机器的功能，但灰尘又是电子产品物质性和时间性的明确标志。事实上，正如文化历史学家卡罗琳-斯蒂德曼（Carolyn Steedman）所言，灰尘是过去的印记，也是 "物质在所有生长和衰变阶段的不朽性 "的印记。灰尘提醒人们 "一切都不会消失"。 [34] 斯蒂德曼甚至认为，灰尘 "与废弃无关"，而是 "与循环性有关，与事物消失、消失或正在消失的不可能性有关"。 [35] 然而，通过对电子废弃物的研究，我认为灰尘和废弃物并不是相互排斥的范畴--灰尘远非构成 "与废弃物相反的东西"， [36] ，实际上增加了我们对废弃物的理解，即废弃物是一个涉及转化和剩余的过程，而不是通过消耗来消除的过程。即使是在电子产品中，由于非物质化和抹去显然很容易，我们也可以观察到剩余物是多么持久。

Processes of salvage, recuperation, and recycling are attempts to address this intractable remainder and where it goes. Yet electronics recycling not only creates renewed remainder and waste; it is also, as the Basel Action Network suggests, “a misleading characterization of many disparate practices—including de-manufacturing, dismantling, shredding, burning, exporting, etc.—that is mostly unregulated and often creates additional hazards itself.”[37] Recycling potentially unleashes even more hazards to workers and environment, as toxic materials are used throughout the salvaging and breakdown of machines. Even with these dubious recycling methods, only a fraction of electronics actually enters the reuse, salvage, and recycling stream, with as little as 11 percent of all electronics being processed for recycling in the United States.[38] Many of these machines are divested from large institutions and corporations, which are required to recycle their equipment. But many current recycling practices are difficult to trace fully, and depending upon the methods used may generate effects that are as toxic as, if not worse than, landfilling. As the Basel Action Network indicates, the remaining electronic waste stream is sent to landfills or incinerators.[39]
抢救、回收和再循环过程就是试图解决这一棘手的剩余物及其去向问题。然而，电子产品的回收利用不仅会产生新的剩余物和废物，而且正如巴塞尔行动网络所指出的那样，"它是对许多不同做法的误导性描述--包括去制造、拆解、粉碎、焚烧、出口等--这些做法大多不受监管，而且本身往往会产生额外的危害"。 [37] 回收利用可能会对工人和环境造成更大的危害，因为在抢救和分解机器的整个过程中会使用有毒材料。即使采用了这些可疑的回收方法，也只有一小部分电子产品真正进入了再利用、打捞和回收流程，在美国，只有 11% 的电子产品被处理后用于回收。 [38] 其中许多机器是从大型机构和公司剥离出来的，这些机构和公司必须回收它们的设备。但是，目前的许多回收做法很难完全追踪，而且根据所使用的方法，可能会产生与垃圾填埋一样的毒性，甚至比垃圾填埋更糟。正如巴塞尔行动网络所指出的，剩余的电子废物流被送往垃圾填埋场或焚化炉。 [39]

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The dump is a site where we encounter this fossil record in high relief. Garbologists picking through the recent remains of consumer culture or waste pickers in developing countries both work with the accelerated fossils of electronics. Sifting through these dead electronics—the sediment from compulsive upgrades—waste pickers may discover that the electronic mode of decay does not extend to rot but, rather, to leakage and contamination. These devices enjoy a plastic persistence and know nothing of biodegradability. Electronic material does not admit for total decay, even though the Long Now Foundation has established, through its “Digital Dark Ages” project, that digital media, including CDs, tapes, and files, all functionally decay typically within a matter of five years. Rates of decay may even accelerate in tropical climates, where VHS tapes have become almost completely obsolete, as the humidity creeps through magnetic plastic tape to render it inoperable. Yet, from the initial rendering of inoperability to a state of complete dust, there is a protracted process of wasting, decay, and sedimentation. This sediment develops not just through the making of goods but also through their unmaking.
垃圾场是我们与这种化石记录亲密接触的地方。服装学家或发展中国家的拾荒者在拾取近期消费文化的残骸时，都会接触到电子产品的加速化石。拾荒者在筛选这些死亡的电子产品--强迫升级产生的沉积物时可能会发现，电子产品的衰变模式并不包括腐烂，而是泄漏和污染。这些设备具有塑料的持久性，不具备生物降解性。尽管 Long Now 基金会通过其 "数字黑暗时代 "项目证实，包括 CD、磁带和文件在内的数字媒体通常在 5 年内就会功能衰减，但电子材料并不承认会完全衰减。在热带气候条件下，衰减速度甚至会加快，VHS 录像带几乎已经完全过时，因为潮湿会腐蚀磁性塑料带，使其无法使用。然而，从最初的无法使用到完全尘封，还有一个旷日持久的损耗、腐烂和沉淀过程。这种沉淀不仅是在制造物品的过程中形成的，也是在解除制造过程中形成的。

In the dump, electronics cohabitate with indiscriminate landfill refuse. Whether at the end of the recycling process in developing countries or at the end of life in developed countries, electronics that do not undergo salvage and recuperation instead migrate to the dump. Electronic waste may travel the ocean as it passes into networks of recycling, but even such distribution is not enough to ensure that material will be reused. A large quantity of electronics sent for recycling in developing countries is in fact dumped instead of recycled, as the process of recycling proves to be too cumbersome or unprofitable. “In open fields, along riverbanks, ponds, wetlands, in rivers, and in irrigation ditches,” the Basel Action Network documents, you will find “leaded CRT glass, burned or acid-reduced circuit boards, mixed, dirty plastics including mylar and videotape, toner cartridges, and considerable material apparently too difficult to separate.”[40] These materials, together with the residues of ash and acids from electronics recycling, are scattered across landscapes in developing countries that are, in many cases, the global landfills for developed countries.
在垃圾场中，电子产品与无差别的填埋垃圾混杂在一起。无论是在发展中国家的回收过程结束时，还是在发达国家的使用寿命结束时，没有经过抢救和回收处理的电子产品都会进入垃圾场。电子垃圾在进入回收网络时可能会漂洋过海，但即使是这样的分布也不足以确保材料得到再利用。在发展中国家，由于回收过程过于繁琐或无利可图，大量送去回收的电子产品实际上不是被回收，而是被倾倒。巴塞尔行动网络的文件指出，"在空地、河岸、池塘、湿地、河流和灌溉沟渠中"，你会发现 "含铅显像管玻璃、烧毁或酸性还原的电路板、混合的脏塑料（包括胶片和录像带）、墨粉盒以及大量显然难以分离的材料"。 [40] "这些材料，连同电子产品回收产生的灰烬和酸的残留物，散落在发展中国家的土地上，而在许多情况下，这些土地就是发达国家的全球垃圾填埋场。

The version of dumping found in these cases is an open dump, in contrast to the sanitary landfills and incinerators of developed countries. But even in the space of the relatively impermeable landfill, now the most common method for waste disposal, heterogeneous materials mix in an equally indiscriminate way. The architecture of the landfill accretes Page 141 →through the sedimentation of trash, layers covered with earth and compacted into airless cells. The landfill settles, shifts, and subsides, generating methane gases and carbon dioxide. Material of any sort, whether paper or diapers, electronics or food scraps, is buried together in a space of “seemingly final disposal.”[41] But this shifting architecture decomposes into the soil to expel greenhouse gases and heavy metal runoff, as well as intractable and scattered objects that refuse to decay.
与发达国家的卫生填埋场和焚化炉相比，这些情况下的倾倒方式是露天倾倒。但是，即使是在目前最常见的垃圾处理方式--相对不透水的垃圾填埋场的空间里，异质材料也会以同样不加区分的方式混合在一起。垃圾填埋场的结构是通过垃圾的沉积、土层的覆盖和无空气单元的压实而形成的。垃圾填埋场会沉降、移动和下沉，产生甲烷气体和二氧化碳。各种材料，无论是纸张还是尿布，无论是电子产品还是食物残渣，都被一起掩埋在一个 "看似最终处理 "的空间里。 [41] 但这种不断变化的结构会分解到土壤中，排出温室气体和重金属径流，以及难以处理的、散落的、拒绝腐烂的物品。

Disposal may be “seemingly final,” yet there are still multiple ways in which waste may be recuperated and in which remainder may resurface. Indeed, the seeming finality of the dump has been the source of inspiration for various proposals to redesign the dump as a space of storage, reuse, and flow. “Sorted dumps” have been one way to imagine organizing dumps according to materials and location, so that they may be more efficiently mined in the future.[42] A dump is, on one level, a repository of ore for possible future use. To this extent, the dump, as proposed by some, may even be obsolete, an ancient and inefficient way of dealing with abandoned materials. Mira Engler describes proposals by Dutch landscape architects to use dumps as “transit points,” or as a “temporary storage space,” where materials are stored for eventual recycling. Even more, these landfills may become the next mines, where instead of dismantling entire mountains for minerals, we can turn to these hills of consumption to extract materials.[43] Presented in these future visions for more ideal dumps is the persistent presence of waste as an “unwanted surplus”[44] that may at sometime become valuable again. Yet this vision relies on the persistent belief in some future ability to manage waste free of remainder: if we are not able to solve our waste or environment dilemmas today, they will no doubt become “technologically manageable” in the future.[45] Continuously present in these model future dumps is the question of remainder. Remainder is present in the form of leftover electronic scraps, as well as the irreversible effects of pollution and the damaging disparities that can emerge through the unequal economies of waste handling and dumping.
垃圾处理可能 "看似终结"，但仍有多种方式可以对垃圾进行回收利用，剩余部分也可能重新出现。事实上，垃圾场的 "看似终结 "一直是各种将垃圾场重新设计为储存、再利用和流动空间的建议的灵感来源。"分类垃圾场 "是根据材料和地点对垃圾场进行组织的一种想象方式，以便在未来对其进行更有效的开采。 [42] 从某种程度上说，垃圾场是一个矿石储存库，供未来使用。从这个意义上讲，有些人提出的垃圾场甚至可能已经过时，是一种古老而低效的处理废弃材料的方式。米拉-恩格勒（Mira Engler）描述了荷兰景观建筑师提出的将垃圾场用作 "中转站 "或 "临时储存空间 "的建议，在这里储存材料，以便最终回收利用。更有甚者，这些垃圾填埋场可能会成为下一个矿场，在这里，我们不再需要拆除整座山来寻找矿产，而是可以从这些消耗的山丘中提取材料。 [43] 在这些关于更理想垃圾场的未来愿景中，垃圾作为一种 "不需要的剩余物 " [44] ，始终存在，并有可能在某个时候重新变得有价值。然而，这一愿景依赖于人们始终相信未来有能力对废物进行无剩余管理：如果我们今天无法解决废物或环境困境，那么毫无疑问，它们在未来将变得 "技术上可管理"。 [45] 余料问题一直存在于这些未来垃圾场模型中。剩余物的形式包括剩余的电子废料、污染造成的不可逆转的影响，以及废物处理和倾倒的不平等经济可能造成的破坏性差异。

As this tour through the circuits of electronic waste further attests, the dump is a “seemingly final” space of disposal in yet another sense, as the extended effects of commodities persist well beyond burial. Even when capped under the ground, these materials belch and leach and generate pollution and methane through their decomposition. The most fluid of proposals for the reintegration and recycling of waste still generates an intractable spread and persistence of pollution. Indeed, as the Basel Page 142 →Action Network indicates, “About 70% of heavy metals (including mercury and cadmium) found in landfills come from electronic discards.”[46] Just as the production of electronics involves the release of numerous hazardous materials into the environment, so recycling and dumping of electronics unleashes a tide of pollutants, from lead and cadmium to mercury, brominated flame retardants, arsenic, and beryllium that spread through the soil and enter the groundwater. From manufacture to final decay, electronics seep into the aquifer and subsoil, settling into longer orders of time and more enduring chemical-material conditions.
正如这次电子垃圾循环之旅进一步证明的那样，垃圾场在另一种意义上是一个 "看似最终 "的处理空间，因为商品的延伸影响在掩埋之后仍然存在。即使被掩埋在地下，这些材料仍会嗳气、渗漏，并在分解过程中产生污染和甲烷。关于废物再整合和再循环的最流畅的建议，仍然会产生难以解决的污染扩散和持久性。事实上，正如巴塞尔第 142 页 → 行动网络所指出的，"在垃圾填埋场发现的重金属（包括汞和镉）中，约 70% 来自电子废弃物"。 [46] 正如电子产品的生产过程会向环境释放大量有害物质一样，电子产品的回收和倾倒也会释放出大量污染物，从铅和镉到汞、溴化阻燃剂、砷和铍，这些污染物会通过土壤扩散并进入地下水。从制造到最终腐烂，电子产品渗入含水层和底土，沉淀为更长的时间序列和更持久的化学材料条件。

When operable, electronics hardly seem to constitute a form of hazardous waste. Perhaps it is for this same reason that electronic waste is not always agreed on as a form of hazardous waste.[47] Yet each of the materials listed in the preceding paragraph is known to have deleterious effects on humans and environments.[48] The substances contained within electronics are precarious. They leak and spread, contaminating that which they touch. Yet another form of dematerialization, then, takes place with electronics, where the boundaries of objects break down, eroding and corroding other materials. At the same time, electronics perform another sort of rematerialization through pollution and through remainder. “Pollution surprises,” writes anthropologist Marilyn Strathern, “by its untoward nature, an unlooked for return; yet those involved in the activity of waste disposal know that one cannot dispose of waste, only convert it into something else within its own life.”[49] It may be possible to recycle or transform materials such as electronics into raw materials, component parts, or adaptable architectures. But in these conversion and salvage practices, it is inevitable that pollution, residue, and remainder will persist. No amount of future reintegration or reuse can negate the present effects of waste.[50]
电子产品在可操作的情况下，似乎很难构成一种形式的危险废物。也许正是因为这个原因，电子废物并不总是被一致认为是一种危险废物。 [47] 然而，上一段中列出的每种材料都已知会对人类和环境造成有害影响。 [48] 电子产品中含有的物质岌岌可危。它们会泄漏和扩散，污染所接触的环境。因此，电子产品又是另一种形式的非物质化，物体的边界被打破，侵蚀和腐蚀其他材料。与此同时，电子产品还通过污染和剩余物进行另一种再物质化。"人类学家玛丽莲-斯特拉森（Marilyn Strathern）写道："污染令人吃惊，因为它具有不可逆的性质，是一种无法预料的回报；然而，参与废物处理活动的人都知道，人们无法处理废物，只能在其自身的生命中将其转化为其他东西"。 [49] 也许可以将电子产品等材料回收或转化为原材料、零部件或可改造的建筑。但是，在这些转换和抢救实践中，污染、残留物和剩余物将不可避免地持续存在。无论将来如何重新整合或再利用，都无法消除废物目前造成的影响。 [50]

The presence of waste and remainder suggest that we should direct our attention to the ways that things fall apart, the material textures of their decay, and what is left over. Only by turning to these processes of dematerialization, or demattering, is it possible to attend to the complex material effects of electronics. Analyzing the ways in which things—here, electronics—fall apart is critical for developing a more thorough understanding of their processes of materialization. In this respect, Buchli argues, “What is more important probably is not to study the materializations themselves but rather what was wasted towards these rapid and increasingly ephemeral materializations.”[51] These processes of materialization extend to the “cultural work” that informs how objects Page 143 →dematerialize and transform to rubbish. Through such a study of digital rubbish, it may be possible to capture material culture more fully—not as fixed and settled, but as contingent, ephemeral, and even wasting.[52] As this chapter attempts to document, the wasting that occurs through these processes of materialization has a texture and remainder that cannot simply be erased from the material record. Electronic waste directs us toward these materializations and reminds us that irreversibility and remainder challenge the prevailing models of “waste management,” which do not account for remainder. This same remainder and irreversibility create a fossil record. These fossils, the record of transience that accretes and does not reintegrate into a renewed story of technological evolution, allow us to consider “what was wasted” in these materializations.
废弃物和剩余物的存在表明，我们应该关注事物的分解方式、衰变的物质纹理以及剩余物。只有转而关注这些非物质化或去物质化的过程，才有可能关注电子产品复杂的物质效应。分析事物--这里指电子产品--衰变的方式，对于更透彻地理解其物质化过程至关重要。在这方面，布赫利认为，"更重要的可能不是研究物化本身，而是研究在这些快速且日益短暂的物化过程中浪费了什么"。 [51] 这些物化过程延伸到了 "文化工作"，这些 "文化工作 "为物品如何物化和转化为垃圾提供了信息。通过对数字垃圾的这种研究，或许可以更全面地捕捉物质文化--不是固定不变的，而是偶然的、短暂的，甚至是浪费的。 [52] 正如本章试图记录的那样，通过这些物质化过程产生的废弃物具有无法简单地从物质记录中抹去的质地和剩余。电子垃圾将我们引向这些物质化过程，并提醒我们不可逆转性和剩余性挑战着不考虑剩余性的 "垃圾管理 "模式。同样的剩余和不可逆转性创造了化石记录。这些化石记录了瞬息万变的技术演变，但并没有重新融入新的技术演变故事，这让我们能够思考这些物质化过程中 "浪费了什么"。

By picking through the dump and by expanding the scope of salvage practices, it is possible to observe all that was wasted. At the same time, such a formless mass can become something other than the guilt of discards, or fodder for renewed production. The dump, instead, gives rise to new imaginings. “The dump,” as architect Rem Koolhaas suggests, “has potential; it attracts scavengers.”[53] This potential emerges from the apparent formlessness of the dump and its dirt, where objects become indistinct, even putrid. These objects have moved from form to formlessness, yet, as Douglas writes, “formlessness” becomes “an apt symbol of beginning and of growth as it is of decay.”[54] The question Douglas poses from the rubbish is how “dirt, which is normally destructive, sometimes becomes creative.”[55] But as this chapter suggests, such creativity and growth are not simple acts of reintegration and return to production and progress. Instead, the waste that surfaces here requires us to ask how remainder may “direct us” not to simplify things but, instead, to work through the complex layers and effects accreted through materializations. In this way, it may be possible to salvage not just these material relations but also the politics and poetics of matter.[56] The conclusion that follows attempts to open up the possibilities of such an encounter with remainder.
通过捡拾垃圾和扩大打捞实践的范围，可以观察到所有被浪费的东西。与此同时，这些无形的东西也可以成为其他的东西，而不仅仅是废弃物的罪过，或是重新生产的素材。相反，垃圾场还能产生新的想象。"正如建筑师雷姆-库哈斯（Rem Koolhaas）所说，"垃圾场具有潜力，它吸引着清道夫"。 [53] 这种潜力来自于垃圾场及其污垢的明显无形性，在这里，物品变得模糊不清，甚至腐臭。这些物品从有形变成了无形，然而，正如道格拉斯所写，"无形 "成为了 "开始和成长的恰当象征，因为它是腐烂的象征"。 [54] 道格拉斯从垃圾中提出的问题是，"通常具有破坏性的污垢有时是如何变得具有创造性的"。 [55] 但正如本章所言，这种创造性和成长并不是简单的重新整合、回归生产和进步的行为。相反，在此浮现的废弃物要求我们追问，剩余物如何 "指引我们 "不去简化事物，而是通过物化所累积的复杂层次和效果来开展工作。这样，我们或许不仅可以挽救这些物质关系，还可以挽救物质的政治学和诗学。 [56] 接下来的结论试图为这种与剩余物的相遇开辟可能性。

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Conclusion
结论

DIGITAL RUBBISH THEORY
数字垃圾理论

In these reflections on the multiple, on the mix, on the speckled, variegated, tiger-striped, zebra-streaked aggregates, on the crowd, I have attempted to think a new object, multiple in space and mobile in time, unstable and fluctuating like a flame, relational.
在这些对多重、混合、斑点、斑驳、虎纹、斑马纹的集合体、人群的思考中，我试图思考一种新的对象，在空间上多重，在时间上流动，像火焰一样不稳定、波动，具有关联性。

—MICHEL SERRES, Genesis
米歇尔-塞雷斯，《创世纪

If you make a motor turn in reverse, you do not break it: you build a refrigerator.
如果让电机反向旋转，就不会损坏电机：而是制造了一台冰箱。

—MICHEL SERRES, The Parasite
米歇尔-塞雷斯，《寄生虫

Zero Waste
零废弃

Two waste fantasies occupy the imagination of Kevin Lynch at the beginning of his study Wasting Away. These are opposing fantasies, one involving a “waste cacotopia,” a society that produces waste rampantly and profligately, destroying everything it touches. The other involves a waste-free society, where there is “no more garbage, no more sewage; clean air, an unencumbered earth.” In this place, “Plants and animals will be bred to reduce their useless parts: stringless beans, boneless chickens, skinless beets.”[1] There would be no parasites, no weeds, no stray animals, no trash, no dirt, no dust, and “no spills, no breakage, no smoke or smog.” Silence would prevail, and “friction” would be “reduced to the minimum needed to keep us erect and keep things in their place.” As part of this friction-free campaign, “the edges of the continents” would even be “smoothed to reduce the tidal losses.”[2] This vision of a waste-free society seems as startling as the wasteful one. As Lynch writes, “One fantasy has bred another, and neither seems attractive.”[3] Yet it is typically these two polarities that are presented in relation to waste, producing it Page 148 →in abundance, while simultaneously imagining the utopic possibilities of a waste-free society. Perhaps, however, the strange prospect of each of these worlds presents cause for reconsidering the intractability of waste; and by focusing on waste, it may be possible to unearth overlooked relations within the politics and poetics of things.
在凯文-林奇的《浪费》一书的开头，有两个关于浪费的幻想。这是两种截然相反的幻想，一种是 "废物狞托邦"，即一个大肆生产废物、肆意破坏所接触的一切的社会。另一个则是一个没有垃圾的社会，那里 "不再有垃圾，不再有污水；空气清新，大地无污染"。在这个地方，"植物和动物将被培育成减少其无用部分：无线豆、无骨鸡、无皮甜菜"。 [1] 这里没有寄生虫，没有杂草，没有流浪动物，没有垃圾，没有泥土，没有灰尘，"没有泄漏，没有破损，没有烟雾或烟霾"。寂静将占上风，"摩擦 "将 "减少到最低限度，使我们保持直立，并使事物各就各位"。作为无摩擦运动的一部分，"大陆的边缘 "甚至会被 "磨平，以减少潮汐损失"。 [2] 这种无浪费社会的愿景似乎与浪费社会一样令人震惊。正如林奇所写，"一种幻想催生了另一种幻想，而这两种幻想似乎都不具吸引力"。 [3] 然而，正是这两种典型的两极分化在废物问题上呈现出来，一方面产生了大量的废物，另一方面又想象着一个无废物社会的乌托邦可能性。然而，也许这两种世界的奇特前景都为重新思考废物的棘手性提供了理由；而通过关注废物，也许有可能在事物的政治学和诗学中发掘出被忽视的关系。

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Strategies for dealing with waste often proceed by imagining its elimination: a society of “zero waste.” In resonance with the second of the two preceding waste fantasies, zero waste is a concept and movement that has emerged as a response to the profligate wastefulness of Western societies and, in particular, to the wastefulness of manufacturing processes.[4] While the objectives of zero waste—to minimize waste in the waste stream and to develop ways of redesigning industrial processes—are important for addressing waste, “zero” may be a misleading approach to waste. Waste management and sustainable development scenarios typically consist of proposals not just to eliminate but also to make newly productive and profitable the remainders from previous cycles of production and consumption.[5] In these scenarios, the assumption is often made that if markets emulate “nature,” then it may be possible to arrive at perfectly streamlined material economies. In this way, economies may also become “natural.”[6] But the sense of the “natural” at work here is twofold: it is supposed, on the one hand, that the “natural” condition of environmental systems is to be at “harmony” (i.e., nature produces no waste) and, on the other hand, that material economies will ideally emulate and advance such natural harmony through the eventual progress offered by new technologies and systems.
处理废弃物的策略通常是通过想象消除废弃物：一个 "零废弃物 "的社会。零废弃物的概念和运动与前述两种废弃物幻想中的第二种产生了共鸣，它的出现是为了应对西方社会的挥霍浪费，尤其是生产过程中的浪费。 [4] 虽然零废弃物的目标--最大限度地减少废弃物流中的废弃物，并开发重新设计工业流程的方法--对于解决废弃物问题非常重要，但 "零 "可能是一种误导废弃物的方法。废弃物管理和可持续发展方案通常不仅包括消除废弃物的建议，还包括使以往生产和消费周期的剩余物具有新的生产力和盈利能力的建议。 [5] 在这些方案中，人们往往假设，如果市场效仿 "自然"，那么就有可能实现完美的流线型物质经济。这样，经济也可能变得 "自然"。 [6] 但这里的 "自然 "有两层含义：一方面，假定环境系统的 "自然 "条件是 "和谐"（即自然不产生废物）；另一方面，物质经济将通过新技术和新系统的最终进步，理想地模仿和推进这种自然和谐。

Things wear out, fail, and break; systems of value shift and render some things worthless; transience takes hold of even the most enduring artifacts, practices, and places.[7] Rather than encounter waste, failure, and transience as conditions in need of elimination, it may be possible to consider these conditions as constitutive elements of material processes.[8] As I have argued in the pages here, there are multiple ways in which electronics generate waste. Rather than imagine the simple elimination of this waste, I have traced these residues from the fossils of manufacture to the sites of technological imagining. By working through these remainders, I have attempted to demonstrate that waste is more than a heap of defunct objects; it is also a mixture of flickering and mutable relations. Through waste, it is possible to think a “new object.” This natural history of electronics, then, proposes a different sense of the “natural,” which does not purify this category as an (ever-receding) ideal to Page 150 →move toward but, instead, considers how new natures are always in the making, emerging in that fluctuating mix of machines, nonhumans, and people. Wastes, too, are a critical part of this natural history: they are not excrescences to be weeded out at some future date. If waste, as Hawkins suggests, is “inevitable,”[9] this is not because of some tacit agreement with rampant forces of production and consumption but because no society can entirely rid itself of waste. By acknowledging the inevitability of waste, it is possible to think of it not exclusively as a menace to be eradicated but as a formative part of our material lives.
物品会磨损、失效和破损；价值体系会发生变化，使某些物品变得一文不值；即使是最经久耐用的人工制品、实践和场所，也会出现短暂性。 [7] 与其将浪费、失败和短暂视为需要消除的条件，不如将这些条件视为物质过程的构成要素。 [8] 正如我在本文中所论证的，电子产品产生废弃物有多种方式。我没有想象简单地消除这些废弃物，而是将这些残留物从制造的化石追溯到技术想象的现场。通过对这些残留物的研究，我试图证明废弃物不仅仅是一堆失效的物品，它还是一种闪烁和可变关系的混合物。通过废弃物，我们可以思考 "新的物品"。因此，这部电子产品的自然史提出了一种不同意义上的 "自然"，它并没有将这一范畴净化为一种（不断消退的）理想，让我们向其迈进，而是考虑到新的自然是如何始终在制造中，在机器、非人类和人类的波动组合中出现的。废物也是这一自然历史的重要组成部分：它们并不是在未来某一天才被清除的赘生物。如果浪费正如霍金斯所言是 "不可避免的"， [9] ，这并不是因为与猖獗的生产和消费势力达成了某种默契，而是因为没有一个社会能够完全摆脱浪费。承认废弃物的不可避免性，我们就有可能不再将其视为一种需要消除的威胁，而是将其视为我们物质生活的一个组成部分。

Visions of a waste-free future potentially obscure the very conditions through which waste emerges. Once waste is understood as an integral aspect of processes of materialization, it is no longer possible to imagine its complete elimination or to position it simply as raw material to be fed into friction-free futures. Instead, the persistence of waste occurs in part through the unavoidable remainders that do not easily recycle into new systems of production or that are left behind as the pollution and residue from previous activities. Waste does not consist just of the fossils from past cycles of production and consumption; it is also the remainders generated from continually unanticipated futures. When proposals are made for a “solution” to the waste “problem,” waste is often displaced back into the same productive mechanism that produced waste in the first place.[10] But as discussed in chapter 5, such a “discount on the future,” as Van Loon and Sabelis characterize it,[11] does not account for the “costs of irreversibility,”[12] which will contribute to future complexities beyond our present methods of accounting. By appending “zero” to waste, we obstruct the possibility of considering how irreversibility and remainder emerge as integral aspects of waste.[13]
无废物未来的愿景可能会掩盖废物产生的条件本身。一旦将废弃物理解为物质化过程中不可或缺的一个方面，就不再可能想象完全消除废弃物，也不再可能将废弃物简单地定位为可投入无摩擦未来的原材料。相反，废弃物的持续存在部分是通过不可避免的残留物产生的，这些残留物不容易被回收利用到新的生产系统中，或者作为先前活动的污染和残留物被遗留下来。废弃物不仅仅是过去生产和消费周期的化石，它也是不断产生的未预期未来的残留物。当有人提出 "解决 "废物 "问题 "的建议时，废物往往又会被放回到最初产生废物的生产机制中。 [10] 但正如第 5 章所讨论的，正如范龙和萨贝利斯所描述的，这种 "对未来的折扣"， [11] ，并没有考虑到 "不可逆转的成本"， [12] ，这将导致未来的复杂性超出我们目前的核算方法。通过在废物上附加 "零"，我们阻碍了考虑不可逆转性和剩余是如何作为废物的组成部分出现的可能性。 [13]

As long as our basic approach to waste depends on its eventual and continual eradication, it will be difficult to grasp the ways in which waste emerges and operates—as generative and dynamic and, as Hawkins suggests, as the “terrain of ethics.”[14] Arguably, the development of apparent waste-eliminating strategies such as recycling not only obscures the inevitability of waste[15] but also defers the ethical aspects of how we attend to waste—whether we bury it, ship it to developing countries, or leave it to future generations to trawl through. It may be possible to move beyond a “dos and don'ts” approach to waste, as Van Loon and Sabelis write, and instead “to generate a radical reconceptualization of waste itself.”[16] Rather than consider recycling as the instant reintegration of waste into the market, it may be possible to attend to the ways in which waste—as a mutable and relational object—offers “possibilities for the unexpected, Page 151 →the creative and the ethical.”[17] The creative and ethical aspects of waste are often typically elided, particularly in campaigns for its elimination or reintegration, yet it is from these remainders and fragments that it is possible to realize the political and poetic registers of matter. Remainders direct us not toward the recovery of “wholeness” but toward new possibilities for working with the “scatter” of the world. Waste allows the possibility for “imagining a new materialism,” as Hawkins suggests, resonating with the material imaginings put forward by Benjamin.[18] But the question of how this materialism emerges and registers still persists.
只要我们处理废弃物的基本方法依赖于最终和持续消除废弃物，我们就很难把握废弃物出现和运作的方式--废弃物是生成的、动态的，正如霍金斯所言，废弃物是 "伦理的土壤"。 [14] 可以说，制定回收利用等表面上可以消除废物的策略，不仅掩盖了废物 [15] ，而且还延缓了我们如何处理废物的伦理问题--我们是将其掩埋、运往发展中国家，还是留给后代去翻找。正如范龙（Van Loon）和萨贝利斯（Sabelis）所写的那样，我们也许可以超越 "该做什么和不该做什么 "的废物处理方法，转而 "对废物本身进行彻底的概念重构"。 [16] "与其认为回收利用是将废弃物瞬间重新融入市场，不如关注废弃物--作为一种可变异的关系对象--如何提供 "意想不到的可能性，第 151 页→创造性和道德性"。 [17] 废物的创造性和伦理性往往被忽略，特别是在消除或重新整合废物的运动中，然而正是从这些残留物和碎片中，我们才有可能实现物质的政治性和诗意性。残留物引导我们的不是恢复 "完整"，而是与世界的 "散落物 "打交道的新可能性。正如霍金斯所言，废料为 "想象一种新的唯物主义 "提供了可能性，与本雅明提出的物质想象产生了共鸣。 [18] 但是，这种唯物主义如何出现和记录的问题依然存在。

Garbage Imaginaries
垃圾想象

In many cases, attempts to imagine a new materialism for electronics extend from improving the life-cycle impacts of these devices, minimizing their ecological footprint, improving working conditions for fab workers, and banning the exportation of wastes to developing countries for “recycling.”[19] In addition to stricter environmental policies and regulations, design is often seen as a key way in which to improve the environmental impact of electronics. Numerous design projects address ways in which to eliminate, reincorporate, or otherwise track remainder, from point of manufacture on to consumption and disposal. These projects, often based on life-cycle analyses, suggest that waste may be minimized by altering design approaches. This is an ideal way in which to “regulate” waste, as Molotch suggests, because “design determines about 80–90 percent of an artifact's life-cycle economic and ecological costs, in an almost irreversible way.”[20] Hazardous materials and landfilling can be avoided through the more careful design of electronics. In this way, Greenpeace's “Guide to Greener Electronics” suggests that electronics companies develop “a chemicals policy based on the Precautionary Principle” and phase out known hazardous materials that are used in machines, including brominated flame retardants and other “problematic substances.”[21] A complex composite of plastics is also used in electronics, plastics that are difficult to reuse or recycle at end of life and that could be simplified for this purpose. If electronics companies were responsible both for what goes into machines and for their eventual take-back and recycling, then they might possibly begin to find it effective to make these devices less toxic at the outset.
在许多情况下，对电子产品新唯物主义的想象从改善这些设备的生命周期影响、最大限度地减少其生态足迹、改善制造工人的工作条件、禁止向发展中国家出口废物进行 "回收 "等方面延伸开来。 [19] 除了更严格的环保政策和法规之外，设计通常也被视为改善电子产品对环境影响的重要途径。许多设计项目都涉及如何消除、重新整合或以其他方式跟踪从制造到消费和处置的剩余物。这些项目通常以生命周期分析为基础，建议通过改变设计方法最大限度地减少废弃物。正如莫洛奇所言，这是 "管理 "废弃物的理想方式，因为 "设计几乎以不可逆转的方式，决定了一件工艺品生命周期中约 80-90% 的经济和生态成本"。 [20] 通过对电子产品进行更精心的设计，可以避免有害物质和垃圾填埋。为此，绿色和平组织的《绿色电子产品指南》建议电子产品公司制定 "基于预防原则的化学品政策"，逐步淘汰机器中使用的已知有害物质，包括溴化阻燃剂和其他 "问题物质"。 [21] 电子产品中还使用了复杂的复合塑料，这些塑料在报废时很难再利用或回收，可以为此进行简化。如果电子产品公司既要对机器中使用的物质负责，又要对其最终的回收和循环利用负责，那么他们可能会开始发现，从一开始就降低这些设备的毒性是有效的。

Without a doubt, the reduction of hazardous materials and introduction of methods of recycling and disassembly are necessary developments within the world of electronics.[22] Within this area, there are so many projects Page 152 →underway that it is tempting to make a modest proposal and public appeal for someone to write a “handbook” about green machines—the sort of handbook that could be circulated to enable new ways of thinking about electronic design and production.[23] “Green technology” is not only seen as a major area of invention; it is also a complex and interesting terrain for new design projects. In an industry that is preoccupied with continual invention—where pronouncements are made about the “convergence” of technologies, about pervasive computing, about Web 2.0 and the death of the Internet and the end of Moore's Law—it seems appropriate to consider how that invention can extend into this other terrain.
毫无疑问，减少有害物质、采用回收和拆卸方法是电子产品领域的必要发展。 [22] 在这一领域，有如此多的项目正在进行之中，以至于我们很想提 出一个微不足道的建议，公开呼吁有人编写一本关于绿色机器的 "手册"--那种可以传阅的手 册，以促进对电子设计和生产的新思维。 [23] "绿色技术 "不仅被视为一个重要的发明领域，也是新设计项目的一个复杂而有趣的领域。在一个专注于不断发明的行业中，人们宣称技术 "融合"、普适计算、Web 2.0、互联网的消亡以及摩尔定律的终结，考虑如何将发明扩展到这一领域似乎是恰当的。

Emerging proposals for “green electronics” or “green ICT” (information and communication technology) include schemes that address the material composition and manufacture of electronics, from computer keyboards made out of carrot and spinach extracts to mobile phones that “plant” sunflower seeds when they decompose.[24] Microchips that are oxidized through ultraviolet radiation, rather than energy-intensive furnaces, are now in prototype stage; PCs are available in die-cut cardboard, rather than a composite of plastics; and mobile phone prototypes “self-recycle” by popping apart when heated, for ease of disassembly and recycling.[25] An extensive number of electronic design projects also focus on ways of improving energy consumption within the operation of devices.[26]
新出现的 "绿色电子 "或 "绿色 ICT"（信息和通信技术）建议包括针对电子产品的材料组成和制造的计划，从用胡萝卜和菠菜提取物制成的计算机键盘到分解后会 "种植 "向日葵种子的移动电话。 [24] 通过紫外线辐射氧化的微型芯片，而不是能源密集型的熔炉，现已进入原型阶段；个人电脑采用模切纸板，而不是塑料复合材料；移动电话原型机 "自我循环"，加热时会弹开，便于拆卸和回收。 [25] 大量的电子设计项目也把重点放在如何改善设备运行过程中的能源消耗上。 [26]

Other projects document or propose interventions within the life cycles of electronic devices.[27] Some designers have gone so far as to suggest that design not only should alter at the manufacturing phase but should also extend into “everything that happens after that.” In this sense, designer Ed van Hinte writes, goods should not be “impenetrable boxes” but, rather, should have “a career plan.”[28] In this scenario, design extends to consumer use, commodity alterations, and eventual dismantling. Other projects draw attention to the expanded circuits and possibilities of things beyond the manufacture stage by using electronics to track trash, so that electronic devices may even become the means for possible infrastructures of reuse.[29] These tracing and tracking projects pay particular attention to the object—electronic or otherwise—as it cycles from manufacture to use and death.
其他项目则记录或建议对电子设备的生命周期进行干预。 [27] 一些设计师甚至提出，设计不仅应该在制造阶段改变，还应该延伸到 "之后发生的一切"。设计师埃德-范欣特（Ed van Hinte）写道，从这个意义上说，商品不应该是 "坚不可摧的盒子"，而应该有 "职业规划"。 [28] 在这种情况下，设计延伸到消费者的使用、商品的改变以及最终的拆卸。其他项目则通过使用电子设备追踪垃圾，使人们关注物品在制造阶段之后的扩展电路和可能性，从而使电子设备甚至成为可能的再利用基础设施。 [29] 这些追踪项目特别关注电子或其他物品从制造到使用再到死亡的循环过程。

Still other projects reconsider the relatively functional role of electronics in our lives and draw out the more imaginative and uncanny dimensions of these devices.[30] Repurposing obsolete electronics through reverse Page 153 →engineering and hacking has been one strategy not only for unpicking the assumed functionality of these devices but also for extending the practices of reuse and recycling beyond the simply material toward new technological deployments.[31] Concepts of “reuse,” “appropriation,” and “maintenance” are emerging as practices for investigating the possibilities of sustainable computing.[32] Electronic capabilities may, at the same time, enable other modes of encounter with environments, and much of the literature on “sustainable HCI” (human-computer interaction) has dealt with not just issues of green machines but also ways in which social networking, citizen science, and ecological monitoring and information may persuade and raise awareness about environmental issues.[33]
还有一些项目重新考虑了电子产品在我们生活中的相对功能性作用，并挖掘出这些设备更具想象力和不可思议的一面。 [30] 通过逆向工程和黑客技术重新利用过时的电子产品，不仅是揭示这些设备假定功能的一种策略，也是将再利用和再循环的实践从单纯的材料扩展到新技术部署的一种策略。 [31] 再利用"、"挪用 "和 "维护 "等概念正逐渐成为研究可持续计算可能性的实践方法。 [32] 与此同时，电子功能还可以促成与环境接触的其他模式，关于 "可持续人机交互"（HCI）的许多文献不仅涉及绿色机器问题，还涉及社交网络、公民科学、生态监测和信息如何说服人们并提高人们对环境问题的认识。 [33]

Together, these projects address everything from materials and manufacture to systems and new imaginaries for the use and abuse of electronics. It is a significant step toward a more “green” and creative approach to electronics. Yet the question that remains within such initiatives is whether attention to waste, as well as the extended political and economic effects of electronics, will provoke us to think about technologies differently. Designs for green electronics may be most successful when they consider not only the material effects but also the extended social, political, and imaginative terrain of electronics. This means that it may be possible to do more than just alter electronics to contain fewer contaminants, have an ease of disassembly, and be more readily reusable; we may also reconsider how electronics materialize and rematerialize across multiple spaces and practices. This natural history of electronics, then, raises questions about how to go beyond the gadget as it passes through its life cycle. Such a conception of electronic technologies potentially settles on one dimension of the life and death of these devices. However, a complex circuit of places and politics, materials and ecologies, and uses and manufacture makes possible and sediments into electronics and electronic wastes. As a thing and technology, electronics and electronic wastes are the sites of stories that exceed product life cycle and that ultimately connect up lives, labor, and imaginaries.[34]
这些项目涉及从材料和制造到系统的方方面面，以及对电子产品的使用和滥用的新想象。这是朝着更加 "绿色 "和更具创造性的电子产品方法迈出的重要一步。然而，在这些倡议中仍然存在的问题是，对废弃物以及电子产品的政治和经济影响的关注是否会促使我们对技术进行不同的思考。如果绿色电子产品的设计不仅考虑其物质效应，还考虑其社会、政治和想象力的延伸效应，那么这些设计就可能是最成功的。这意味着，我们可以做的不仅仅是改变电子产品，使其含有更少的污染物、更容易拆卸、更容易重复使用；我们还可以重新考虑电子产品如何在多种空间和实践中实现物质化和再物质化。因此，这种电子产品的自然史提出了如何超越小玩意儿的生命周期的问题。这样的电子技术概念可能只停留在这些设备生与死的一个层面上。然而，由地点与政治、材料与生态、使用与制造组成的复杂回路使电子产品和电子垃圾成为可能并沉淀下来。作为一种事物和技术，电子产品和电子废弃物是超越产品生命周期的故事发生地，最终将生活、劳动和想象联系在一起。 [34]

The natural history of electronics developed here draws on these proposals and suggests that one way to develop “sustainable” electronics would be to address the multiple materialities, politics, ecologies, economies, and imaginings that give rise to electronics.[35] These technologies are not only a part of natural-cultural arrangements; they also provide insight into the ecologies we inhabit. In this sense, there are opportunities to engage with the creative and ethical aspects of electronics and Page 154 →electronic waste not just through improving electronics manufacture but also through linking up ecologies—political and otherwise. Supplying ICT for the developing world is just one way in which electronics can be deployed not so much for another round of consumption but, instead, to connect up communities who may not otherwise have access to electronic communications and to make these technologies less toxic in the process. Soenke Zehle suggests we revisit earlier proposals for an “environmentalism for the net.”[36] Such an environmentalism might consist of “info-political initiatives” that encompass not just the digital commons but also the “broader agenda of economic and environmental justice.”[37] In this way, applications are being developed through original uses of renewable energy—wireless that runs on wind power—that begin to take up a digitally relevant environmentalism that expands beyond but also encompasses less deleterious and resource-intensive manufacture and energy processes.[38]
本文所阐述的电子产品自然史借鉴了这些建议，并提出发展 "可持续 "电子产品的一种方法是解决产生电子产品的多重物质性、政治、生态、经济和想象。 [35] 这些技术不仅是自然-文化安排的一部分；它们还为我们所居住的生态环境提供了洞察力。从这个意义上说，不仅通过改进电子产品的制造，而且通过将政治生态和其他生态联系起来，我们都有机会参与到电子产品和电子废物的创造性和伦理方面的工作中来。为发展中国家提供信息和通信技术只是其中一种方式，在这种方式中，电子产品的应用并不是为了另一轮消费，而是为了连接那些可能无法获得电子通信的社区，并在此过程中减少这些技术的毒性。Soenke Zehle 建议我们重新审视早先提出的 "网络环保主义"。 [36] 这种环保主义可能包括 "信息政治倡议"，不仅包括数字公域，还包括 "更广泛的经济和环境正义议程"。 [37] 通过这种方式，通过对可再生能源--依靠风能运行的无线技术--的独创性利用，正在开发出各种应用，开始采用一种与数字相关的环保主义，这种环保主义不仅扩展到数字公域，而且还包括破坏性较小和资源密集型的制造和能源流程。 [38]

Some of the most compelling projects to be found working in this area establish creative ways to make the environmental, social and environmental relations that emerge through electronics a site of reinvention and provocation. The “Zero Dollar Laptop” project, a collaboration by Furtherfield, Access Space, and St. Mungo's charity for the homeless, offers a series of recycling workshops that engage with obsolete electronics. The participants engaged with the project recycle outdated laptops, and install Free and Open Source Software on the machines to enable the use and creation of media files, and to provide access to the Internet. Obsolete hardware and software offer up a set of new resources, as this project demonstrates, if the terms of use shift to engage with alternative economies and exchanges. In a different approach, Graham Harwood and Matsuko Yokokoji have made the material and energy requirements of computers evident in their “Coal Fired Computers” project, which demonstrates how central coal power is to the manufacturing and firing of computer circuits, since coal still provides a considerable amount of power to our modern energy economies.[39]
在这一领域，一些最引人注目的项目确立了创造性的方法，使电子产品所产生的环境、社会和环境关系成为重塑和挑衅的场所。由 Furtherfield、Access Space 和圣芒戈无家可归者慈善机构合作开展的 "零美元笔记本电脑 "项目，提供了一系列回收电子产品的工作坊。参与该项目的人员回收过时的笔记本电脑，并在电脑上安装自由和开源软件，以便使用和创建媒体文件，并提供互联网接入。正如该项目所展示的那样，如果使用条件发生变化，以参与替代经济和交换，过时的硬件和软件就会提供一系列新的资源。格雷厄姆-哈伍德（Graham Harwood）和松子-横路（Matsuko Yokokoji）采用不同的方法，在他们的 "燃煤计算机 "项目中明确了计算机对材料和能源的要求。 [39]

The focus in this study has been to unpack the black box of electronics by charting stories that converge in the saturated soil of Silicon Valley, in the run of numbers that flicker across NASDAQ interfaces, in the global trawl of waste shipments, in the defunct machines gathering archival dust, and in the thick sludge of the landfill. In considering these places and stories, where the debris of electronics collects, I suggest there are other ways of thinking about material culture through these remainders. Page 155 →Electronics constitute “materializing and transformative processes.” Such processes, as Buchli writes, give rise to “new kinds of bodies, forms of ‘nature’ and political subjects.”[40] The processes whereby materials congeal and fall apart are essential for understanding things as matter. The ways in which electronics stabilize and destabilize are bound up with technological trajectories and markets, methods of manufacture and consumption, and imaginaries and temporalities.
本研究的重点是通过描绘在硅谷饱和的土壤中、在纳斯达克界面上闪烁的数字中、在全球废物运输的拖网中、在收集档案灰尘的失效机器中以及在垃圾填埋场的厚厚污泥中汇聚的故事，来揭开电子产品的黑匣子。在考虑这些电子碎片聚集的地方和故事时，我建议通过这些残留物以其他方式思考物质文化。第 155 页→电子产品构成了 "物质化和转化过程"。布赫利写道，这种过程产生了 "新型的身体、'自然'的形式和政治主体"。 [40] 材料的凝固和分解过程对于理解作为物质的事物至关重要。电子产品稳定和不稳定的方式与技术轨迹和市场、制造和消费方法以及想象力和时间性息息相关。

There is even potential in this space of imagining to consider the fantastic qualities of electronics and for a material imagination that surpasses the strictly instrumental and the progressive.[41] Remaining in cast-off objects is that same “wishful” element that Benjamin saw as most potent at the moment of their introduction. The fossils in his natural history were not without fascination; in fact, they depended on it. Without a doubt, there are many approaches to electronics that may begin to find the advantages of operating in these fields, beyond the appeal of novelty and functionality and toward a kind of garbage imaginary. So perhaps what we need are electronics that exploit and expand on the cracks, the failures, and the garbage, as a way to move toward the creative and ethical aspects of electronics and electronic waste, as a way to imagine new material relations.
在这一想象空间中，甚至有可能考虑到电子产品的梦幻特质，以及超越严格意义上的工具性和渐进性的物质想象力。 [41] 在本雅明看来，废弃物品中的 "一厢情愿 "元素在其问世之初是最有力的。本雅明自然史中的化石并非没有魅力，事实上，这些化石就依赖于这种魅力。毫无疑问，有许多电子学方法可能开始发现在这些领域运作的优势，超越了新颖性和功能性的吸引力，朝着一种垃圾想象的方向发展。因此，我们所需要的也许是利用和扩大裂缝、失败和垃圾的电子产品，以此来实现电子产品和电子垃圾的创造性和道德性，以此来想象新的物质关系。

This garbage imaginary is a fitting place to conclude this study into electronics and waste. The “cultural imaginary” of garbage, as Shanks, Platt, and Rathje write, “is at the heart of the composition and decomposition of modernity and modernism.”[42] A garbage imaginary might emerge not just by seeing the matter of things, the fields through which they circulate, and their modes of transformation and animation; it might also emerge, as Lynch suggests, by “wasting well.” If waste is inevitable, then it may be possible to begin to address how matter transforms and to draw out the moments and movements where energies, resources, values, temporalities, and spaces shift. In dirt, there is potential. Dirt rituals have existed for quite some time. To this extent, Lynch even considers the fascination of “collision derbies and the art of piano-smashing.”[43] It may be possible that we need more and better ways of encountering the ways in which things run down and wear out. With a less exclusionary sense of waste, it might be possible to see that matter moves in “gradations” and, thereby, to devise “ceremonies of transformation.”[44] By registering the ways in which materials transform—the processes of materialization through which things sediment—it is possible to take greater responsibility for our material lives.
这种垃圾想象是结束对电子产品和废弃物研究的恰当场所。正如 Shanks、Platt 和 Rathje 所写，垃圾的 "文化想象""是现代性和现代主义构成和分解的核心"。 [42] 垃圾的想象力可能不仅仅是通过观察事物的物质、它们流通的领域以及它们的转化和活化模式而产生的；它也可能如林奇所言，通过 "好好浪费 "而产生。如果浪费是不可避免的，那么就有可能开始解决物质如何转化的问题，并引出能量、资源、价值、时间性和空间发生转变的时刻和运动。泥土中蕴藏着潜力。泥土仪式存在已久。在这方面，林奇甚至认为 "碰撞德比和砸钢琴的艺术 "令人着迷。 [43] 或许，我们需要更多更好的方式来认识事物磨损的方式。如果对废弃物的排斥意识不那么强烈，我们或许可以看到物质在 "渐变 "中运动，从而设计出 "转变的仪式"。 [44] 通过记录物质转化的方式--事物沉淀的物质化过程--我们就有可能对物质生活负起更大的责任。

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But in these moments of transformation, the smashing ceremony that resonates the clearest is the one described by Benjamin in his “Theses on the Philosophy of History.” He describes how, “on the first evening” of the “July revolution,” the clock towers in Paris “were being fired on simultaneously and independently from several places.”[45] In this moment, time no longer progressed along a chronology. With the clock towers shot out, the empty space of progressive time was stopped in its tracks. In the absence of progressive time, a shift in the experience of time could emerge. In the “now” of suspended progressive time, the “new” could materialize through other temporalities, not as a space of transition or even revolution, but as a space of material relation and imagination. This is a transformation that takes place not simply in succession but through a generative and waste-based imaginary that involves the politics as much as the poetics of materials. That imaginary, as described here, settles into a natural history of electronics.
但在这些变革的时刻，最能引起共鸣的粉碎仪式是本雅明在其《历史哲学论文集》中所描述的。他描述道，在 "七月革命 "的 "第一个晚上"，巴黎的钟楼 "同时从几个地方被独立击毁"。 [45] 在这一刻，时间不再按照时间顺序发展。随着钟楼被击毁，渐进时间的空隙被停止了。在没有渐进时间的情况下，对时间的体验发生了转变。在被中止的渐进时间的 "现在 "中，"新 "可以通过其他时间性具体化，不是作为过渡甚至革命的空间，而是作为物质关系和想象的空间。这种转变不是简单的连续转变，而是通过一种基于生成和浪费的想象来实现的，这种想象既涉及材料的政治学，也涉及材料的诗学。正如本文所描述的，这种想象力沉淀为一部电子产品的自然史。

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Notes
说明

Preface
序言

1. Bruce Sterling, “The Dead Media Project: A Modest Proposal and a Public Appeal,” http://www.deadmedia.org/modest-proposal.html, accessed March 4, 2008. The “Dead Media” project is, at the time of this writing, now off-line. True to the topic of this book, Web sites and URLs are notoriously short-lived, and constitute yet another form of fleeting electronic media.
布鲁斯-斯特林，"死亡媒体项目：适度的建议和公开呼吁"，http://www.deadmedia.org/modest-proposal.html，2008 年 3 月 4 日访问。在撰写本文时，"死亡媒体 "项目已经下线。正如本书的主题一样，网站和 URL 的生命力是出了名的短暂，它们构成了另一种形式的转瞬即逝的电子媒体。

2. 1. Opening the “black box” of technologies is a common practice and turn of phrase in science and technology studies to describe the making evident of technological processes that might otherwise go unnoticed. But this phrase also has a longer history of usage, and is a frequent figure within computing and information theory discourses. This study employs both senses of the term throughout. For more on this (double) use of the black box, see Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans. Lawrence R. Scher (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), passim.
1.打开技术的 "黑盒子 "是科学与技术研究中的一种常见做法和用语，用来描述将可能被忽视的技术过程显性化。但这个短语也有较长的使用历史，在计算机和信息理论的论述中经常出现。本研究同时使用了该词的两种含义。关于黑盒子的这种（双重）用法，请参阅 Michel Serres, The Parasite, trans.Lawrence R. Scher (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), passim.

Introduction
简介

Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project, trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap, 1999), 390.
沃尔特-本雅明，《拱廊计划》，Howard Eiland 和 Kevin McLaughlin 译（剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，贝尔纳普，1999 年），390 页。Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap, 1999), 390.

Donna Haraway, “The Promises of Monsters: A Regenerative Politics for Inappropriate/d Others,” in The Haraway Reader (New York: Routledge, 2004), 116 n. 14.
唐娜-哈拉维，《怪物的承诺：A Regenerative Politics for Inappropriate/d Others," in The Haraway Reader (New York: Routledge, 2004), 116 n. 14.

1. The Superfund designation, which dates to 1980, was initiated by the U.S. federal government to clean up hazardous waste sites with particularly high levels of contamination. A description and map of Superfund sites designated for cleanup, known as the National Priorities List, can be found on the EPA's Web site, at http://www.epa.gov/superfund/sites/npl.
1.超级基金的指定始于 1980 年，由美国联邦政府发起，旨在清理污染程度特别高的危险废物场址。有关指定清理的超级基金场所的说明和地图（即国家优先事项清单），可在美国环保局的网站 http://www.epa.gov/superfund/sites/npl 上找到。

2. See the listings for Santa Clara County in the EPA's National Priorities List, http://yosemite.epa.gov/r9/sfund/r9sfdocw.nsf/WSOState!OpenView&Start=1&Count=1000&Expand=2.29#2.29.
2.请参阅环保局国家优先事项清单中有关圣克拉拉县的列表，http://yosemite.epa.gov/r9/sfund/r9sfdocw.nsf/WSOState!OpenView&Start=1&Count=1000&Expand=2.29#2.29。

3. Ecologies is a term that has circulated within media studies since at least McLuhan onward to describe a focus on media environments (at times in contrast to a focus on media content). This term has been recuperated and revised by multiple contemporary researchers, including Matthew Fuller, Media Ecologies: Materialist Energies in Art and Technoculture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005). The term ecologies is used in this study to refer both to media environments and to those more natural-cultural ecologies that occur through soil and chemicals, water, and air.Page 160 →
3.生态"（Ecologies）一词至少从麦克卢汉（McLuhan）开始就在媒体研究领域流传，用来描述对媒体环境的关注（有时与对媒体内容的关注形成对比）。这一术语已被多位当代研究者重新使用和修订，其中包括马修-富勒（Matthew Fuller）的《媒体生态》（Media Ecologies）一书：Media Ecologies: Materialist Energies in Art and Technoculture》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，2005 年）。在本研究中，"生态 "一词既指媒体环境，也指那些通过土壤、化学物质、水和空气形成的更自然的文化生态。

4. Gopal Krishna, “E-Waste: Computers and Toxicity in India,” in Sarai 3: Shaping Technologies (Delhi: Sarai, 2003).
4.Gopal Krishna，"E-Waste：印度的计算机与毒性》，载于《Sarai 3：塑造技术》（德里：Sarai，2003 年）。

5. International Association of Electronics Recyclers, IAER Electronics Recycling Industry Report (Albany, NY, 2003; revised, 2004), 7. These quantities represent only consumer electronics. Commercial and industrial sectors are such large generators of electronic waste that they have until recently “driven” the electronics recycling industry, due to the electronics they discard in such appreciable volumes. Beginning in January 2009, the International Association of Electronics Recyclers was acquired by the Institute of Scrap Recycling Industries (ISRI), which produces regular newsletters on electronics recycling issues. See http://www.isri.org.
5.国际电子回收商协会，《IAER 电子回收行业报告》（纽约州奥尔巴尼，2003 年；2004 年修订），7。 这些数量仅代表消费电子产品。商业和工业部门是电子废弃物的主要产生者，由于其废弃的电子产品数量巨大，直到最近它们还在 "推动 "电子回收行业的发展。自 2009 年 1 月起，国际电子产品回收商协会被废料回收行业协会 (ISRI) 收购，该协会定期出版有关电子产品回收问题的通讯。见 http://www.isri.org。

6. This figure is cited as originating with the Institute for Local Self-Reliance and is documented by the EPA. See Environmental Protection Agency, “Waste Wise Update: Electronics Reuse and Recycling,” EPA 530-N-00-007, October 2000, http://www.epa.gov/epawaste/partnerships/wastewise/pubs/wwupda14.pdf.
6.这一数字源自地方自力更生研究所，并由环保局记录在案。参见环境保护局，"Waste Wise Update: Electronics Reuse and Recycling"，EPA 530-N-00-007，2000 年 10 月，http://www.epa.gov/epawaste/partnerships/wastewise/pubs/wwupda14.pdf。

7. International Association of Electronics Recyclers, IAER Electronics Recycling Industry Report, 25.
7.国际电子回收商协会，《IAER 电子回收行业报告》，25。

8. The European designation for electronic waste is WEEE (waste from electrical and electronic equipment). The WEEE Directive, which lists an extensive number of products that constitute electrical or electronic waste upon expiration, is accompanied by the Restriction of the Use of Certain Hazardous Substances Directive, or RoHS, which attempts to limit the inclusion of hazardous substances in electronics. For the original directives (which have been amended several times to accommodate exemptions), see “Directive 2002/96/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 January 2003 on Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE),” Official Journal of the European Union, February 13, 2003, L37/24–L37/38; “Directive 2002/95/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 January 2003 on the Restriction of the Use of Certain Hazardous Substances in Electrical and Electronic Equipment,” Official Journal of the European Union, February 13, 2003, L37/19–L37/23. The U.S.-based International Association of Electronics Recyclers includes a similar list of electronic waste in its reports but expands the range of electronics to commercial systems and financial systems, security systems and cameras, entertainment systems, office equipment, industrial electronics (including telecommunications equipment, control systems, manufacturing equipment, and commercial appliances), and consumer electronics (including audio, video, and communication devices). See International Association of Electronics Recyclers, IAER Electronics Recycling Industry Report, 2–3.
8.欧洲电子废物的名称是 WEEE（电气和电子设备废物）。WEEE 指令列出了大量过期后构成电气或电子废物的产品，与之配套的还有《限制使用某些有害物质指令》（RoHS），该指令试图限制电子产品中有害物质的含量。有关最初的指令（已多次修订以适应豁免要求），请参见 "欧洲议会和理事会 2003 年 1 月 27 日关于废弃电气和电子设备 (WEEE) 的第 2002/96/EC 号指令"，《欧盟官方公报》，2003 年 2 月 13 日，L37/24-L37/38；"欧洲议会和理事会 2003 年 1 月 27 日关于在电气和电子设备中限制使用某些有害物质的第 2002/95/EC 号指令"，《欧盟官方公报》，2003 年 2 月 13 日，L37/19-L37/23。总部设在美国的国际电子产品回收商协会在其报告中列出了类似的电子废物清单，但将电子产品的范围扩大到商业系统和金融系统、安全系统和照相机、娱乐系统、办公设备、工业电子产品（包括电信设备、控制系统、制造设备和商用电器）以及消费电子产品（包括音频、视频和通信设备）。见国际电子产品回收商协会，《IAER 电子产品回收行业报告》，2-3。

9. The Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition maps out the “Electronics Lifecycle” on its Web site, where it notes that “electronics are a complicated assembly of more than 1,000 materials, many of which are highly toxic, such as chlorinated and brominated substances, toxic gases, toxic metals, photo-active and biologically active materials, acids, plastics, and plastic additives.” See http://www.svtc.org/site/PageServer?pagename=svtc_lifecycle_analysis.
9.硅谷有毒物质联盟在其网站上绘制了 "电子产品生命周期 "图，指出 "电子产品是由 1000 多种材料组成的复杂组件，其中许多材料毒性很强，如氯化和溴化物质、有毒气体、有毒金属、光活性和生物活性材料、酸、塑料和塑料添加剂"。见 http://www.svtc.org/site/PageServer?pagename=svtc_lifecycle_analysis。

10. See Jan Mazurek, Making Microchips: Policy, Globalization, and Economic Restructuring in the Semiconductor Industry (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999). For details about the effects of specific chemicals used in the electronics manufacturing process, see the EPA Toxic Release Inventory at http://www.epa.gov/TRI/.
10.见 Jan Mazurek, Making Microchips：政策、全球化和半导体行业的经济重组》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，1999 年）。有关电子产品制造过程中使用的特定化学品的影响详情，请参阅美国环保署有毒物质排放清单，网址为 http://www.epa.gov/TRI/。

11. For examples of these informative studies, see Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm: The High-Tech Trashing of Asia (Seattle Page 161 →and San Jose, 2002), as well as BAN's newer study into electronic waste in Lagos, Nigeria, The Digital Dump: Exporting Re-use and Abuse to Africa (Seattle: Basel Action Network, 2005). For book-length studies on electronic waste, see Elizabeth Grossman, High Tech Trash: Digital Devices, Hidden Toxics, and Human Health (Washington, DC: Island, 2006); Ted Smith, David A. Sonnenfeld, and David Naguib Pellow, eds., Challenging the Chip: Labor Rights and Environmental Justice in the Global Electronics Industry (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006).
11.关于这些内容翔实的研究实例，请参阅巴塞尔行动网和硅谷有毒物质联盟的《出口伤害：亚洲的高科技垃圾》（西雅图，第 161 页 → 和圣何塞，2002 年），以及巴塞尔行动网关于尼日利亚拉各斯电子废物的最新研究报告《数字垃圾场》：向非洲输出再利用和滥用》（西雅图：巴塞尔行动网络，2005 年）。关于电子垃圾的长篇研究，请参阅 Elizabeth Grossman, High Tech Trash：Digital Devices, Hidden Toxics, and Human Health (Washington, DC: Island, 2006); Ted Smith, David A. Sonnenfeld, and David Naguib Pellow, eds., Challenging the Chip：全球电子工业中的劳工权利与环境正义》（费城：坦普尔大学出版社，2006 年）。

12. I use the term discourse as part of a material constellation and along the lines that Judith Butler describes when she argues, “To claim that discourse is formative is not to claim that it originates, causes, or exhaustively composes that which it concedes; rather, it is to claim that there is no reference to a pure body which is not at the same time a further formation of that body.” In this sense, discourse is “performative” and part of the process whereby materials, bodies, and technologies unfold and circulate in the world. See Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of “Sex” (London: Routledge, 1993), 10–11.
12.我使用 "话语 "这一术语，是将其作为一种物质组合的一部分，并遵循朱迪斯-巴特勒（Judith Butler）所描述的思路，她认为："声称话语是形成性的，并不是声称它起源于、导致或详尽地构成了它所承认的东西；相反，它是声称，没有任何对纯粹身体的提及不是同时进一步形成了该身体"。在这个意义上，话语是 "表演性的"，是材料、身体和技术在世界上展开和流通的过程的一部分。见 Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter：On the Discursive Limits of "Sex" (London: Routledge, 1993), 10-11.

13. Bill Brown, “Thing Theory,” Critical Inquiry 28, no. 1, Things (Autumn 2001): 10; Mark Hansen, Embodying Technesis: Technology Beyond Writing (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000), 43.
13.Bill Brown, "Thing Theory," Critical Inquiry 28, no：10; Mark Hansen, Embodying Technesis：超越书写的技术》（安阿伯：密歇根大学出版社，2000 年），第 43 页。

14. For more information on the importance of considering how waste emerges not simply at the waste end of products but throughout the production and consumption cycle, see Kenneth Geiser, Materials Matter: Towards a Sustainable Materials Policy (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001).
14.关于考虑废物如何产生的重要性的更多信息，见 Kenneth Geiser, Materials Matter：Towards a Sustainable Materials Policy (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001).

15. Such heterogeneity of relations also describes what sociologist Mike Michael refers to as the “range of possible trajectories for the uses and ‘mis-uses’ (or rather, misbehavior) of technological artifacts” (Reconnecting Culture, Technology, and Nature: From Society to Heterogeneity [London: Routledge, 2000], 10).
15.这种关系的异质性也描述了社会学家迈克-迈克尔（Mike Michael）所说的 "技术产品的使用和'误用'（或者说，行为不端）的各种可能轨迹"（《重新连接文化、技术和自然：从社会到异质性》[伦敦：Routledge, 2000]，10）：从社会到异质性[伦敦：Routledge, 2000]，10）。

16. N. Katherine Hayles has convincingly argued this point, and this study is informed by her research. See N. Katherine Hayles, How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature, and Informatics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).
16.N. Katherine Hayles 令人信服地论证了这一点，本研究也参考了她的研究。见 N. Katherine Hayles, How We Became Posthuman：虚拟身体在控制论、文学和信息学中的应用》（芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社，1999 年）。

17. The term sediment draws on ideas from both Benjamin and Judith Butler (as discussed later in this introduction). For Benjamin, criticism was a project that should operate through the congealing of facts: “Criticism means the mortification of the works. By their very essence these works confirm this more readily than any others. Mortification of the works: not then—as the romantics have it—awakening of the consciousness in living works, but the settlement of knowledge in dead ones.” See Walter Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama, trans. John Osborne (London: NLB, 1977), 182. For Butler, sedimentation describes temporal and material practices that inform material effects (of power) as they concretize and transform. See Butler, Bodies That Matter, 250.
17.沉淀一词借鉴了本雅明和朱迪斯-巴特勒的观点（本导言稍后将讨论）。对本雅明而言，批评是一项应通过凝结事实来运作的工程："批评意味着对作品的批判。就其本质而言，这些作品比其他任何作品都更容易证实这一点。作品的净化：不是浪漫主义者所说的在活的作品中唤醒意识，而是在死的作品中沉淀知识"。见瓦尔特-本雅明：《德国悲剧戏剧的起源》，约翰-奥斯本译（伦敦：NBC 出版社）。John Osborne (London: NLB, 1977), 182。在巴特勒看来，沉积描述的是时间和物质实践，这些实践在具体化和转化时为（权力的）物质效果提供信息。见 Butler, Bodies That Matter, 250。

18. Butler, Bodies That Matter, 9–10.
18.Butler, Bodies That Matter, 9-10.

19. Benjamin discusses his concepts of “natural history” and the outmoded in several key locations, including, of primary significance for the purposes of this study, The Arcades Project. See also Benjamin's The Origin of German Tragic Drama and his “Surrealism: The Last Snapshot of the European Intelligentsia,” in Reflections, ed. Peter Demetz, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Schocken Books, 1986), 177–92.
19.本雅明在几个重要的地方讨论了他的 "自然史 "和过时的概念，对本研究具有重要意义的地方包括《凯旋门计划》。另见本雅明的《德国悲剧戏剧的起源》和他的《超现实主义》：本雅明的《德国悲剧戏剧的起源》和他的《超现实主义：欧洲知识分子的最后剪影》，见《反思》，彼得-德梅兹编，译注。Peter Demetz, trans.Edmund Jephcott (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Schocken Books, 1986), 177-92.

20. Benjamin, Arcades Project, 203.Page 162 →
20.本杰明，《拱廊项目》，203.第 162 页 → 20.

21. Discussing Benjamin's “unorthodox” use of natural history, cultural and literary theorist Beatrice Hanssen writes, “By suggesting that history and nature were ‘commensurable’ in the moment of transience that befell both, Benjamin's study in fact contested the idealistic dichotomy between history and necessity, human freedom and nature, which it replaced with ‘natural history’” (Walter Benjamin's Other History: Of Stones, Animals, Human Beings, and Angels [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998], 9). A number of studies and literary texts take up and extend Benjamin's notion of natural history. Some of the more in-depth texts include Susan Buck-Morss, The Dialectics of Seeing (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989); Michael Taussig, Mimesis and Alterity: A Particular History of the Senses (Routledge, 1993); and W. G. Sebald, The Rings of Saturn, trans. Michael Hulse (London: Vintage, 1998).
21.文化和文学理论家比阿特丽斯-汉森（Beatrice Hanssen）在讨论本雅明对自然史的 "非正统 "使用时写道："本雅明的研究表明，历史和自然在两者遭遇的短暂瞬间是'可比'的，这实际上是对历史和必然性、人类自由和自然之间的理想主义二分法的质疑，它用'自然史'取代了这一二分法"（沃尔特-本雅明的《另一种历史》，《石头、动物、人类和天使》[伯克利：加州大学出版社，1998 年]，第 9 页）：关于石头、动物、人类和天使》[伯克利：加州大学出版社，1998 年]，9）。一些研究和文学文本继承并扩展了本雅明的自然史概念。一些更深入的文本包括 Susan Buck-Morss，The Dialectics of Seeing（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，1989 年）；Michael Taussig，Mimesis and Alterity：A Particular History of the Senses》（Routledge，1993 年）；以及 W. G. Sebald, The Rings of Saturn, trans.Michael Hulse（伦敦：Vintage，1998 年）。

22. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (1970; repr., London: Routledge, 1994).
22.米歇尔-福柯，《事物的秩序》：人类科学考古学》（1970 年；再版，伦敦：Routledge，1994 年）。

23. Ibid.
23.同上。

24. As paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould argues, there have been multiple versions of natural history and as many ways of interpreting remains to build up a view of longer and larger earth processes. So while a Victorian view emphasizes natural history as a record of progress, with humans in the ascendancy, Gould, in his more contemporary rendering, takes issue with these conflations of natural history (and Darwinian evolution) with progress. If natural history has shown us anything, Gould argues, it is that life on earth proceeds through random, coincidental and contingent processes of survival. See Stephen Jay Gould, Wonderful Life: The Burgess Shale and the Nature of History (1990; repr., London: Vintage, 2000); Charles Darwin, On the Origin of the Species (London: John Murray, 1859).
24.正如古生物学家斯蒂芬-杰伊-古尔德（Stephen Jay Gould）所言，自然史有多种版本，也有多种解释遗骸的方法，以建立对更长、更大的地球进程的看法。因此，尽管维多利亚时代的观点强调自然史是人类进步的记录，但古尔德在他更为现代的观点中却反对将自然史（以及达尔文进化论）与进步混为一谈。古尔德认为，如果说自然史向我们展示了什么的话，那就是地球上的生命是通过随机、巧合和偶然的生存过程发展而来的。见斯蒂芬-杰伊-古尔德，《奇妙的生命》：The Burgess Shale and the Nature of History》（1990 年；再版，伦敦：Vintage 出版社，2000 年）；查尔斯-达尔文：《物种起源》（伦敦：John Murray 出版社，1859 年）。

25. Failure is often discussed within studies of technologies and economies as a necessary aspect of further development. See, for example, Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962; repr., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). However, I suggest here and elsewhere that failure does more than simply propel further technological developments. See Jennifer Gabrys, “Machines Fall Apart: Failure in Art and Technology,” in Leonardo Electronic Almanac 13, no. 4 (April 2005), http://www.leoalmanac.org/journal/Vol_13/lea_v13_n04.txt.
25.在对技术和经济的研究中，失败作为进一步发展的一个必要方面经常被讨论。例如，参见托马斯-S-库恩：《科学革命的结构》（1962 年；再版，芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社，1996 年）。然而，我在这里和其他地方提出，失败不仅仅是推动技术的进一步发展。参见詹妮弗-加布里丝：《机器分崩离析：Failure in Art and Technology," in Leonardo Electronic Almanac 13, no.4 (April 2005), http://www.leoalmanac.org/journal/Vol_13/lea_v13_n04.txt.

26. Benjamin focused specifically on the outmoded, as it shattered, according to Buck-Morss, “the myth of automatic historical progress.” Such a move was important because “when newness became a fetish, history itself became a manifestation of the commodity form.” See Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing, 79–83, 93. To challenge this fetishized and always-new reversioning of history, Benjamin conceived of the “angel of history” based on a painting by Paul Klee entitled Angelus Novus. Benjamin's angel is driven by the “storm of progress” into the future, to which “his back is turned.” Instead of witnessing the future, the angel witnesses the “wreckage” that accumulates from this storm. See Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History,” in Illuminations, ed. Hannah Arendt, trans. Harry Zohn (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Schocken Books, 1969), 257–58.
26.巴克-莫尔斯认为，本雅明特别关注过时的东西，因为它打破了 "历史自动进步的神话"。这一举动非常重要，因为 "当新成为一种拜物教时，历史本身就成了商品形式的一种表现"。见 Buck-Morss，Dialectics of Seeing，79-83，93。为了挑战这种历史的拜物教化和常新化，本雅明根据保罗-克利（Paul Klee）的一幅名为 "新天使"（Angelus Novus）的画作构想出了 "历史天使"。本雅明笔下的天使被 "进步的风暴 "推向 "背对着 "的未来。与其说天使见证了未来，不如说他见证了这场风暴所累积的 "残骸"。见本雅明：《历史哲学论文集》，载于《启示录》，汉娜-阿伦特编，哈里-佐恩译（纽约：哈佛大学出版社）。Harry Zohn (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Schocken Books, 1969), 257-58.

27. There are other examples of digital or informational “natural histories,” which, in one way, discuss just how “natural” or evolutionary electronics may be (as progressive technologies) or, in a much different way, suggest relations between new media and corporeality, digital code and biology. For examples, see Paul Levinson, The Soft Edge: A Natural History and Future of the Information Revolution (New York: Routledge, 1997); Anna Munster, Materializing New Media: Embodiment in Media Page 163 →Aesthetics (Hanover, NH: Dartmouth College Press, 2006). The present study works with a more unruly set of material effects to constitute its natural history method.
27.还有其他一些数字或信息 "自然史 "的例子，它们以一种方式讨论了电子产品（作为进步的技术）是如何 "自然 "或进化的，或者以一种截然不同的方式提出了新媒体与肉体、数字代码与生物学之间的关系。例如，见 Paul Levinson, The Soft Edge: A Natural History and Future of the Information Revolution (New York: Routledge, 1997)；Anna Munster, Materializing New Media：第 163 页 → 美学（新罕布什尔州汉诺威：达特茅斯学院出版社，2006 年）。本研究采用了一套更加不规则的物质效应来构成其自然史方法。

28. For more on second nature in relation to natural history, see Theodor W. Adorno, “Natural History,” in Negative Dialectics, trans. E. B. Ashton (1966; repr; London: Routledge, 1990), 354–58. The term second nature was initially deployed by Georg Lukács in The Theory of the Novel (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1974). In this process, nature becomes culture through manufacture, and the manufactured objects that surround us begin to seem as naturalized as nature itself: a second nature. Yet this rendering of “second nature” as a process of transformation, of culture acting on nature, does not rest so easily in this natural history, which resists a “first nature” on which culture might operate. Furthermore, once commodities have exited the spaces of cultural production and consumption, these fossils constitute another nature-cultural coupling again, bound by temporal forces.
28.关于第二自然与自然史的关系，见 Theodor W. Adorno, "Natural History," in Negative Dialectics, trans. E. B. Ashton (1966; repr; London: Routledge, 1990, 354-58).E. B. Ashton (1966; repr; London: Routledge, 1990), 354-58.第二自然 "一词最初由格奥尔格-卢卡奇在《小说理论》（The Theory of the Novel）（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，1974 年）中使用。在这一过程中，自然通过制造成为文化，我们周围的人造物品开始与自然本身一样自然化：第二自然。然而，这种将 "第二自然 "渲染为文化作用于自然的转化过程的做法，在自然史中并不那么容易实现，因为自然史抵制文化可能作用于其上的 "第一自然"。此外，一旦商品退出了文化生产和消费的空间，这些化石就再次构成了另一种自然-文化的耦合，受到时间力量的束缚。

29. Donna Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millenium: FemaleMan©_Meets_OncoMouse™ (New York: Routledge, 1997), 142–43. In a related way, Madeline Akrich notes, “Machines and devices are obviously composite, heterogeneous, and physically localized. Although they point to an end, a use for which they have been conceived, they also form part of a long chain of people, products, tools, machines, money, and so forth.” These heterogeneous assemblages, as identified here, can even “generate and ‘naturalize’ new forms and orders of causality and, indeed, new forms of knowledge about the world.” See Madeline Akrich, “The De-Scription of Technical Objects,” in Shaping Technology/Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change, ed. Wiebe E. Bijker and John Law (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992), 205–7.
29.Donna Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millenium：FemaleMan©_Meets_OncoMouse ™ (New York: Routledge, 1997), 142-43.与此相关，玛德琳-阿克里奇（Madeline Akrich）指出："机器和设备显然是复合的、异质的和物理上局部的。尽管它们指向一个目的，即它们被设计出来的用途，但它们也构成了一个由人、产品、工具、机器、金钱等组成的长链的一部分"。"这些异质的集合体，正如这里所指出的，甚至可以 "产生和'归化'新的因果关系形式和秩序，以及关于世界的新的知识形式"。见 Madeline Akrich, "The De-Scription of Technical Objects," in Shaping Technology/Building Society：社会技术变革研究》，Wiebe E. Bijker 编辑。Wiebe E. Bijker and John Law (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992), 205-7.

30. Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millennium, 142–43.
30.Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millennium, 142-43.

31. For Benjamin, the word scatter describes not just qualities of present experience but also a method for working through the past—as an iterative and resonant practice. He writes of the historian who works in this way, “Above all, he must not be afraid to return again and again to the same matter; to scatter it as one scatters earth, to turn it over as one turns over soil. For the ‘matter itself’ is no more than the strata which yield their long-sought secrets only to the most meticulous investigation. That is to say, they yield those images that, severed from all earlier associations, reside as treasures in the sober rooms of our later insights” (Walter Benjamin, “Excavation and Memory,” in Selected Writings, vol. 2, part 2, 1931–1934, ed. Michael W. Jennings, Howard Eiland, and Gary Smith, trans. Rodney Livingstone et al. [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap, 1999], 576).
31.对本雅明来说，"散"（scatter）这个词不仅描述了当下经验的特质，也描述了一种研究过去的方法--一种反复和共鸣的实践。他在谈到以这种方式工作的历史学家时写道："最重要的是，他必须不怕一次又一次地回到同一事物中去；像撒泥土一样把它撒开，像翻土一样把它翻过来。因为'物质本身'不过是地层，只有经过最细致的研究，它们才会揭示出人们寻找已久的秘密。也就是说，它们产生了那些与先前的所有联想割裂开来的图像，这些图像就像珍宝一样存放在我们后来的洞察力的清醒的房间里"（沃尔特-本雅明，《挖掘与记忆》，载于《文选》，第 2 卷，第 2 部分，1931-1934 年，迈克尔-W-詹宁斯、霍华德-霍普金斯大学出版社，1931 年）。Michael W. Jennings, Howard Eiland, and Gary Smith, trans.Rodney Livingstone et al. [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap, 1999], 576）。

32. Theodor Adorno, “A Portrait of Walter Benjamin,” in Prisms, trans. Samuel Weber and Shierry Weber (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1967), 227–41.
32.Theodor Adorno, "A Portrait of Walter Benjamin," in Prisms, trans.Samuel Weber and Shierry Weber (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1967), 227-41.

33. Benjamin, Arcades Project, 392.
33.Benjamin, Arcades Project, 392。

34. Butler writes, “For the concept of nature has a history, and the figuring of nature as the blank and lifeless page, as that which is, as it were, always already dead, is decidedly modern, linked perhaps to the emergence of the technological means of domination” (Bodies That Matter, 4).
34.巴特勒写道："因为自然的概念是有历史的，而把自然描绘成空白的、没有生命的一页，描绘成总是已经死亡的东西，显然是现代的，也许与统治的技术手段的出现有关"（《重要的身体》，4）。

35. Hanssen, Walter Benjamin's Other History, 16.
35.Hanssen, Walter Benjamin's Other History, 16.

36. Sarah Franklin, Celia Lury, and Jackie Stacey, Global Nature, Global Culture (London: Sage, 2000), 59. In taking up this “set of debates about changing definitions of nature, culture and global” (ibid., 5), cultural theorists Franklin, Lury, and Stacey draw on Martin Rudwick's analysis to establish just how frequently interpretations of fossils have given rise to shifting definitions of nature, culture, history, and the Page 164 →global. See Martin Rudwick, The Meaning of Fossils: Episodes in the History of Paleontology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976).
36.Sarah Franklin, Celia Lury, and Jackie Stacey, Global Nature, Global Culture (London: Sage, 2000), 59.文化理论家 Franklin、Lury 和 Stacey 在讨论 "关于自然、文化和全球定义变化的一系列争论"（同上，5）时，借鉴了 Martin Rudwick 的分析，以确定对化石的解释是如何频繁地引起自然、文化、历史和全球定义的变化。见马丁-鲁德威克，《化石的意义》：化石的意义：古生物学史上的插曲》（芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社，1976 年）。

37. Benjamin, Arcades Project, 864.
37.Benjamin, Arcades Project, 864。

38. Butler, Bodies That Matter, 10.
38.Butler, Bodies That Matter, 10.

39. Ibid., 9–10.
39.同上，9-10 页。

40. Charles Acland, ed., Residual Media (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), xxi.
40.Charles Acland 编著，《残留媒体》（明尼阿波利斯：明尼苏达大学出版社，2007 年），第 xxi 页。

41. Siegfried Zielinski, Deep Time of the Media: Toward an Archaeology of Hearing and Seeing by Technical Means, trans Gloria Custance (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006), 2–7. While this study draws on research in media archaeology, which shares many of the same interests in obsolete media and materiality, it opts instead to work through a natural history method in order to establish the ways in which things break down and do not cohere as singular media artifacts. In their breaking down, electronics generate further relations and political ecologies. This approach is less about media objects and mediation, and more about the transformative material ecologies of electronic media.
41.Siegfried Zielinski, Deep Time of the Media：Toward an Archaeology of Hearing and Seeing by Technical Means, trans Gloria Custance (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006), 2-7。虽然这项研究借鉴了媒体考古学的研究成果，而媒体考古学对过时的媒体和物质性有着许多相同的兴趣，但这项研究选择了通过自然史的方法来确定事物分解的方式，而不是作为单一的媒体艺术品进行整合。在分解的过程中，电子产品产生了进一步的关系和政治生态。这种方法较少涉及媒体对象和媒介，而更多涉及电子媒体的变革性物质生态。

42. Marshall McLuhan and Quentin Fiore, The Medium Is the Massage: An Inventory of Effects (New York: Bantam, 1967), 26.
42.马歇尔-麦克卢汉和昆廷-菲奥雷，《媒介即按摩》：An Inventory of Effects (New York: Bantam, 1967), 26.

43. Friedrich A. Kittler, Discourse Networks, 1800/1900, trans. Michael Metteer and Chris Cullens (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).
43.Friedrich A. Kittler, Discourse Networks, 1800/1900, trans.Michael Metteer and Chris Cullens (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).

44. Eva Horn, “There Are No Media,” Grey Room 29 (Winter 2008): 6–13.
44.Eva Horn，《没有媒体》，Grey Room 29 (Winter 2008)：6-13.

45. Numerous studies have now employed an actor-network theory (ANT) approach to issues of science and technology. While this research is partially informed by literature in science and technology studies, particularly through the work of Donna Haraway, it intentionally does not adopt an ANT approach to electronic waste. Networks, I suggest in this study, can be one way to understand better how the distinct materialities of electronics are distributed and how they perform. Networks in this sense are not deployed as an organizing conceptual device for studying human and nonhuman relations, but rather as a term specifically situated within the material cultures of computing. This approach is further inspired by Michel Serres's use of “exchanges” and “quasi objects” to describe such transformative aspects of materiality. See Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory (Oxford University Press, 2007); Bruno Latour, Aramis, or the Love of Technology, trans. Catherine Porter (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996); Michel Serres with Bruno Latour, Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time, trans. Roxanne Lapidus (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995); Kevin Hetherington and John Law, “After Networks,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18, no. 2 (2000): 127–32.
45.目前，许多研究都采用了行为者网络理论（ANT）的方法来研究科技问题。虽然本研究部分借鉴了科技研究方面的文献，特别是唐娜-哈拉维（Donna Haraway）的研究成果，但并没有刻意采用行为者-网络理论的方法来研究电子垃圾。我在本研究中提出，网络是更好地理解电子产品的独特物质性如何分布以及它们如何发挥作用的一种方式。在此意义上，网络并不是作为研究人类与非人类关系的组织概念工具，而是作为计算机物质文化中的一个专门术语。米歇尔-塞雷斯（Michel Serres）用 "交换 "和 "准物品 "来描述物质性的这种转变，进一步启发了这种方法。见布鲁诺-拉图尔，《重新组合社会》：见 Bruno Latour, Reassembling Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory (Oxford University Press, 2007)；Bruno Latour, Aramis, or the Love of Technology, trans.凯瑟琳-波特（Catherine Porter）（剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，1996 年）；米歇尔-塞雷斯与布鲁诺-拉图尔，《关于科学、文化和时间的对话》（Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time），译者：罗克珊-拉皮德斯（Roxanne Lapidus）（安娜堡：哈佛大学出版社，2007 年）。Roxanne Lapidus (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995); Kevin Hetherington and John Law, "After Networks," Environment and Planning D. Society and Space 18, no：18, no. 2 (2000)：127-32.

46. I use the term resonance here in the sense that Haraway discuses in relation to “situated knowledges,” which she suggests means “a way to get at the multiple modes of embedding that are about both place and space in the manner in which geographers draw that distinction. Another way of putting it is when I discuss feminist accountability within the context of scientific objectivity as requiring a knowledge tuned to resonance, not dichotomy” (Donna Haraway, How Like a Leaf: An Interview with Thyrza Nichols Goodeve [New York: Routledge, 2000], 71). See also Donna Haraway, “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective,” Feminist Studies 14, no. 3 (1988): 575–99; Marilyn Strathern, Partial Connections (Savage, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1991).Page 165 →
46.我在此使用 "共鸣 "一词，是在哈拉维讨论 "情景知识 "的意义上使用的，她认为这意味着 "以地理学家区分地点和空间的方式，获得关于地点和空间的多种嵌入模式。另一种说法是，当我在科学客观性的背景下讨论女权主义者的责任时，需要的是知识的共鸣，而不是二分法"（唐娜-哈拉维，《如何像一片树叶》：与 Thyrza Nichols Goodeve 的访谈[纽约：Routledge, 2000]，71）。另见唐娜-哈拉维，"Situated Knowledges：The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective," Feminist Studies 14, no.3 (1988):575-99; Marilyn Strathern, Partial Connections (Savage, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1991)。

47. I do not approach consumption and the “user” through everyday practice or mutual formation of users and technologies—areas that already have extensive and informative literatures. Rather, I understand “use” in several arguably undertheorized ways that focus on what comes after a more privileged idea of use as agency, often in the form of content manipulation. Following on a number of waste literatures discussed in more detail in chapter 3, I focus on use as using up—through disposal, through the labor of breaking up machines, and through the political and economic using up of geographies as global dumping grounds. For examples of “use” literature, see Bijker and Law, Shaping Technology/Building Society; Nelly Oudshoorn and Trevor Pinch, eds., How Users Matter: The Co-Construction of Users and Technologies (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003); Susan Leigh Star, ed., The Cultures of Computing (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995); Lucy Suchmann, Plans and Situated Actions: The Problem of Human-Machine Communication, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
47.我并不是通过日常实践或用户与技术的相互形成来探讨消费和 "用户"--这些领域已经有了大量翔实的文献。相反，我以几种可以说是理论化不足的方式来理解 "使用"，这些方式关注的是在使用作为机构这一更有特权的观念之后，通常以内容操纵的形式出现的东西。根据第 3 章中详细讨论的一些废弃物文献，我将重点放在作为使用的 "使用"--通过处置、通过拆解机器的劳动，以及通过作为全球垃圾场的地理环境的政治和经济使用。关于 "使用 "文献的例子，请参阅 Bijker and Law, Shaping Technology/Building Society; Nelly Oudshoorn and Trevor Pinch, eds., How Users Matter：The Co-Construction of Users and Technologies (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003)；Susan Leigh Star, ed., The Cultures of Computing (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995)；Lucy Suchmann, Plans and Situated Actions：The Problem of Human-Machine Communication, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

48. See Daniel Miller, ed., Materiality (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005); John Law and Annemarie Mol, “Notes on Materiality and Sociality,” Sociological Review 43 (1995): 274–94; Michelle Murphy, Sick Building Syndrome and the Problem of Uncertainty: Environmental Politics, Technoscience, and Women Workers (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006).
48.见 Daniel Miller 编辑的《物质性》（Durham：杜克大学出版社，2005 年）；John Law 和 Annemarie Mol 的《关于物质性和社会性的说明》，《社会学评论》第 43 期（1995 年）：274-94; Michelle Murphy, Sick Building Syndrome and the Problem of Uncertainty：Environmental Politics, Technoscience, and Women Workers (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006)。

49. While this is not a life-cycle analysis, this research does draw on studies that analyze electronics through their material inputs and environmental costs. For examples of this approach, see Ruediger Kuehr and Eric Williams, eds., Computers and the Environment: Understanding and Managing Their Impacts (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 2003).
49.虽然这不是生命周期分析，但本研究确实借鉴了通过材料投入和环境成本分析电子产品的研究。有关这种方法的例子，请参阅 Ruediger Kuehr 和 Eric Williams 编著的《计算机与环境》：了解和管理其影响》（Dordrecht：Kluwer Academic，2003 年）。

50. Hansen, Embodying Technesis, 60.
50.Hansen, Embodying Technesis, 60.

51. Hirokazu Miyazaki elaborates on the ways in which different theoretical practices identify an “object” and its “materiality” also count as material processes and constitute an important site for material analysis. See “The Materiality of Finance Theory,” in Miller, ed., Materiality, 165–81.
51.宫崎宏和（Hirokazu Miyazaki）阐述了不同的理论实践如何确定 "对象 "及其 "物质性 "也算作物质过程，并构成物质分析的重要场所。见 "金融理论的物质性"，载于米勒编著的《物质性》，165-81 页。

52. The use of the term rematerializing in this study refers to the registering of complex material processes that support otherwise apparently material-free electronics. Rematerializing in this sense is distinct from those more geographical debates concerned with whether rematerializing constitutes a return to physical matter (as opposed to cultural or conceptual concerns). See Ben Anderson and John Wylie, “On Geography and Materiality,” Environment and Planning A, 41, no. 2 (2009): 318–35.
52.本研究中使用的 "再物质化 "一词指的是将复杂的物质过程记录在案，这些过程支撑着表面上看似无物质的电子产品。这种意义上的 "再物质化 "有别于地理学上关于 "再物质化 "是否构成对物质的回归（而非对文化或概念的关注）的争论。见 Ben Anderson 和 John Wylie，"论地理学与物质性"，《环境与规划 A》，41，第 2 期（2009 年）：318-35.

53. Haraway, “Promises of Monsters,” 109.
53.Haraway, "Promises of Monsters," 109.

54. Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millenium, 43–45.
54.Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millenium, 43-45。

55. Benjamin, Arcades Project, 460.
55.Benjamin, Arcades Project, 460。

56. Ibid., 459.
56.同上，第 459 页。

57. Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing, 65.
57.Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing, 65.

58. Benjamin, Arcades Project, 871. This notion of the past sedimenting into space can also be found in Benjamin's earlier, related study of allegory and ruins, where he writes that “chronological movement is grasped and analyzed in a spatial image.” He also writes, “In the ruin history has physically merged into the setting. And in this guise history does not assume the form of the process of an eternal life so much as that of irresistible decay. Allegory thereby declares itself to be beyond beauty. Allegories are, in the realm of thoughts, what ruins are in the realm of things” (Origin Page 166 →of German Tragic Drama, 177–78). The meeting of time and space in the ruin has influenced many scholars, including Kathleen Stewart, who develops a distinct method for writing about the cultural and poetic aspects of ruins. See Kathleen Stewart, A Space on the Side of the Road (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 96.
58.Benjamin, Arcades Project, 871。本雅明早前对寓言和废墟的相关研究中也有这种过去沉淀到空间中的概念，他写道："时间运动在空间图像中被把握和分析"。他还写道："在废墟中，历史已经与环境融为一体。在这种伪装下，历史不是以永恒生命过程的形式出现，而是以不可抗拒的衰败的形式出现。寓言由此宣布自己超越了美。在思想领域，寓言就像废墟在事物领域一样"（《德国悲剧戏剧起源》第 166 页，第 177-78 页）。废墟中时间与空间的交汇影响了许多学者，其中包括凯瑟琳-斯图尔特（Kathleen Stewart）。见 Kathleen Stewart, A Space on the Side of the Road (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 96。

59. While mining sites are clearly another waste zone related to electronics, this study does not elaborate on these sites, not only due to a lack of space, but also because the focus here is less on the sum of raw materials and resources that contribute to electronics. A discussion on mining in relation to electronic waste can be found in Grossman, High Tech Trash. Mention is also made of this issue in relation to coltan and mobile phones in Nick Couldry and Anna McCarthy, eds., MediaSpace: Place, Scale, and Culture in a Media Age (London: Routledge, 2004), 2–3.
59.虽然采矿场显然是与电子产品有关的另一个废物区，但本研究并没有详细阐述这些采矿场，这不仅是由于篇幅有限，而且还因为本研究的重点并不在于造成电子产品的原材料和资源的总和。与电子垃圾有关的采矿讨论可参见格罗斯曼：《高科技垃圾》。Nick Couldry 和 Anna McCarthy 编著的《媒体空间》中也提到了与钶钽铁矿石和手机有关的这一问题：Place, Scale, and Culture in a Media Age (London: Routledge, 2004), 2-3.

60. In my use of the term circulation, I am influenced by Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar and Elizabeth A. Povinelli, who write, “In a given culture of circulation, it is more important to track the proliferating copresence of varied textual/cultural forms in all their mobility and mutability than to attempt a delineation of their fragile autonomy and specificity. Or, it is more important if the purpose, as Michel Foucault long ago suggested, is to move between the seductive sparkle of the ‘thing’ and the quiet work of the generative matrix—the diagram, as Foucault's acolyte Gilles Deleuze would name this node in the production of life that provides us with the outline of the thing and its excess. This ethnography of forms, for want of a better term, can be carried out only within a set of circulatory fields populated by myriad forms” (“Technologies of Public Forms: Circulation, Transfiguration, Recognition,” Public Culture 15, no. 3 [2003]: 391).
60.在使用 "流通 "一词时，我受到了迪利普-帕拉梅什瓦尔-高卡尔（Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar）和伊丽莎白-A-波维内利（Elizabeth A. Povinelli）的影响，他们写道："在特定的流通文化中，更重要的是追踪各种文本/文化形式在其流动性和易变性中不断扩散的共存性，而不是试图描述它们脆弱的自主性和特殊性。或者说，正如米歇尔-福柯（Michel Foucault）很久以前提出的那样，如果我们的目的是在 "事物 "的诱人闪光点与生成矩阵的静默工作之间游走，那么这一点就更为重要--福柯的追随者吉尔-德勒兹（Gilles Deleuze）将生活生产中的这一节点命名为 "图解"，它为我们提供了事物及其过度的轮廓。由于没有更好的术语，这种形式人种学只能在由无数形式构成的循环场中进行"（《公共形式的技术：公共文化 15, no.3 [2003]:391).

61. United Nations Environment Programme, “Basel Conference Addresses Electronic Wastes Challenge,” November 27, 2006, http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=485&ArticleID=5431&l=en.
61.联合国环境规划署，《巴塞尔会议应对电子废物挑战》，2006 年 11 月 27 日，http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=485&ArticleID=5431&l=en。

62. Greenpeace, “Greenpeace Pulls Plug on Dirty Electronics Companies,” May 23, 2005, http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/press/releases/greenpeace-pulls-plug-on-dirty.
62.绿色和平组织，《绿色和平组织拔掉肮脏电子公司的插头》，2005 年 5 月 23 日，http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/press/releases/greenpeace-pulls-plug-on-dirty。

63. Rachel Shabi, “The E-Waste Land,” Guardian, November 30, 2002.
63.Rachel Shabi，"电子垃圾之地"，《卫报》，2002 年 11 月 30 日。

64. Will Straw, “Exhausted Commodities: The Material Culture of Music,” Canadian Journal of Communication 25, no. 1 (2000), http://www.cjc-online.ca/index.php/journal/article/viewArticle/1148/1067.
64.Will Straw, "Exhausted Commodities：The Material Culture of Music," Canadian Journal of Communication 25, no. 1 (2000), http://www.cjc-online.ca/index.php/journal/article/viewArticle/1148/1067.

65. William Rathje and Cullen Murphy, Rubbish! The Archaeology of Garbage (New York: HarperCollins, 1992).
65.William Rathje 和 Cullen Murphy，Rubbish！垃圾考古学》（纽约：HarperCollins 出版社，1992 年）。

66. Michael Thompson, Rubbish Theory: The Creation and Destruction of Value (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979).
66.Michael Thompson, Rubbish Theory：价值的创造与毁灭》（牛津：牛津大学出版社，1979 年）。

67. Walter Moser, “The Acculturation of Waste,” in Waste-Site Stories: The Recycling of Memory, ed. Brian Neville and Johanne Villeneuve (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002), 102. Several theorists discuss these generative and dynamic qualities of waste, which will be taken up throughout this study. See also Gay Hawkins, The Ethics of Waste: How We Relate to Rubbish (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005); John Scanlan, On Garbage (London: Reaktion, 2005).
67.Walter Moser, "The Acculturation of Waste," in Waste-Site Stories：Brian Neville 和 Johanne Villeneuve 编辑（奥尔巴尼：纽约州立大学出版社，2002 年），102 页。多位理论家讨论了废物的这些生成和动态特质，本研究将对此进行深入探讨。另见盖伊-霍金斯，《废弃物的伦理》：How We Relate to Rubbish (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005)；John Scanlan, On Garbage (London: Reaktion, 2005)。

68. Victor Buchli writes (as influenced by Butler), “What is more important probably is not to study the materializations themselves but rather what was wasted towards these rapid and increasingly ephemeral materializations” (introduction to The Material Culture Reader, ed. Victor Buchli [Oxford: Berg, 2002], 17).
68.Victor Buchli（受 Butler 的影响）写道："更重要的可能不是研究物质化本身，而是研究对这些快速且日益短暂的物质化所造成的浪费"（《物质文化读本》导言，Victor Buchli 编[牛津：Berg, 2002]，第 17 页）。Victor Buchli [Oxford: Berg, 2002], 17）。

69. Serres, Parasite, 13.Page 167 →
69.Serres，《寄生虫》，13.第 167 页 → 《"...

Chapter 1
第 1 章

Donna Haraway, “Cyborgs, Coyotes, and Dogs: A Kinship of Feminist Figurations” and “There Are Always More Things Going on Than You Thought! Methodologies as Thinking Technologies: An Interview with Donna Haraway,” conducted in two parts by Nina Lykke, Randi Markussen, and Finn Olesen, in Haraway Reader, 338.
唐娜-哈拉维（Donna Haraway）：《机器人、土狼和狗：女权主义形象的亲缘关系》和《总是有比你想象的更多的事情在发生》！作为思维技术的方法论：由 Nina Lykke、Randi Markussen 和 Finn Olesen 分两部分进行的 "唐娜-哈拉维访谈"，载于《哈拉维读本》，338。

1. Jim Fisher, “Poison Valley: Is Workers’ Health the Price We Pay for High-Tech Progress?” Salon, July 30, 2001, http://archive.salon.com/tech/feature/2001/07/30/almaden1/. As Fisher writes, these “aspiring cities are founded on the reduction of a new precious metal—the computer chip—which in the end is just a metalized piece of sand, or silicon.”
1.吉姆-费舍尔，"毒谷：工人的健康是我们为高科技进步付出的代价吗？沙龙》，2001 年 7 月 30 日，http://archive.salon.com/tech/feature/2001/07/30/almaden1/。正如费舍尔所写，这些 "有抱负的城市建立在一种新的贵金属--计算机芯片--的还原基础上，而这种芯片归根结底只是一块金属化的沙子或硅片"。

2. Albert Borgmann, Holding On to Reality: The Nature of Information at the Turn of the Millennium (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 144. This basic theory of information, which can be traced to Claude Shannon and Warren Weaver, demonstrates how the “bit,” as a switching model, is closely tied to the actual operation of electrical currents. In this sense, material systems and informational systems are interdependent. See Claude E. Shannon and Warren Weaver, The Mathematical Theory of Communication (1949; repr., Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1962); Hayles, How We Became Posthuman.
2.Albert Borgmann, Holding On to Reality：The Nature of Information at the Turn of the Millennium (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 144.这一信息基本理论可追溯到克劳德-香农和沃伦-韦弗，它展示了作为开关模型的 "比特 "是如何与电流的实际运行紧密联系在一起的。从这个意义上说，物质系统和信息系统是相互依存的。见 Claude E. Shannon and Warren Weaver, The Mathematical Theory of Communication (1949; repr., Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1962); Hayles, How We Became Posthuman.

3. Christophe Lécuyer and David C. Brock undertake a material investigation into electronic innovation and suggest that not only are microelectronics “under materialized,” but that by focusing on materials entirely new questions about the material networks and ecologies of electronics emerge. See “The Materiality of Microelectronics,” History and Technology 22, no. 3 (September 2006): 301–25.
3.Christophe Lécuyer 和 David C. Brock 对电子创新进行了材料调查，认为微电子不仅 "未被材料化"，而且通过对材料的关注，出现了有关电子材料网络和生态的全新问题。参见 "微电子的物质性"，《历史与技术》第 22 卷第 3 期（2006 年 9 月）："微电子的物质性"，《历史与技术》第 22 卷第 3 期（2006 年 9 月）："微电子的物质性"。3 (September 2006)：301-25.

4. For a detailed analysis of microchip resources and inputs, see Ruediger Kuehr, German T. Velasquez, and Eric Williams, “Computers and the Environment: An Introduction to Understanding and Managing Their Impacts,” in Kuehr and Williams, Computers and the Environment, 1–16.
4.有关微型芯片资源和投入的详细分析，请参阅 Ruediger Kuehr、German T. Velasquez 和 Eric Williams 合著的《计算机与环境》（"Computers and the Environment：Kuehr 和 Williams，《计算机与环境》，1-16 页。

5. For reports on the historic development and dot-com to dot-bomb culture of technology in Silicon Valley, see Christophe Lecuyer, Making Silicon Valley: Innovation and the Growth of High Tech, 1930–1970 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005); Christine A. Finn, Artifacts: An Archaeologist's Year in Silicon Valley (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001).
5.有关硅谷技术的历史发展和从网络公司到网络炸弹文化的报告，见 Christophe Lecuyer, Making Silicon Valley：Innovation and the Growth of High Tech, 1930-1970 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005)；Christine A. Finn, Artifacts：一位考古学家在硅谷的一年》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，2001 年）。

6. Fisher, “Poison Valley.” See also the listings for Santa Clara County in the EPA's National Priorities List, http://yosemite.epa.gov/r9/sfund/r9sfdocw.nsf/WSOState!OpenView&Start=1&Count=1000&Expand=2.29#2.29.
6.费舍尔，"毒谷"。另请参阅环保局国家优先事项清单中有关圣克拉拉县的列表，http://yosemite.epa.gov/r9/sfund/r9sfdocw.nsf/WSOState!OpenView&Start=1&Count=1000&Expand=2.29#2.29。

Information on Superfund sites in Silicon Valley in the form of legal documents and records of decision was initially made available through the EPA office in San Francisco. Much of this information is now available at http://www.epa.gov/region09/superfund/superfundsites.html. The Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition also features a “Silicon Valley Toxic Tour” on its Web site, where an interactive map allows users to view the different Silicon Valley Superfund sites. See http://www.svtc.org/site/PageServer?pagename=svtc_silicon_valley_toxic_tour.
有关硅谷超级基金场地的法律文件和决策记录形式的信息最初是通过旧金山的环保局办 公室提供的。现在，这些信息大部分都可以在 http://www.epa.gov/region09/superfund/superfundsites.html 上获得。硅谷毒物联盟还在其网站上推出了 "硅谷毒物之旅"，用户可通过互动地图查看硅谷不同的超级基金场所。见 http://www.svtc.org/site/PageServer?pagename=svtc_silicon_valley_toxic_tour。

7. Cleanup is also not an absolute process, as chemicals potentially break down and migrate in unexpected ways to become newly toxic. See Matt Ritchel, “E.P.A. Takes Second Look at Many Superfund Sites,” New York Times, January 31, 2003.
7.清理也不是一个绝对的过程，因为化学品有可能以意想不到的方式分解和迁移，成为新的有毒物质。见 Matt Ritchel，"E.P.A. Takes Second Look at Many Superfund Sites"，《纽约时报》，2003 年 1 月 31 日。

8. Intel Corporation, “From Sand to Circuits,” 2005, ftp://download.intel.com/museum/sand_to_circuits.pdf.Page 168 →
8.英特尔公司，《从沙子到电路》，2005 年，ftp://download.intel.com/museum/sand_to_circuits.pdf.Page 168 →。

9. Ibid.
9.同上。

10. Kuehr, Velasquez, and Williams, “Computers and the Environment,” 7. As these authors write, “Computer production is materials-intensive; the total fossil fuels used to manufacture one computer, for example, amount to nine times the weight of the actual computer.” As David Naguib Pellow and Lisa Sun-Hee Park also outline, “In 1999, on average, the production of an eight-inch silicon wafer required the following resources: 4,267 cubic feet of bulk gases, 3,787 gallons of waste water, 27 pounds of chemicals, 29 cubic feet of hazardous gases, 9 pounds of hazardous waste, and 3,023 gallons of deionized water” (The Silicon Valley of Dreams: Environmental Injustice, Immigrant Workers, and the High-Tech Global Economy [New York: New York University Press, 2002], 76–77).
10.Kuehr、Velasquez 和 Williams 著，"计算机与环境"，第 7 页。这些作者写道："计算机生产是材料密集型的；例如，制造一台计算机所使用的化石燃料总量相当于实际计算机重量的九倍。David Naguib Pellow 和 Lisa Sun-Hee Park 还概述道："1999 年，生产一个 8 英寸硅晶片平均需要以下资源：4,267 立方英尺的散装气体、3,787 加仑的废水、27 磅的化学品、29 立方英尺的有害气体、9 磅的有害废物和 3,023 加仑的去离子水"（《梦幻硅谷》）：The Silicon Valley of Dreams: Environmental Injustice, Immigrant Workers, and the High-Tech Global Economy [New York: New York University Press, 2002], 76-77）。

11. Mazurek, Making Microchips, ix.
11.Mazurek, Making Microchips, ix.

12. Not only is it ironic that a considerable amount of wasted material is required to manufacture dust-free microchips, but electronics also generate dust throughout their life cycles. More will be said about dust as waste in chapter 5, but the dust emitted from computers while in use has also been shown to contain brominated flame retardants (BFRs), substances that have a range of possible deleterious effects for people and environments. Elizabeth Grossman writes at length about BFRs in High Tech Trash; see also Alexandra McPherson, Beverley Thorpe, and Ann Blake, “Brominated Flame Retardants in Dust on Computers: The Case for Safer Chemicals and Better Computer Design,” June 2004, http://www.electronicstakeback.com.
12.具有讽刺意味的是，制造无尘微芯片需要大量废弃材料，但电子产品在其生命周期内也会产生灰尘。第 5 章将详细介绍作为废物的灰尘，但电脑在使用过程中产生的灰尘也被证明含有溴化阻燃剂 (BFR)，这种物质可能对人类和环境产生一系列有害影响。伊丽莎白-格罗斯曼（Elizabeth Grossman）在《高科技垃圾》一书中详细介绍了溴化阻燃剂；另见亚历山德拉-麦克弗森（Alexandra McPherson）、贝弗利-索普（Beverley Thorpe）和安-布莱克（Ann Blake）的《电脑灰尘中的溴化阻燃剂》：The Case for Safer Chemicals and Better Computer Design》，2004 年 6 月，http://www.electronicstakeback.com。

13. A typical Intel fab is also equipped with automated pods on monorails, which monitor the chip “recipes” and transport heavy loads of wafer fabs. For a demonstration of this process, see the Intel Corporation's video “Invention, Innovation, Investment” at http://intelpr.feedroom.com/.
13.典型的英特尔晶圆厂还配备了自动单轨吊舱，用于监控芯片 "配方 "和运输重载晶圆厂。有关这一过程的演示，请参阅英特尔公司的视频 "发明、创新、投资"，网址是 http://intelpr.feedroom.com/。

14. Many of the fab workers in the United States are immigrants and economically disadvantaged women of color. With offshoring of microchip fabrication to Southeast Asia and elsewhere, the profile of fab workers is similar. See Terry Harpold and Kavita Philip, “Of Bugs and Rats: Cyber-Cleanliness, Cyber-Squalor, and the Fantasy-Spaces of Informational Globalization,” Postmodern Culture 11, no. 1 (2000), http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/pmc/v011/11.1harpold.html. See also Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams. There is very little comprehensive information about fab workers and rates of illness, but one early study is Damien M. McElvenny et al., Cancer among Current and Former Workers at National Semiconductor (UK) Ltd., Greenock (Norwich, UK: Health and Safety Executive Books, 2001).
14.美国的许多晶圆厂工人是移民和经济上处于不利地位的有色人种妇女。随着微芯片制造离岸外包到东南亚和其他地方，晶圆厂工人的情况也类似。见 Terry Harpold 和 Kavita Philip，"Of Bugs and Rats：见 Terry Harpold 和 Kavita Philip, "Of Bugs and Rats: Cyber-Cleanliness, Cyber-Squalor, and the Fantasy-Spaces of Informational Globalization," Postmodern Culture 11, no.另见 Pellow 和 Park，《梦幻硅谷》。关于晶圆厂工人和患病率的综合信息很少，但有一项早期研究，即 Damien M. McElvenny 等人的研究：《格林诺克国家半导体（英国）有限公司现任和前任工人中的癌症》（英国诺里奇：健康与安全执行书局，2001 年）。

15. Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 76.
15.Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 76.

16. Ibid., 86–87.
16.同上，第 86-87 页。

17. Kenneth Geiser, “The Chips Are Falling: Health Hazards in the Microelectronics Industry,” Science for the People 17, no. 8 (1985), as cited in Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 76–77. As Werner Rugemer further elaborates, “Building smaller and faster circuits…requires the use of more solvents and other chemicals to achieve the necessary requirements for ‘clean’ components. As the geometries of production decrease, more solvents are needed to wash away ever smaller ‘killer particles’ that could jam a circuit. Smaller and faster may also mean using even more chemicals” (“The Social, Human, and Structural Costs of High Technology: The Case of Silicon Valley,” Nature, Society, and Thought 1 [1987]: 149–60).
17.Kenneth Geiser，"The Chips Are Falling：微电子工业的健康危害"，《人民科学》第 17 期，第 8 号（1985 年），转引自 Pellow 和 Park，《梦幻硅谷》，第 76-77 页。正如 Werner Rugemer 进一步阐述的那样："构建更小更快的电路......需要使用更多的溶剂和其他化学品，以达到'清洁'元件的必要要求。随着生产几何尺寸的缩小，需要使用更多的溶剂来洗去可能干扰电路的更小的'致命微粒'。更小、更快也可能意味着使用更多的化学品"（"高科技的社会、人力和结构成本：硅谷案例》，《自然、社会与思想》1 [1987]：149-60).

18. In this way, Esther Leslie asks whether it is “possible to tell history from the standpoint of matter—coal, diamonds, gold, metals, glass, dyes, cellophane” (Synthetic Worlds: Nature, Art, and the Chemical Industry [London: Reaktion, 2005], 24).Page 169 →
18.这样，埃斯特-莱斯利就会问，是否 "可以从物质--煤、钻石、黄金、金属、玻璃、染料、玻璃纸--的角度来讲述历史"（《合成世界：自然、艺术与化学工业》[伦敦：Reaktion, 2005]，24）。

19. Ibid.
19.同上。

20. See the Semiconductor Industry Association's Web site at http://www.sia-online.org/cs/industry_resources/industry_fact_sheet. The SIA estimates that “In 2005, the semiconductor industry made over 90 million transistors for every man, woman and child on Earth, and by 2010, this number should be 1 billion transistors.” See also Grossman, High Tech Trash, 4; Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 86.
20.参见半导体行业协会网站 http://www.sia-online.org/cs/industry_resources/industry_fact_sheet。据半导体工业协会估计，"2005 年，半导体工业为地球上的每个男人、女人和儿童制造了超过 9000 万个晶体管，到 2010 年，这一数字将达到 10 亿个晶体管。另见 Grossman, High Tech Trash, 4; Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 86。

21. Daniel Bell is one of the most well-known historic commentators on the perceived shift to postindustrial economies. See Daniel Bell, The Coming of the Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting (New York: Basic Books, 1976).
21.丹尼尔-贝尔（Daniel Bell）是历史上最著名的评论家之一，他对向后工业经济转变的看法众所周 知。见 Daniel Bell, The Coming of the Post-Industrial Society：A Venture in Social Forecasting (New York: Basic Books, 1976)。

22. Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 86.
22.Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 86.

23. I will not discuss offshoring at length here; for more information on this topic, see Smith, Sonnenfeld, and Pellow, Challenging the Chip.
23.关于离岸外包的更多信息，请参阅 Smith、Sonnenfeld 和 Pellow 合著的《挑战芯片》。

24. Jack Kilby at Texas Instruments and Robert Noyce at Fairchild Semiconductor filed separate patents for versions of the integrated circuit in 1959 (having each developed versions in 1958). They have both since been recognized as founding “inventors” of the integrated circuit.
24.德州仪器公司的杰克-基尔比和飞兆半导体公司的罗伯特-诺伊斯于 1959 年分别申请了不同版本的集成电路专利（他们各自在 1958 年开发了不同版本的集成电路）。此后，他们都被公认为集成电路的创始 "发明者"。

25. The terms microprocessor and integrated circuit are both referred to as chips or “microchips” in this study; in technical terms, microprocessor refers to a more sophisticated assemblage of transistors, the “computer on a chip.”
25.在本研究中，微处理器和集成电路都被称为芯片或 "微芯片"；在技术术语中，微处理器指的是更复杂的晶体管组合，即 "芯片上的计算机"。

26. Leslie Berlin, The Man Behind the Microchip: Robert Noyce and the Invention of Silicon Valley (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 137.
26.Leslie Berlin, The Man Behind the Microchip：Robert Noyce and the Invention of Silicon Valley》（牛津：牛津大学出版社，2005 年），第 137 页。

27. Ibid., 138.
27.同上，第 138 页。

28. Gordon Moore cited in ibid., 138.
28.戈登-摩尔，引自同上，第 138 页。

29. Gordon E. Moore, “Cramming More Components onto Integrated Circuits,” Electronics 38, no. 8 (April 19, 1965): 114–17. While Moore's Law may have been an inviolable principle up to this point, a number of inquiries make continual speculations about the point at which maximum growth will be reached and when an entirely new structure of growth and development will be required (such as nano-technology). Gordon Moore offers his own speculation on this point in the essay “No Exponential Is Forever…but We Can Delay Forever,” Solid State Circuits Conference Proceedings 1 (2003): 20–23.
29.戈登-E-摩尔："在集成电路上挤入更多元件"，《电子学》第 38 卷第 8 期（1965 年 4 月 19 日）：114-17.尽管摩尔定律在此之前可能一直是一条不可侵犯的原则，但一些研究人员仍在不断猜测，何时会达到最大增长，何时需要全新的增长和发展结构（如纳米技术）。戈登-摩尔（Gordon Moore）在文章 "没有指数是永恒的......但我们可以永远延迟"（Solid State Circuits Conference Proceedings 1 (2003)：20-23.

30. Drawing a correlation between technological advance and waste, where ongoing growth in processing power renders old models obsolete, Gordon Moore further notes, “If the auto industry advanced as rapidly as the semiconductor industry, a Rolls Royce would get half a million miles per gallon and it would be cheaper to throw it away than to park it” (cited in “4004: Intel's First Microprocessor,” available at http://intelpr.feedroom.com/).
30.戈登-摩尔进一步指出："如果汽车工业像半导体工业那样迅速发展，劳斯莱斯的每加仑行驶里程将达到 50 万英里，而把它扔掉要比停在路边便宜得多"（引自 "4004：英特尔公司的第一个微处理器 "中引用，可登录 http://intelpr.feedroom.com/ 查阅）。

31. Intel produces around 75 percent of microchips worldwide, with the nearest competitor, Advanced Micro Devices, accounting for 23 percent of microchip production. Intel's dominance has recently been challenged by a run of antitrust cases. See “Intel's Antitrust Ruling: A Billion-Euro Question,” Economist, May 14, 2009.
31.英特尔生产了全球约 75% 的微芯片，与之最接近的竞争对手先进微设备公司（Advanced Micro Devices）只占微芯片产量的 23%。英特尔的主导地位最近受到一系列反垄断案件的挑战。参见 "英特尔的反垄断裁决：十亿欧元的问题"，《经济学家》，2009 年 5 月 14 日。

32. Timothy Mitchell, “Rethinking Economy,” Geoforum 39, no. 3 (2008): 1116–21. See also Timothy Mitchell, “The Character of Calculability,” in Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 80–122.
32.Timothy Mitchell, "Rethinking Economy," Geoforum 39, no.3 (2008):1116-21.另见 Timothy Mitchell, "The Character of Calculability," in Rule of Experts：埃及、技术政治、现代性》（伯克利：加州大学出版社，2002 年），80-122 页。

33. Patrick Haggerty, “Integrated Electronics: A Perspective,” in Management Philosophies and Practices of Texas Instruments (Dallas: Texas Instruments, 1965), as reprinted in Frederick Seitz and Norman G. Einspruch, Electronic Genie: The Tangled History of Silicon (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 221.
33.Patrick Haggerty，"Integrated Electronics：A Perspective," in Management Philosophies and Practices of Texas Instruments (Dallas: Texas Instruments, 1965), as reprinted in Frederick Seitz and Norman G. Einspruch, Electronic Genie: The Tangled History of Silicon (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 221.

34. Ibid., 252.Page 170 →
34.同上，第 252 页。

35. Claude E. Shannon, “The Mathematical Theory of Communication,” in Shannon and Weaver, Mathematical Theory of Communication, 31–35.
35.克劳德-E-香农：《通信的数学理论》，载于香农和韦弗：《通信的数学理论》，31-35 页。

36. John Durham Peters suggests just how seductive a universal approach to information became, as meaning was detached and reattached in altered form: “‘Communication theory’ was explicitly a theory of ‘signals’ and not of ‘significance.’ But as the terms diffused through intellectual life—and they did so at violent speed—these provisos were little heeded. ‘Information’ became a substantive and communication theory became an account of meaning as well as of channel capacity. Indeed, the theory may have seemed so exciting because it made something already quite familiar in war, bureaucracy, and everyday life into a concept of science and technology. Information was no longer raw data, military logistics, or phone numbers; it was the principle of the universe's intelligibility” (Speaking into the Air: A History of the Idea of Communication [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999], 23). Hayles points out that with developments in information theory, emphasis was placed on the manipulation of informational patterns at the expense of embodiment. She notes, “Aiding this process was a definition of information, formalized by Claude Shannon and Norbert Wiener, that conceptualized information as an entity distinct from the substrates carrying it. From this formulation, it was a small step to think of information as a kind of bodiless fluid that could flow between different substrates without loss of meaning or form” (How We Became Posthuman, xi). In the same study, Hayles writes about the dematerializing drive toward total informatization and about how, “in the face of such a powerful dream, it can be a shock to remember that for information to exist, it must always be instantiated in a medium” (13).
36.约翰-达勒姆-彼得斯（John Durham Peters）指出，当意义被剥离并以改变的形式重新连接起来时，信息的通用方法变得多么诱人："'传播理论'显然是一种关于'信号'而非'意义'的理论。但随着这些术语在知识界的传播--而且传播速度极快--这些限制性条款几乎无人理睬。信息 "成了一个实质性的概念，传播理论成了关于意义和信道容量的理论。事实上，这一理论之所以看起来如此激动人心，可能是因为它将战争、官僚机构和日常生活中已经相当熟悉的事物变成了科学技术的概念。信息不再是原始数据、军事后勤或电话号码；它是宇宙的可理解性原理"（《对空讲话》（Speaking into the Air：A History of the Idea of Communication [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999], 23）。海尔斯指出，随着信息论的发展，人们开始重视对信息模式的操作，而忽略了对其具体化的关注。她指出："克劳德-香农（Claude Shannon）和诺伯特-维纳（Norbert Wiener）正式确定了信息的定义，将信息概念化为有别于承载信息的基质的实体。从这一表述出发，将信息视为一种可以在不同基质之间流动而不会失去意义或形式的无体流体只是一小步"（《我们如何成为后人类》，xi）。在同一研究中，Hayles 写道，"面对如此强大的梦想，要记住信息要存在，就必须在媒介中实现"（13）。

37. Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994), 139.
37.马歇尔-麦克卢汉，《理解媒体》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，1994 年），第 139 页。

38. James R. Beniger, The Control Revolution: Technological and Economic Origins of the Information Society (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 25–26. In this study of information technologies, Beniger addresses the possibility for complete assimilation through digitalization, which he suggests “begins to blur earlier distinctions between the communication of information and its processing…as well as between people and machines.” “Also blurred,” he writes, “are the distinctions among information types: numbers, words, pictures, and sounds, and eventually tastes, odors, and possibly even sensations, all might one day be stored, processed, and communicated in the same digital form. In this way digitalization promises to transform currently diverse forms of information into a generalized medium for processing and exchange by the social system, much as, centuries ago, the institution of common currencies and exchange rates began to transform local markets into a single world economy.”
38.James R. Beniger, The Control Revolution：The Control Revolution: Technological and Economic Origins of the Information Society (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 25-26.在这篇关于信息技术的研究中，贝尼格谈到了通过数字化实现完全同化的可能性，他认为数字化 "开始模糊了信息交流与信息处理......以及人与机器之间早期的区别"。"他写道，"同样模糊的还有信息类型之间的区别：数字、文字、图片和声音，以及最终的味道、气味，甚至可能是感觉，都有可能在某一天以同样的数字形式存储、处理和传播。通过这种方式，数字化有望将目前多种多样的信息形式转变为一种通用媒介，供社会系统处理和交换，就像几个世纪前，通用货币和汇率制度开始将地方市场转变为单一的世界经济一样"。

39. Ibid., 23. By locating the “crisis” of production and control in the nineteenth century, Beniger suggests that information overload has a longer history than recent postwar computing devices. Printing, punch cards, and preelectric forms of automation all contributed to a form of overload. Computing, then, emerges as yet another technology that attempted to control the deluge.
39.同上，第 23 页。通过将生产与控制的 "危机 "定位在 19 世纪，Beniger 认为信息超载的历史要比战后最近的计算设备更为悠久。印刷术、打卡机和电气化之前的自动化形式都造成了某种形式的超载。因此，计算机成为另一种试图控制信息洪流的技术。

40. Ibid., 17–18.
40.同上，17-18 页。

41. Punch cards are the classic example of the ways in which attempts to manage information (e.g., Census data) contributed to the development of new technologies (punch cards) to manage that information. See Jennifer Gabrys, “Paper Mountains, Page 171 →Disposable Cities,” in Surface Tension Supplement 1, ed. Brandon Labelle and Ken Ehrlich (Los Angeles: Errant Bodies Press, 2006), 130–39. For another example of these integrated economies of excess, see Abigail Sellen and Richard Harper, The Myth of the Paperless Office (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002).
41.打孔卡是管理信息（如人口普查数据）的尝试促进了管理信息的新技术（打孔卡）发展的典型例子。参见詹妮弗-加布里斯：《纸山，第 171 页→一次性城市》，载于《表面张力》补编 1，布兰登-拉贝尔和肯-埃利希编（洛杉矶：Errant Bodies Press，2006 年），130-39 页。关于这些综合过剩经济的另一个例子，见 Abigail Sellen 和 Richard Harper，《无纸办公室的神话》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，2002 年）。

42. Engineer and information scientist John Robinson Pierce notes that “an increase in possibilities increases entropy” (“The Origins of Information Theory,” in An Introduction to Information Theory: Symbols, Signals, and Noise [New York: Dover, 1980], 23). Warren Weaver similarly considers how the tendency toward overproduction of new information leads to entropy, or to what information theorists refer to as “noise.” Weaver discusses how a channel may be saturated with information to overload the delivery process completely. In this way, “if one tries to overcrowd the capacity of the audience, it is probably true, by direct analogy, that you do not, so to speak, fill the audience up and then waste only the remainder by spilling. More likely, and again by direct analogy, if you overcrowd the capacity of the audience you force a general and inescapable error and confusion.” In fact, Weaver correlates the noise, or entropy, of a signal with both the “character of the source” and the “capabilities of the channel” through which it passes. His extended explanation makes clear, however, that the entropy is actually related to the material restraints the medium sets on the message. See Warren Weaver, “Some Recent Contributions to the Mathematical Theory of Communication,” in Shannon and Weaver, Mathematical Theory of Communication, 1–28.
42.工程师兼信息科学家约翰-罗宾逊-皮尔斯（John Robinson Pierce）指出，"可能性的增加会增加熵"（《信息论的起源》，载于《信息论导论》：符号、信号和噪音[纽约：多佛，1980 年]，23）。沃伦-韦弗（Warren Weaver）同样考虑了过度生产新信息的趋势如何导致熵，或信息理论家所说的 "噪音"。韦弗讨论了一个渠道如何被信息饱和到完全超载的传递过程。这样，"如果一个人试图让听众的容量超载，那么通过直接类比，你不会把听众塞得满满的，然后只通过溢出来浪费剩余的部分，这很可能是真的。更有可能的是，同样通过直接类比，如果你把观众的容量挤得满满的，你就会造成普遍的、不可避免的错误和混乱"。事实上，韦弗将信号的噪声或熵与信号的 "来源特征 "和信号通过的 "通道能力 "联系起来。不过，他的扩展解释清楚地表明，熵实际上与媒介对信息的物质限制有关。见 Warren Weaver，"Some Recent Contributions to the Mathematical Theory of Communication"，载于 Shannon and Weaver，Mathematical Theory of Communication，1-28。

43. Beniger, Control Revolution, 47–48.
43.Beniger, Control Revolution, 47-48.

44. Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1985), 4. This report was originally commissioned by the Conseil des Universités of the government of Quebec. Arguably, widespread use of electronic information technologies and postmodernism emerge at the same moment for a reason: the perceived excess (of information and speed) that generates from and through these devices gives rise to discourses of proliferation.
44.让-弗朗索瓦-利奥塔：《后现代状况》：Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1985), 4.这份报告最初是受魁北克政府大学理事会委托撰写的。可以说，电子信息技术的广泛使用与后现代主义同时出现是有原因的：从这些设备中产生并通过这些设备产生的（信息和速度）过剩感引起了关于扩散的论述。

45. See Todd Gitlin, Media Unlimited: How the Torrent of Images and Sounds Overwhelms Our Lives (New York: Henry Holt, 2003).
45.见 Todd Gitlin, Media Unlimited：How the Torrent of Images and Sounds Overwhelms Our Lives (New York: Henry Holt, 2003)。

46. Peter Lyman and Hal R. Varian, “How Much Information,” 2003, http://www2.sims.berkeley.edu/research/projects/how-much-info-2003/index.htm. Information about the ongoing 2008 “How Much Information” study can be found on the Web site of the Global Information Industry Center at the University of California, San Diego, http://hmi.ucsd.edu/howmuchinfo.php.
46.Peter Lyman 和 Hal R. Varian，"How Much Information"，2003 年，http://www2.sims.berkeley.edu/research/projects/how-much-info-2003/index.htm。有关正在进行的 2008 年 "How Much Information "研究的信息，可在加利福尼亚大学圣地亚哥分校全球信息产业中心的网站 http://hmi.ucsd.edu/howmuchinfo.php 上查阅。

47. Lyman and Varian, “How Much Information.”
47.莱曼和瓦里安，"多少信息"。

48. Ibid.
48.同上。

49. Another private study, sponsored by EMC Corporation, suggests that these numbers are much higher, with as many as 3,892,179,868,480,350,000,000 bits added to the “Digital Universe” in 2008, which would be equivalent to an increase of 487 exabytes (almost 30 times more bytes than estimated by the “How Much Information” study in 2003). See IDC, The Diverse and Exploding Digital Universe: An Updated Forecast of Worldwide Information Growth through 2011 (Framingham, MA: IDC, 2008).
49.另一项由 EMC 公司赞助的私人研究表明，这些数字要高得多，2008 年 "数字宇宙 "新增的比特数高达 3,892,179,868,480,350,000,000 位，相当于增加了 487 艾字节（比 2003 年 "信息量 "研究估计的字节数多出近 30 倍）。见 IDC，《多样化和爆炸性的数字宇宙》：到 2011 年全球信息增长的最新预测》（马萨诸塞州弗雷明汉：IDC，2008 年）。

50. Many computing texts—historic and contemporary—emphasize the basic calculating function of computers. For example, see Gordon Pask and Susan Curran, Micro Man: Living and Growing with Computers (London: Century, 1982). Media theorists have also discussed at length the relation between calculation and computation. Page 172 →For example, Darin Barney elaborates on the notion of the calculative episteme of computing technologies in Prometheus Wired (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 2000), 61.
50.历史上和当代的许多计算机文献都强调计算机的基本计算功能。例如，参见 Gordon Pask 和 Susan Curran 合著的《微人》（Micro Man：生活与成长》（伦敦：世纪出版社，1982 年）。媒体理论家也详细讨论了计算与计算之间的关系。第 172 页 →例如，达林-巴尼在《连线的普罗米修斯》（温哥华：不列颠哥伦比亚大学，2000 年）中阐述了计算技术的计算认识论概念，第 61 页。

51. Georg Simmel discusses the ways in which quantities can give rise to new qualities in The Philosophy of Money, trans. Tom Bottomore and David Frisby (1907; repr; London: Routledge, 1990), 278–80. In this respect, as Don Slater and Andrew Barry emphasize through the ongoing developments in metrology, calculation does not just count or reflect “reality”; instead, it creates “calculable objects” that can give rise to “new realities.” See Slater and Barry's introduction to The Technological Economy, ed. Don Slater and Andrew Barry (London: Routledge, 2005), 11; Bruno Latour, Pandora's Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science Studies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).
51.格奥尔格-西美尔在《货币哲学》（The Philosophy of Money）一书中讨论了数量产生新品质的方式。Tom Bottomore and David Frisby (1907; repr; London: Routledge, 1990), 278-80。在这方面，正如唐-斯莱特（Don Slater）和安德鲁-巴里（Andrew Barry）通过计量学的不断发展所强调的，计算并不仅仅是计算或反映 "现实"；相反，它创造了 "可计算的对象"，而这些对象可以产生 "新的现实"。参见斯莱特和巴里对《技术经济》（The Technological Economy）的介绍。唐-斯莱特和安德鲁-巴里合著的《技术经济》导言（伦敦：Routledge 出版社，2005 年），第 11 页；布鲁诺-拉图尔，《潘多拉的希望：关于科学研究现实的论文》（剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，1999 年）。

52. Lyman and Varian, “How Much Information.” To give another sense of just how big five exabytes is, the authors elaborate, “If digitized, the nineteen million books and other print collections in the Library of Congress would contain about ten terabytes of information; five exabytes of information is equivalent in size to the information contained in half a million new libraries the size of the Library of Congress print collections.”
52.莱曼和瓦里安，"多少信息"。为了让人们进一步了解 5 艾字节到底有多大，作者详细阐述道："如果数字化，美国国会图书馆的 1,900 万册图书和其他印刷藏书将包含约 10 TB 的信息；5 艾字节的信息量相当于 50 万个新图书馆所包含的信息量，与美国国会图书馆的印刷藏书量相当"。

53. Vannevar Bush, “As We May Think,” Atlantic Monthly, July 1945, 101–8, available at http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/3336451.0001.101 Similar economies of scale and compression are still at work today, most notably with the ongoing Google Books project. See http://books.google.com/googlebooks/history.html.
53.Vannevar Bush，"As We May Think"，《大西洋月刊》，1945 年 7 月，101-8，见 http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/3336451.0001.101。类似的规模经济和压缩经济如今仍在发挥作用，最明显的是正在进行的谷歌图书项目。见 http://books.google.com/googlebooks/history.html。

54. Bush, “As We May Think.”
54.布什，"如我们所想"。

55. McLuhan, Understanding Media, 111.
55.麦克卢汉，《理解媒体》，第 111 页。

56. Dave Patterson, “A Conversation with Jim Gray,” ACM Queue 1, no. 4 (June 2003): 8–17. http://queue.acm.org/detail.cfm?id=864078.
56.Dave Patterson, "A Conversation with Jim Gray," ACM Queue 1, no.4 (June 2003)：8-17. http://queue.acm.org/detail.cfm?id=864078.

57. I will discuss these qualities of calculation further in chapter 2. See also Michel Callon and John Law, “On Qualculation, Agency and Otherness,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, no. 5 (2005): 717–33.
57.我将在第 2 章中进一步讨论计算的这些特质。另见 Michel Callon 和 John Law，"On Qualculation, Agency and Otherness," Environment and Planning D. Society and Space 23，no：Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, no.5 (2005):717-33.

58. As discussed throughout this study, I am here extending N. Katherine Hayles's discussion of the imagining of immaterial information to consider how dematerialization operates beyond the “medium” and extends to infrastructures or media environments. See Hayles, How We Became Posthuman.
58.正如本研究中所讨论的那样，我在此延伸 N. Katherine Hayles 关于非物质信息想象的讨论，以考虑非物质化如何超越 "媒介"，延伸到基础设施或媒介环境。见 Hayles, How We Became Posthuman.

59. Simmel described this sensation in 1903, at a time when urban stimuli challenged all strategies of adaptation and response. The intensity, speed, and rapid change of impressions found in the modern metropolis, Simmel argued, gave rise to new strategies of sensorial navigation. See Georg Simmel, “The Metropolis and Mental Life,” in Simmel on Culture, ed. David Frisby and Mike Featherstone (1903; repr., London: Sage, 1997), 174–86.
59.西美尔在 1903 年描述了这种感觉，当时城市刺激对所有适应和反应策略都提出了挑战。西美尔认为，现代大都市印象的强度、速度和快速变化催生了新的感官导航策略。见 Georg Simmel，"大都市与精神生活"，载于 Simmel on Culture，ed.David Frisby and Mike Featherstone (1903; repr., London: Sage, 1997), 174-86.

60. A number of writers have worked through the notion of virtual geography. For example, see William J. Mitchell, City of Bits: Space, Place, and the Infobahn (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995).
60.许多作家对虚拟地理学的概念进行了研究。例如，参见 William J. Mitchell, City of Bits：Space, Place, and the Infobahn (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995)。

61. For a description of this Superfund redevelopment, see Environmental Protection Agency, “Fairchild Semiconductor Case Study,” http://epa.gov/superfund/programs/recycle/live/casestudy_fairchild.html.
61.有关这一超级基金再开发项目的描述，请参见环境保护局，"Fairchild Semiconductor 案例研究"， http://epa.gov/superfund/programs/recycle/live/casestudy_fairchild.html。

62. While one finds the most Superfund sites in the United States within the amorphous boundaries of Silicon Valley, there is another register of abundance in this same location: Silicon Valley is also the site of one of the largest concentrations Page 173 →of millionaires in the world (see Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 1). Many of these millionaires, however, refer to themselves as “working-class millionaires,” given the relative poverty they feel they experience in comparison to highly paid executives. See Gary Rivlin, “In Silicon Valley, Millionaires Who Don't Feel Rich,” New York Times, August 5, 2007.
62.虽然在硅谷无定形的边界内，人们发现了美国最多的超级基金场地，但在同一地点，还有另一个丰富的注册地：硅谷也是世界上百万富翁最集中的地方之一（见 Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 1）。然而，这些百万富翁中的许多人称自己为 "工薪阶层的百万富翁"，因为与高薪的行政人员相比，他们感到自己相对贫穷。见 Gary Rivlin，"In Silicon Valley, Millionaires Who Don't Feel Rich"，《纽约时报》，2007 年 8 月 5 日。

63. In a Marxian analysis, David Harvey discusses the role of spaces of accumulation and suggests that the growth of economies requires “the necessary creation of a geographical landscape to facilitate accumulation through production and circulation” (Spaces of Capital: Towards a Critical Geography [London: Routledge, 2001], 266).
63.戴维-哈维（David Harvey）通过马克思主义的分析，讨论了积累空间的作用，并提出经济增长需要 "创造必要的地理景观，通过生产和流通促进积累"（《资本空间》：Towards a Critical Geography [London: Routledge, 2001], 266）。

64. Ibid., 237.
64.同上，第 237 页。

65. The need to renew the tools of production constantly, as Marx has stated, contributes to the inevitable production of waste. This is clearly demonstrated in Silicon Valley (and beyond) by the fact that Intel amortizes over 1 billion dollars in infrastructural costs annually in order to remain at the cutting edge of microchip production. See Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes (1976; repr., London: Penguin, 1990); Gordon Moore, interview, March 3, 1995, Silicon Genesis: An Oral History of Semiconductor Technology, Stanford and the Silicon Valley Project, http://silicongenesis.stanford.edu/complete_listing.html. Moore's Law, as it turns out, may level off not due to physical constraints but because of the economic constraints imposed by the costs of fabs. Smaller circuitry will become increasingly expensive to manufacture, with some technologists estimating that by 2014, when circuitry dimensions are expected to be as small as 18 nanometers, fab costs will outstrip profits recovered. See Jack Schofield, “When the Chips Are Down,” Guardian, July 29, 2009.
65.正如马克思所说，生产工具需要不断更新，这就不可避免地造成了浪费。这一点在硅谷（及其他地方）得到了清楚的证明，英特尔公司为了保持在微芯片生产领域的领先地位，每年摊销超过 10 亿美元的基础设施成本。见卡尔-马克思《资本论》：见卡尔-马克思：《资本论：政治经济学批判》，第 1 卷，Ben Fowkes 译（1976 年；再版）。Ben Fowkes (1976; repr., London: Penguin, 1990); Gordon Moore, interview, March 3, 1995, Silicon Genesis：半导体技术口述史》，斯坦福大学和硅谷项目，http://silicongenesis.stanford.edu/complete_listing.html。事实证明，摩尔定律趋于平缓的原因可能不是物理限制，而是晶圆厂成本带来的经济限制。一些技术专家估计，到 2014 年，当电路尺寸有望小到 18 纳米时，晶圆厂的成本将超过回收的利润。见 Jack Schofield，"When the Chips Are Down"，《卫报》，2009 年 7 月 29 日。

66. Pellow and Park, Silicon Valley of Dreams, 16–18.
66.Pellow 和 Park，《梦幻硅谷》，16-18 页。

67. Jean Baudrillard, “The Remainder,” in Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), 145.
67.Jean Baudrillard, "The Remainder," in Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), 145.Sheila Faria Glaser (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), 145.

Chapter 2
第二章

Donna Haraway, “A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century,” in Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York: Routledge, 1991), 153.
唐娜-哈拉维，"半机械人宣言：科学、技术与二十世纪晚期的社会主义-女权主义"，载于《仿生人、半机械人与女性》（The Reinvention of Nature）（纽约：Routledge, 1991 年），第 153 页：The Reinvention of Nature (New York: Routledge, 1991), 153.

Serres, Parasite, 52.
Serres, Parasite, 52.

1. For documentation of this project, see Dennis Oppenheim, interview, March 29, 1969, in Recording Conceptual Art, ed. Alexander Alberro and Patricia Norvell (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 21–30.
1.关于此项目的文献资料，见 Dennis Oppenheim, interview, March 29, 1969, in Recording Conceptual Art, ed.. Alexander Alberro and Patricia Norvell (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001, 21-30).Alexander Alberro and Patricia Norvell (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 21-30.

2. According to the NASDAQ Newsroom “Performance Report,” “NASDAQ is the largest U.S. electronic stock market. With approximately 3,200 companies, it lists more companies and, on average, trades more shares per day than any other U.S. market. It is home to companies that are leaders across all areas of business, including technology, retail, communications, financial services, transportation, media and biotechnology” (http://www.nasdaq.com/newsroom/stats/Performance_Reports.stm, accessed March 4, 2008).
2.根据纳斯达克新闻室的 "业绩报告"，"纳斯达克是美国最大的电子股票市场。它拥有约 3 200 家公司，上市的公司数量和平均每天交易的股票数量均超过美国任何其他市场。纳斯达克是所有商业领域领先公司的家园，包括技术、零售、通信、金融服务、运输、媒体和生物技术"（http://www.nasdaq.com/newsroom/stats/Performance_Reports.stm，2008 年 3 月 4 日访问）。

3. NASDAQ, “Built for Business: Annual Report,” 2004. The “2007 Annual Report” indicates that “in 2007, NASDAQ became the largest U.S. equities exchange by volume with an average in NASDAQ securities of 2.17 billion shares per day” Page 174 →trading on the NASDAQ platform. See NASDAQ, “2007 Annual Report,” 7, http://ir.nasdaq.com/annuals.cfm.
3.纳斯达克，"Built for Business：年度报告"，2004 年。2007 年年报》指出，"2007 年，纳斯达克成为美国交易量最大的证券交易所，纳斯达克证券的日均交易量达 21.7 亿股"，第 174 页→在纳斯达克平台上交易。见纳斯达克，"2007 年年度报告"，7，http://ir.nasdaq.com/annuals.cfm。

4. The term new economy is much debated and discussed. For more information on the term and phenomenon, see Doug Henwood, After the New Economy: The Binge and the Hangover That Won't Go Away (New York: New Press, 2005); Jean Gadrey, New Economy, New Myth (2001; London: Routledge, 2003); Manuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000). Lisa Adkins discusses the particular ways in which the “new economy” can be seen to give rise to altered relations between people and property and to definitions of personhood and labor, in “The New Economy, Property, and Personhood,” Theory, Culture & Society 22, no. 2 (2005): 111–30.
4.新经济一词备受争议和讨论。有关该术语和现象的更多信息，请参阅 Doug Henwood, After the New Economy：The Binge and the Hangover That Won't Go Away (New York: New Press, 2005)；Jean Gadrey, New Economy, New Myth (2001; London: Routledge, 2003)；Manuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000)。Lisa Adkins 在《新经济、财产与人格》（The New Economy, Property, and Personhood），《理论、文化与社会》（Theory, Culture & Society）第 22 卷第 2 期（2005 年）中讨论了 "新经济 "如何改变人与财产之间的关系，以及人的身份和劳动的定义：111-30.

5. Melissa Fisher and Greg Downey elaborate on this point: “The New Economy looked like an old story: speculator hype driving a stock market bubble…. There was no New Economy, if that term meant the dawn of an age without business contractions, where the cyclical laws of the economy had been repeated” (“Introduction: The Anthropology of Capital and the Frontiers of Ethnography,” in Frontiers of Capital: Ethnographic Reflections on the New Economy, ed. Melissa Fisher and Greg Downey [Durham: Duke University Press, 2006], 2).
5.梅丽莎-费舍尔（Melissa Fisher）和格雷格-多尼（Greg Downey）详细阐述了这一点："新经济看起来就像一个老故事：投机者的炒作推动了股市泡沫....。如果新经济指的是一个没有商业紧缩的时代的来临，经济的周期性规律已经重演，那么就没有新经济"（"Introduction：资本的人类学和人种学的前沿》，载于《资本的前沿》：资本的前沿：对新经济的人种学思考》，Melissa Fisher 和 Greg Downey 编辑[《人种学的前沿：对新经济的人种学思考》]。Melissa Fisher 和 Greg Downey [Durham: Duke University Press, 2006], 2）。

6. Thompson argues this point throughout Rubbish Theory, although he discusses the migration of value across categories of value, devaluation, and revaluation primarily in relation to houses and antiques.
6.汤普森在《垃圾理论》中自始至终都在论证这一点，不过他主要是针对房屋和古董讨论了价值在价值类别、贬值和重估之间的迁移。

7. To this extent, as Harvey writes when elaborating on the relation between crisis and saturated markets so often discussed by Marx, “Periodic crises must in general have the effect of expanding the productive capacity and renewing the conditions of further accumulation. We can conceive of each crisis as shifting the accumulation process onto a new and higher plane” (Harvey, Spaces of Capital, 241).
7.因此，正如哈维在阐述马克思经常讨论的危机与饱和市场之间的关系时写道："一般来说，周期性危机必然具有扩大生产能力和更新进一步积累条件的作用。我们可以把每次危机看作是把积累过程转移到一个新的、更高的层面上"（Harvey, Spaces of Capital, 241）。

8. For a more extensive discussion on the stock ticker as a “generator” of temporalities, see Alex Preda, “Socio-Technical Agency in Financial Markets: The Case of the Stock Ticker,” Social Studies of Science 36, no. 5 (October 2006): 753–82.
8.关于股票代码作为时间性 "生成器 "的更广泛讨论，见 Alex Preda，"Socio-Technical Agency in Financial Markets：The Case of the Stock Ticker," Social Studies of Science 36, no.5 (October 2006)：753-82.

9. My use of the performative here draws on literature that discusses the more affective and material aspects of markets, as well as analyses of the ways in which markets perform and so constitute economic conditions. See, for instance, Nigel Thrift, “Performing Cultures in the New Economy,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 90, no. 4 (2000): 674–92; Michael Pryke and John Allen, “Monetized Time-Space: Derivatives—Money's ‘New Imaginary?’” Economy and Society 29, no. 2 (May 2000): 264–84; Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu, eds., Do Economists Make Markets? On the Performativity of Economics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007).
9.我在此使用 "表演 "一词，是借鉴了一些讨论市场的情感和物质方面的文献，以及对市场如何表演并因此构成经济条件的分析。例如，参见 Nigel Thrift, "Performing Cultures in the New Economy," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 90, no.4 (2000):674-92; Michael Pryke and John Allen, "Monetized Time-Space：衍生品--货币的'新想象'？经济与社会》29，第 2 期（2000 年 5 月）：264-84; Donald MacKenzie, Fabian Muniesa, and Lucia Siu, eds., Do Economists Make Markets?论经济学的表演性》（普林斯顿：普林斯顿大学出版社，2007 年）。

10. Donald MacKenzie, “Is Economics Performative? Option Theory and the Construction of Derivative Markets,” and Michel Callon, “What Does It Mean to Say That Economics Is Performative?” in MacKenzie, Muniesa, and Siu, Do Economists Make Markets? 54–86, 311–57.
10.唐纳德-麦肯齐（Donald MacKenzie），《经济学是表演性的吗？期权理论与衍生品市场的构建"，以及 Michel Callon，"说经济学是表演性的意味着什么？54-86, 311-57.

11. Benjamin sought to describe this more phenomenal aspect of “economy and culture” through his readings (in some ways, against the grain) of Marx. As Benjamin suggests, he was less interested in the “causal” or originary aspects of economies and more attentive to their “expressive” aspects. This expressive element could even influence the shape of theories that describe those economies. So Benjamin asserts, in his Convolute on the stock exchange, that his study of the arcades “will demonstrate how the milieu in which Marx's doctrine arose affected that doctrine Page 175 →through its expressive character (which is to say, not only through causal connections); but, second, it will also show in what respects Marxism, too, shares the expressive character of the material products contemporary with it.” See Benjamin, Arcades Project, 460. The present study on electronic waste similarly seeks to draw out such shared elements of economy and culture, particularly (but not exclusively) through readings of postmodern and media theory as corresponding in expression with information economies.
11.本雅明试图通过对马克思的解读（从某种程度上说是反其道而行之）来描述 "经济与文化 "这一更具现象性的方面。正如本雅明所言，他对经济的 "因果 "或起源方面兴趣不大，而更关注其 "表现 "方面。这种表现性因素甚至会影响描述这些经济的理论的形态。因此，本雅明在其关于证券交易所的《卷轴》中断言，他对拱廊的研究 "将证明马克思学说产生的环境是如何通过其表现性（也就是说，不仅是通过因果联系）影响该学说的第 175 页；但其次，它还将证明马克思主义在哪些方面也具有与之同时代的物质产品的表现性"。见本雅明，《拱廊计划》，460 页。关于电子垃圾的本研究同样试图引出经济与文化的这些共同要素，特别是（但不限于）通过对后现代理论和媒体理论的解读，使其在表达上与信息经济相对应。

12. Rita Raley, “eEmpires,” Cultural Critique 57 (Spring 2004): 121–22. In fact, electronic communication networks now constitute a considerable portion of online trading, and these private mechanisms often enable 24-hour trading. But the full scope of electronic markets and technologies cannot even be circumscribed with these networks. As discussed by Pryke and Allen in “Monetized Time-Space,” financial deregulation has, of course, played a significant role in the alteration of markets.
12.Rita Raley, "eEmpires," Cultural Critique 57 (Spring 2004)：121-22.事实上，电子通讯网络目前已在网上交易中占据了相当大的比重，而且这些私人机制往往能实现 24 小时交易。但是，电子市场和技术的全部范围甚至都无法用这些网络来限定。正如 Pryke 和 Allen 在 "货币化的时间空间 "一文中所讨论的，金融监管的放松当然在市场的改变中发挥了重要作用。

13. Raley, “eEmpires,” 111.
13.Raley, "eEmpires," 111。

14. To this end, media theorist Nick Dyer-Witheford notes that the growth of digital technology is “inseparable” from the growth of these markets. See Dyer-Witheford, Cyber-Marx: Cycles and Circuits of Struggle in High-Technology Capitalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 139.
14.为此，媒体理论家 Nick Dyer-Witheford 指出，数字技术的增长与这些市场的增长 "密不可分"。见 Dyer-Witheford, Cyber-Marx：Cycles and Circuits of Struggle in High-Technology Capitalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 139.

15. See Bette K. Fishbein et al., Extended Producer Responsibility: A Materials Policy for the 21st Century (New York: Inform, 2000); Bette K. Fishbein, Waste in a Wireless World: The Challenge of Cell Phones (New York: Inform, 2002). When assessing trends toward dematerialization, some researchers have argued that material flows should be evaluated not just in terms of mass or weight but also in terms of the impact—or “environmental weights”—of materials. Some materials may have a relatively small bulk, but their environmental weight may be considerably larger. This is particularly true for metals. See Ester van der Voet, Lauran van Oers, and Igor Nikolic, “Dematerialization: Not Just a Matter of Weight,” Journal of Industrial Ecology 8, no. 4 (2005): 121–37.
15.见 Bette K. Fishbein 等人，Extended Producer Responsibility：A Materials Policy for the 21st Century (New York: Inform, 2000); Bette K. Fishbein, Waste in a Wireless World. The Challenge Cell Phones (New York: Inform, 2002)：手机的挑战》（纽约：Inform，2002 年）。在评估非物质化趋势时，一些研究人员认为，不仅应从质量或重量的角度，而且应从材料的影响或 "环境权重 "的角度来评估材料流。有些材料的体积可能相对较小，但其环境权重可能要大得多。金属尤其如此。见 Ester van der Voet、Lauran van Oers 和 Igor Nikolic，"非物质化：不仅仅是重量问题》，《工业生态学杂志》第 8 期，第 4 号（2005 年）："非物质化：不仅仅是重量问题"。4 (2005):121-37.

16. N. Currimbhoy, “New NASDAQ MarketSite Design Inspired by Computer Chip (New-York-City Headquarters Resembles the Inside of a Computer,” Architectural Record 186, no. 5 (May 1998): 262. C & J Partners of Pasadena, California, was the primary design firm responsible for MarketSite, while Illuminating Concepts completed the lighting design.
16.N.Currimbhoy，"纳斯达克市场新址设计灵感来自计算机芯片（纽约市总部与计算机内部相似）"，《建筑实录》186 卷，第 5 期（1998 年 5 月）："纳斯达克市场新址设计灵感来自计算机芯片（纽约市总部与计算机内部相似）"。5（1998 年 5 月）：262.加利福尼亚州帕萨迪纳的 C & J Partners 是负责 MarketSite 的主要设计公司，而 Illuminating Concepts 则完成了照明设计。

17. Ibid.
17.同上。

18. NASDAQ, “MarketSite Fact Sheet,” http://www.nasdaq.com/reference/marketsite_facts.stm.
18.纳斯达克，"MarketSite Fact Sheet"，http://www.nasdaq.com/reference/marketsite_facts.stm。

19. Anthony Dunne, Hertzian Tales: Electronic Products, Aesthetic Experience, and Critical Design (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), 26–27.
19.Anthony Dunne, Hertzian Tales：Electronic Products, Aesthetic Experience, and Critical Design (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), 26-27.

20. For extended studies on the virtual, see N. Katherine Hayles, My Mother Was a Computer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005); Brian Massumi, Parables for the Virtual: Movement, Affect, Sensation (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002); Elizabeth Grosz, Architecture from the Outside (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001).
20.关于虚拟的扩展研究，见 N. Katherine Hayles, My Mother Was a Computer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005)；Brian Massumi, Parables for the Virtual: Movement, Affect, Sensation (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002)；Elizabeth Grosz, Architecture from the Outside (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001)。

21. See James G. Carrier and Daniel Miller, Virtualism: A New Political Economy (Oxford: Berg, 1998).
21.见 James G. Carrier 和 Daniel Miller, Virtualism：A New Political Economy (Oxford: Berg, 1998)。

22. Indeed, Bernard Stiegler suggests that “the so-called ‘financial bubble’ is becoming autonomous to such an extent that it is often cut off from productive realities, and functions according to a logic of belief (or of credit) massively determined by the performance of telecommunication and computer-based systems in the management Page 176 →of financial data. Capital exchanges have become a problem of informational management effected ‘in a nanosecond.’ These exchanges are data that are exchanged and processed, and no longer monetary masses. Decisions made ‘in a nanosecond’ are calculations performed on series of indicators dealing primarily with the stock markets themselves and with macroeconomic decisions interfering with them, and not evaluations of the macroeconomic situations of particular enterprises.” In this sense, Stiegler writes, “This is the context in which the limited company and the stock-market system developed, with the aim of assuring the mobility of capital” (Technics and Time, vol. 1, The Fault of Epimetheus, trans. Richard Beardsworth and George Collins [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998], 38). Rather than argue that bubbles are “cut off” from reality, however, the present study suggests that the performance of electronic technologies contributes to and mobilizes reality effects, in both the rise and fall of values.
22.事实上，伯纳德-斯蒂格勒认为，"所谓的'金融泡沫'正变得如此自主，以至于它往往与生产现实割裂开来，并根据一种信仰（或信用）逻辑运作，而这种逻辑在很大程度上取决于电信和计算机系统在管理金融数据方面的表现。资本交换已成为一个 "纳秒级 "的信息管理问题。这些交换是交换和处理的数据，而不再是货币量。在'纳秒内'做出的决策是根据一系列指标进行的计算，这些指标主要涉及股票市场本身以及与之相关的宏观经济决策，而不是对特定企业的宏观经济状况进行评估"。从这个意义上说，斯蒂格勒写道："这就是有限公司和股票市场制度发展的背景，其目的是确保资本的流动性"（《技术与时间》，第 1 卷，《埃皮米修斯的过失》，理查德-比德斯沃斯和乔治-科林斯译，上海：上海人民出版社，2007 年）。Richard Beardsworth 和 George Collins [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998], 38）。不过，本研究并不认为泡沫与现实 "隔绝"，而是认为电子技术的表现在价值的兴衰中促进并调动了现实效应。

23. Intensity of market practices is one register through which market performativity is now increasingly described. See Scott Lash and Celia Lury, Global Culture Industry (Cambridge: Polity, 2007); Karin Knorr-Cetina and Urs Bruegger, “Global Microstrucures: The Virtual Societies of Financial Markets,” American Journal of Sociology 107, no. 4 (2002): 905–50.
23.市场实践的强度是现在越来越多地描述市场表演性的一种方式。见 Scott Lash and Celia Lury, Global Culture Industry (Cambridge: Polity, 2007)；Karin Knorr-Cetina and Urs Bruegger, "Global Microstrucures：The Virtual Societies of Financial Markets," American Journal of Sociology 107, no.4 (2002):905-50.

24. Nigel Thrift, Knowing Capitalism (London: Sage, 2005), 126.
24.Nigel Thrift, Knowing Capitalism (London: Sage, 2005), 126.

25. Thrift goes so far as to state that such expenditure, which came to define the new economy, in fact constituted “a kind of forced technological march” (ibid., 127).
25.Thrift 甚至指出，这种定义新经济的支出实际上是 "一种被迫的技术进步"（同上，127 页）。

26. Robert J. Shiller, Irrational Exuberance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 21. Elsewhere, Michael Callon suggests, “To predict economic agents’ behaviors an economic theory does not have to be true; it simply needs to be believed by everyone” (“What Does It Mean to Say That Economics Is Performative?” 322).
26.Robert J. Shiller, Irrational Exuberance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 21。迈克尔-卡隆（Michael Callon）在其他地方提出："要预测经济行为主体的行为，经济理论并不一定要真实；它只需要被每个人所相信"（《经济学是表演性的，这意味着什么？

27. Shiller, Irrational Exuberance, 29. Caitlin Zaloom also discusses this overlay of financial news and trading in Out of the Pits: Traders and Technology from Chicago to London (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2006).
27.Shiller, Irrational Exuberance, 29.Caitlin Zaloom 在 Out of the Pits：从芝加哥到伦敦的交易员与技术》（芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社，2006 年）。

28. NASDAQ, “MarketSite Fact Sheet.”
28.纳斯达克，"MarketSite Fact Sheet"。

29. Gordon L. Clark and Nigel Thrift, “Performing Finance: The Industry, the Media, and Its Image,” Review of International Political Economy 11, no. 2 (May 2004): 290.
29.Gordon L. Clark and Nigel Thrift, "Performing Finance：The Industry, the Media, and Its Image," Review of International Political Economy 11, no：290.

30. Thrift, Knowing Capitalism, 124. See also Benjamin Lee and Edward LiPuma. “Cultures of Circulation: The Imaginations of Modernity,” Public Culture 14, no. 1 (2002): 191–213.
30.Thrift, Knowing Capitalism, 124。另见 Benjamin Lee 和 Edward LiPuma。"Cultures of Circulation：The Imaginations of Modernity," Public Culture 14, no：191-213.

31. Clark and Thrift, “Performing Finance,” 298.
31.Clark and Thrift，"Performing Finance"，298。

32. NASDAQ, “2007 Annual Report,” 7.
32.纳斯达克，"2007 年年度报告"，7。

33. Ibid.
33.同上。

34. Shiller, Irrational Exuberance, 39–40. As Shiller elaborates in his discussion of “irrational exuberance,” the rate of turnover for NASDAQ stocks rose “from 88% in 1990 to 221% in 1999.”
34.Shiller, Irrational Exuberance, 39-40.正如席勒在讨论 "非理性繁荣 "时所阐述的，纳斯达克股票的换手率 "从 1990 年的 88% 上升到 1999 年的 221%"。

35. Pryke and Allen, “Monetized Time-Space,” 270. Benjamin has also made this observation in relation to nineteenth-century economies (drawing on Marx's discussion of the spinning jenny): “More than a hundred years before it was fully manifest, the colossal acceleration of the tempo of living was heralded in the tempo of production. And, indeed, in the form of the machine…. The tempo of machine operation effects changes in the economic tempo” (Arcades Project, 394).
35.Pryke and Allen, "Monetized Time-Space," 270。本雅明在谈到 19 世纪的经济时也提出了这样的看法（借鉴了马克思关于纺车的论述）："生活节奏的巨大加速在一百多年前就已在生产节奏中显现。事实上，在机器的形式....。机器运行的节奏影响着经济节奏的变化"（Arcades Project，394）。

36. Caitlin Zaloom, “Ambiguous Numbers: Technology and Trading in Global Financial Markets,” American Ethnologist 30, no. 2 (2003): 259.Page 177 →
36.Caitlin Zaloom，"Ambiguous Numbers：全球金融市场中的技术与交易》，《美国民族学家》第 30 卷第 2 期（2003 年）：259.Page 177 →

37. Ibid.
37.同上。

38. Ibid., 261. Knorr-Cetina and Bruegger emphasize the ways in which screens even qualify the dominant model of markets as networks. They argue instead for a “scopic” understanding of screen-based markets, because “networks are sparse social structures, and it is difficult to see how they can incorporate the patterns of intense and dynamic conversational interaction, the knowledge flows, and the temporal structuration” of market activity. As this study on electronic waste suggests, however, networks are more than organizing conceptual structures and can be understood as part of the processes of electronic materialization, with which screens are continuous and constitutive. See Knorr-Cetina and Bruegger, “Global Microstructures,” 910.
38.同上，第 261 页。Knorr-Cetina 和 Bruegger 强调了屏幕甚至限定了市场作为网络的主流模式的方式。相反，他们主张对基于屏幕的市场进行 "范围性 "理解，因为 "网络是稀疏的社会结构，很难理解它们如何能包含市场活动中激烈而动态的对话互动模式、知识流和时间结构"。然而，正如本电子废弃物研究报告所指出的，网络不仅仅是组织概念结构，还可以被理解为电子物化过程的一部分，而屏幕则是电子物化过程的持续和构成部分。见 Knorr-Cetina 和 Bruegger，"全球微观结构"，910。

39. Donna Haraway, “Cyborgs to Companion Species: Reconfiguring Kinship in Technoscience,” in Haraway Reader, 303.
39.唐娜-哈拉维，"从电子人到伴侣物种：哈拉维读本》，303。

40. In this way, media theorist Ludwig Pfeiffer undertakes a study into the elusive “materiality of communication” and maintains that “the fall of matter and materialism does not lead to the immaterial pure and simple; rather, it branches into the immaterial and its material ‘sites’ or ‘supports.’ Instead of substantial objects and their meanings, we get information overload and a new hardness of ‘supporting’ materials, and new ‘performativity’ of things and bodies” (“The Materiality of Communication,” in Materialities of Communication, ed. Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht and K. Ludwig Pfeiffer, trans. William Whobrey [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994], 2).
40.媒体理论家路德维希-菲佛（Ludwig Pfeiffer）以这种方式对难以捉摸的 "传播的物质性 "进行了研究，并认为 "物质和唯物主义的衰落并没有导致纯粹和简单的非物质；相反，它分支到非物质及其物质'场所'或'支撑物'。我们得到的不是实质性的对象及其意义，而是信息超载、'支撑'材料的新硬度，以及事物和身体的新'表演性'"（《传播的物质性》，载于《传播的物质性》，汉斯-乌尔里希-贡布雷希特和 K. 路德维希-菲弗编，威廉-沃布雷译[斯坦福：《传播的物质性》][Materialities of Communication, ed. Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht and K. Ludwig Pfeiffer, trans.William Whobrey [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994], 2）。

41. Hayles, How We Became Posthuman, 28. As Hayles writes, “Information in fact derives its efficacy from the material infrastructures it appears to obscure. This illusion of erasure should be the subject of inquiry, not a presupposition that inquiry takes for granted.” Hayles contests the supposed separation between materiality and information and further argues, “The point of highlighting such moments is to make clear how much had to be erased to arrive at such abstractions in all theorizing, for no theory can account for the infinite multiplicity of our interactions with the real.” Here she reveals how the abstract model works to erase multiplicity and stands in for the real such that noise appears as an intrusion rather than an actual condition that challenges any pretense toward complete abstraction.
41.Hayles, How We Became Posthuman, 28。正如海尔斯所写，"信息的效力实际上来自于它所掩盖的物质基础结构。这种被抹去的错觉应该成为探究的主题，而不是探究理所当然的前提"。海尔斯对所谓的物质性与信息之间的分离提出了质疑，并进一步论证道："强调这种时刻的意义在于明确，在所有理论化中，有多少东西必须被抹去才能得出这样的抽象概念，因为任何理论都无法解释我们与现实互动的无限多元性"。在这里，她揭示了抽象模型是如何抹去多重性并代替真实，从而使噪音看起来是一种入侵，而不是一种实际状况，从而挑战任何对完全抽象的伪装。

42. Don Slater, “Markets, Materiality, and the ‘New Economy,’” in Market Relations and the Competitive Process, ed. Stan Metcalfe and Alan Warde (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 95–113. See also Slater and Barry, Technological Economy.
42.Don Slater, "Markets, Materiality, and the 'New Economy'," in Market Relations and the Competitive Process, ed. Stan Metcalfe and Alan Warde (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002, 95-113).Stan Metcalfe and Alan Warde (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 95-113.另见 Slater 和 Barry，《技术经济》。

43. Slater, “Markets, Materiality, and the ‘New Economy.’”
43.斯莱特，"市场、物质性与'新经济'"。

44. For a more detailed history of the first computers used to control stock, inventory, and even pastries, see Mike Hally, Electronic Brains (London: Granta, 2005).
44.有关第一台用于控制库存、存货甚至糕点的计算机的详细历史，请参阅 Mike Hally, Electronic Brains (London: Granta, 2005)。

45. Kevin Kelly, Out of Control: The New Biology of Machines, Social Systems, and the Economic World (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 186.
45.凯文-凯利，《失控》：The New Biology of Machines, Social Systems, and the Economic World (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 186.

46. Ibid., 189.
46.同上，第 189 页。

47. Ibid.
47.同上。

48. The massive server farms that power NASDAQ are alone evidence of this considerable resource base, in addition to the other examples cited up to this point. Servers—for everything from NASDAQ to Google to the Internet in general—are a major source of energy consumption (and carbon dioxide emissions). See Bobbie Johnson, “Web Providers Must Limit Internet's Carbon Footprint, Say Experts,” Guardian, May 3, 2009.Page 178 →
48.纳斯达克庞大的服务器群就是这种可观的资源基础的单独证据，此外还有到此为止所列举的其他例子。从纳斯达克到谷歌，再到整个互联网，服务器都是能源消耗（和二氧化碳排放）的主要来源。参见 Bobbie Johnson，"专家称网络提供商必须限制互联网的碳足迹"，《卫报》，2009 年 5 月 3 日。

49. Dan Schiller, Digital Capitalism: Networking the Global Market System (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999), 16.
49.Dan Schiller, Digital Capitalism：Networking the Global Market System (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999), 16.

50. Ibid., 15.
50.同上，第 15 页。

51. Ibid., 16–17. As Schiller writes, “Inclusive of computing and telecommunications, information technology was proclaimed (by the American Electronics Association) the United States’ largest industry.”
51.同上，16-17 页。正如席勒所写，"包括计算机和电信在内，信息技术被（美国电子协会）宣布为美国最大的产业"。

52. Ibid., 17. Barney also writes on the effectiveness of networks as engines of economic growth: “Computer networks did not create the globalized, privatized economy; they do, however, make it possible to exploit this economy. Flexible production and mass customization are based on speedy, but controlled, processing of systems information, a requirement that the movement of bits over networked computers is particularly suited to meet…. Networks are the essential technology for those ‘agile’ and ‘virtual’ enterprises that are ‘thriving on change and uncertainty’ in the era of perfecting capitalism” (Prometheus Wired, 130).
52.同上，第 17 页。巴尼还撰文论述了网络作为经济增长引擎的有效性："计算机网络并没有创造出全球化、私有化的经济，但却使这种经济的利用成为可能。灵活生产和大规模定制的基础是对系统信息进行快速但可控的处理，而比特在联网计算机上的移动特别适合满足这一要求....。网络是那些'灵活'和'虚拟'企业的基本技术，这些企业在完善资本主义时代'在变化和不确定性中蓬勃发展'"（《普罗米修斯连线》，130 页）。

53. Raley writes that this “Electronic Empire” “is a loose assemblage of relations characterized by another set of terms: flexibility, functionality, mobility, programmability, and automation. The paradigm for such an assemblage is the network, which involves new geopolitical orderings, a reconfigured sense of center and periphery and an attendant complication of the world-system idea” ( “eEmpires,” 132).
53.Raley 写道，这种 "电子帝国""是一种松散的关系组合，其特点是另一套术语：灵活性、功能性、流动性、可编程性和自动化。这种组合的范例是网络，它涉及新的地缘政治秩序、中心与边缘的重构意识以及随之而来的世界体系理念的复杂化"（"电子帝国"，132）。

54. Kelly, Out of Control, 193.
54.Kelly, Out of Control, 193.

55. Schiller, Digital Capitalism, xv. Algorithmic trading, or “exchange automation” is also one key way in which the particular functionalities and speeds of market exchanges are performed. See Fabian Muniesa, “Assemblage of a Market Mechanism,” Journal of the Center for Information Studies 5, no. 3 (2004): 11–19.
55.Schiller, Digital Capitalism, xv.算法交易或 "交易所自动化 "也是实现市场交易所特殊功能和速度的一种重要方式。见 Fabian Muniesa, "Assemblage of a Market Mechanism," Journal of the Center for Information Studies 5, no.3 (2004):11-19.

56. Kelly writes, “In network economics the major expense of new product development stems from designing the manufacturing process and not designing the product” (Out of Control, 196).
56.凯利写道："在网络经济学中，新产品开发的主要费用来自于设计生产流程，而不是设计产品"（《失控》，196 页）。

57. Nigel Thrift and Shaun French, “The Automatic Production of Space,” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 27, no. 3 (2002): 310.
57.Nigel Thrift and Shaun French, "The Automatic Production of Space," Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 27, no.3 (2002):310.

58. Friedrich Kittler, “There Is No Software,” CTHEORY, October 18, 1995, http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=74.
58.Friedrich Kittler，《没有软件》，CTHEORY，1995 年 10 月 18 日，http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=74。

59. Ibid. Kittler also writes, “Only in Turing's paper On Computable Numbers with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem there existed a machine with unbounded resources in space and time, with infinite supply of raw paper and no constraints on computation speed. All physically feasible machines, in contrast, are limited by these parameters in their very code. The inability of Microsoft DOS to tell more than the first eight letters of a file name such as WordPerfect gives just a trivial or obsolete illustration of a problem that has provoked not only the ever-growing incompatibilities between the different generations of eight-bit, sixteen-bit and thirty-two-bit microprocessors, but also a near impossibility of digitizing the body of real numbers formerly known as nature.”
59.同上。基特勒还写道："只有在图灵的论文《论可计算数在恩策问题中的应用》中，才存在着一台在空间和时间上拥有无限资源的机器，它拥有无限的原纸供应，而且对计算速度没有任何限制。相比之下，所有物理上可行的机器在其代码中都受到这些参数的限制。微软 DOS 系统无法识别 WordPerfect 等文件名的前 8 个字母，这只是一个微不足道或过时的例子，它不仅导致 8 位、16 位和 32 位微处理器之间的不兼容性不断增加，而且几乎无法将以前被称为自然界的实数数字化"。

60. John Diebold, “Factories without Men: New Industrial Revolution,” Nation, September 19, 1953, 227–28, 250–51, 271–72. See also Paul Ceruzzi, A History of Modern Computing (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003), 32.
60.John Diebold, "Factories without Men：新工业革命》，《国家》，1953 年 9 月 19 日，227-28、250-51、271-72。另见 Paul Ceruzzi, A History of Modern Computing (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003), 32。

61. John Diebold, Automation: The Advent of the Automatic Factory (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1952), 46.
61.John Diebold, Automation：The Advent of the Automatic Factory (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1952), 46.

62. Ibid., 46–47.Page 179 →
62.同上，第 46-47 页。

63. Ibid., 47.
63.同上，第 47 页。

64. Ibid., 30. In many ways, this optimization and improved efficiency in the production process simply shifted the problem of waste to appear to be a problem related to consumption. More will be said about this in the following chapters, which address disposal and obsolescence.
64.同上，第 30 页。在许多方面，生产过程的优化和效率的提高只是将废物问题转变为与消费有关的问题。关于这一点，我们将在后面讨论废弃物处理和报废问题的章节中详细阐述。

65. Ibid., 32.
65.同上，第 32 页。

66. Marshall McLuhan, “Automation: Learning a Living,” in Understanding Media, 347.
66.马歇尔-麦克卢汉：《自动化：Learning a Living," in Understanding Media, 347.

67. Michel Serres, Hermes: Literature, Science, Philosophy, ed. Josue V. Harari and David F. Bell (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 56.
67.米歇尔-塞雷斯，《赫尔墨斯》：Literature, Science, Philosophy, ed. Josue V. Harari and David F. Bell (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 56.Josue V. Harari 和 David F. Bell（巴尔的摩：约翰-霍普金斯大学出版社，1982 年），第 56 页。

68. Hansen, Embodying Technesis, 61.
68.Hansen, Embodying Technesis, 61.

69. Serres further writes, “At least by the change of directions, at least by the division of flows, by bifurcation, at least by semiconduction, one-way streets and no entries, at least by orientation. Hermes is the god of the crossroads, and is the god of whom Maxwell made a demon. Thus the message, passing through his hands in the location of the exchanger, is changer. It arrives neither pure nor unvarying nor stable” (Parasite, 42–43).
69.塞雷斯进一步写道："至少是通过方向的改变，至少是通过流动的分割，通过分叉，至少是通过半导、单行道和无入口，至少是通过定向。赫尔墨斯是十字路口之神，也是麦克斯韦塑造的恶魔之神。因此，信息经过他的手，在交换器的位置，是改变者。它既不纯粹，也不不变，更不稳定"（《寄生虫》，42-43 页）。

70. Arjun Appadurai, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,” in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 4. Appadurai suggests that we explore “the conditions under which economic objects circulate in different regimes of value in space and time.”
70.Arjun Appadurai，"Introduction：商品与价值政治》，载于《事物的社会生活》：Arjun Appadurai, "Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value," in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986.阿帕杜赖建议我们探索 "经济物品在不同的时空价值体系中流通的条件"。

71. Ibid., 9.
71.同上，第 9 页。

72. Thrift, Knowing Capitalism, 7.
72.Thrift, Knowing Capitalism, 7.

73. For more on such “refashioning” of the commodity, see Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millenium, 142.
73.关于商品的这种 "重新塑造"，见 Haraway, Modest_Witness@Second_Millenium, 142。

74. Fritz Machlup, Knowledge: Its Creation, Distribution, and Economic Significance, vol. 1, Knowledge and Knowledge Production (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 162. Such “flows of knowledge” took actual form in a 1949 analog computer designed by Bill Phillips, which modeled varying economic conditions through flows of differently colored water. Phillips designed this computer while at the London School of Economics, and the machine is now held by the Science Museum of London.
74.Fritz Machlup, Knowledge：其创造、分配和经济意义》，第 1 卷，《知识与知识生产》（普林斯顿：普林斯顿大学出版社，1980 年），第 162 页。这种 "知识流 "在比尔-菲利普斯 1949 年设计的模拟计算机中得到了具体体现，该计算机通过不同颜色的水流模拟不同的经济状况。菲利普斯在伦敦经济学院就读期间设计了这台计算机，现在这台计算机由伦敦科学博物馆收藏。

75. Ibid., 162.
75.同上，第 162 页。

76. Ibid., 171. As Machlup notes, “The production and distribution of knowledge in the United States is, in essence, the annual flow of knowledge disseminated at a cost (defrayed or borne by some members of our society).”
76.同上，第 171 页。正如马赫卢普所指出的，"在美国，知识的生产和传播实质上是每年以一定成本（由我们社会的某些成员支付或承担）传播知识的流动"。

77. Kelly, Out of Control, 209–10.
77.Kelly, Out of Control, 209-10.

78. Spam has reached such a volume that “pump and dump” strategies for promoting and then selling shares can at times have a significant effect on markets. See “Spammers Manipulate Stock Markets,” BBC News, August 25, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/technology/5284618.stm.
78.垃圾邮件的数量已经达到了 "抽水抛售 "的程度，这种先推销后出售股票的策略有时会对市场产生重大影响。见 "垃圾邮件发送者操纵股票市场"，BBC 新闻，2006 年 8 月 25 日，http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/technology/5284618.stm。

79. The proportion of e-mail traffic that consists of spam reportedly ranges from 50 to 80 percent of all Internet traffic. Similarly, the proportion of U.S. mail that constitutes “junk” or bulk mailings is as much as 50 percent. See Andrew Odlyzko, “The History of Communications and Its Implications for the Internet,” 2000, http://www.dtc.umn.edu/~odlyzko/doc/history.communications0.pdf.Page 180 →
79.据报道，垃圾邮件占互联网总流量的 50%至 80%。同样，在美国的邮件中，"垃圾邮件 "或大宗邮件的比例也高达 50%。见 Andrew Odlyzko，《通信史及其对互联网的影响》，2000 年，http://www.dtc.umn.edu/~odlyzko/doc/history.communications0.pdf.Page 180 →。

80. Paul Reyes details the remainders of these recently failed economies in “Bleak Houses: Digging through the Ruins of the Mortgage Crisis,” Harper's, October 2008, 31–45.
80.保罗-雷耶斯在《荒凉的房子：Bleak Houses: Digging through the Ruins of the Mortgage Crisis"，《哈珀》，2008 年 10 月，第 31-45 页。

81. Michael Shanks, David Platt, and William L. Rathje, “The Perfume of Garbage: Modernity and the Archaeological,” Modernism/Modernity 11, no. 1 (2004): 72.
81.Michael Shanks, David Platt, and William L. Rathje, "The Perfume of Garbage：现代性与考古学》，现代主义/现代性 11，第 1 期（2004 年）：72.

82. John Frow, “Invidious Distinction: Waste, Difference, and Classy Stuff,” in Culture and Waste: The Creation and Destruction of Value, ed. Gay Hawkins and Stephen Muecke (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), 35.
82.John Frow，"Invidious Distinction：Waste, Difference, and Classy Stuff," in Culture and Waste：The Creation and Destruction of Value，ed. Gay Hawkins and Stephen Muecke (Lanham, MD: Rowham, MD)。Gay Hawkins 和 Stephen Muecke (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), 35.

83. Ibid., 36.
83.同上，第 36 页。

84. Design theorist Anne-Marie Willis addresses some of the contradictory notions of dematerialization: “While initially, information technology seemed to offer obvious opportunities for impact reduction (e.g., less need to travel, less need for paper) it in fact has provided endless possibilities for driving new forms of material throughput.” “De/re/materialization (contra-futures),” Design Philosophy Papers 2 (2005), http://www.desphilosophy.com.
84.设计理论家 Anne-Marie Willis 谈到了非物质化的一些矛盾概念："最初，信息技术似乎为减少影响提供了显而易见的机会（例如，减少了旅行的需要，减少了对纸张的需要），但事实上，信息技术为推动新形式的材料吞吐量提供了无穷的可能性"。"De/re/materialization (contra-futures)," Design Philosophy Papers 2 (2005), http://www.desphilosophy.com.

85. The World Resources Institute report on material flows documents the relatively constant quantities of resources in use within manufacturing, even with the trend toward fewer resource inputs per unit manufactured. See Allen Hammond et al., Resource Flows: The Material Basis of Industrial Economies (Washington, DC: World Resources Institute, 1997).
85.世界资源研究所关于材料流动的报告记录了制造业中使用的资源数量相对稳定，即使每生产一 个单位的资源投入有减少的趋势。见 Allen Hammond et al：工业经济的物质基础》（华盛顿特区：世界资源研究所，1997 年）。

86. Jean-Pierre Dupuy, “Myths of the Informational Society,” in The Myths of Information: Technology and Postindustrial Culture, ed. Kathleen Woodward (Madison, WI: Coda, 1980), 6. Dupuy writes, “Whether they talk of ‘new growth’ or a ‘new international economic order,’ the underlying strategy is the same: let's send our heavy industries abroad where they can pollute the countries of the Third World, spoiling their landscapes, deadening their workers, and disrupting their time and space, and let's keep for ourselves the growth of immaterial productions which do not poison the atmosphere, are suited to decentralized locations, and enable us to solve to a large extent the problem of unemployment.”
86.让-皮埃尔-杜普伊，《信息化社会的神话》，载于《信息的神话》：技术与后工业文化》，凯瑟琳-伍德沃德编（麦迪逊，威斯康星州：Coda, 1980 年），第 6 页。Kathleen Woodward (Madison, WI: Coda, 1980), 6。杜普伊写道："无论他们谈论的是'新增长'还是'国际经济新秩序'，其基本战略都是一样的：让我们把重工业送到国外，让它们污染第三世界国家，破坏它们的景观，让它们的工人死气沉沉，扰乱它们的时间和空间，而让我们为自己保留非物质产品的增长，这些非物质产品不会毒害大气层，适合分散的地点，使我们能够在很大程度上解决失业问题"。

87. Lisa Parks, “Kinetic Screens: Epistemologies of Movement at the Interface,” in MediaSpace: Place, Scale and Culture in a Media Age, ed. Nick Couldry and Anna McCarthy (London: Routledge, 2004), 52.
87.Lisa Parks，"Kinetic Screens：媒体空间：Nick Couldry and Anna McCarthy (London: Routledge, 2004), 52.Nick Couldry and Anna McCarthy (London: Routledge, 2004), 52.

88. Cathode-ray tubes, commonly found in monitors for computers and televisions, contain lead oxide and cadmium, substances that are toxic to humans (and the environment). When recycled, the copper tubes at the end of the CRT yokes are broken off and sold for metal recovery. CRTs in monitors are now increasingly replaced by liquid crystal displays. There is some speculation that due to new flat-panel screens and the introduction of digital television, television and computer screen disposal may increase considerably. See Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm, 5.
88.阴极射线管常见于电脑和电视的显示器中，含有氧化铅和镉，这些物质对人体（和环境）有毒。在回收时，显像管轭端部的铜管会被折断并出售以回收金属。现在，显示器中的显像管越来越多地被液晶显示器取代。有人猜测，由于新的平板屏幕和数字电视的引入，电视和电脑屏幕的废弃量可能会大幅增加。见巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《输出伤害》，5。

89. Haraway, “Cyborg Manifesto,” 153.
89.Haraway, "Cyborg Manifesto," 153.

Chapter 3
第三章

J. David Bolter, Turing's Man: Western Culture in the Computer Age (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 121.
J.David Bolter, Turing's Man：计算机时代的西方文化》（教堂山：北卡罗来纳大学出版社，1984 年），第 121 页。

1. Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities, trans. William Weaver (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), 91. Calvino writes, “The bulk of the outflow increases and the Page 181 →piles rise higher, become stratified, extend over a wider perimeter. Besides, the more Leonia's talent for making new materials excels, the more the rubbish improves in quality, resists time, the elements, fermentations, combustions.”
1.Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities, trans. William Weaver (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), 91.William Weaver（纽约：Harcourt Brace Jovanovich，1974 年），91 页。卡尔维诺写道："外流的体积增大，堆积物升高、分层、延伸到更广阔的周边。此外，莱昂尼亚制造新材料的才能越是出众，垃圾的质量就越是提高，能抵御时间、元素、发酵、燃烧。"

2. Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York: David McKay, 1960), 4–5.
2.Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York: David McKay, 1960), 4-5.

3. International Association of Electronics Recyclers, IAER Electronics Recycling Industry Report, 7.
3.国际电子回收商协会，《IAER 电子回收行业报告》，7。

4. Basel Action Network, Digital Dump, 12.
4.巴塞尔行动网络，《数字垃圾》，12。

5. Appadurai, “Introduction,” 5.
5.Appadurai, "Introduction," 5.

6. Robin Murray, Zero Waste (London: Greenpeace Environmental Trust, 2002). Murray cites the 1997 World Resources Institute study already cited in chapter 2: “The World Resources Institute led an international team that traced the flows of 55 materials in 500 use streams (covering 95% of the weight of materials in the economy) for four leading OECD economies (the USA, Japan, the Netherlands and Germany). They found that the total materials requirement in these countries was 45 to 85 metric tonnes per person and that of this between 55% and 75% takes the form of waste materials that are discarded in the course of production (such as mining overburden, agricultural waste or material removed for infrastructural works).” See also Hammond, Resource Flows.
6.Robin Murray，《零废弃物》（伦敦：绿色和平环境信托基金，2002 年）。Murray 引用了第 2 章中已经引用过的世界资源研究所 1997 年的一项研究："世界资源研究所领导的一个国际小组追踪了经合组织四个主要经济体（美国、日本、荷兰和德国）500 个使用流中 55 种材料（占经济中材料重量的 95%）的流动情况。他们发现，这些国家的材料总需求为每人 45 至 85 公吨，其中 55% 至 75% 是生产过程中丢弃的废料（如采矿压载物、农业废料或基建工程所需的材料）"。另见 Hammond，《资源流动》。

7. Rathje and Murphy, Rubbish! 188–89.
7.Rathje 和 Murphy，《垃圾》！188-89.

8. Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, “Introduction: Matter Unbound,” Journal of Material Culture 8, no. 3 (2003): 246.
8.Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, "Introduction：Matter Unbound," Journal of Material Culture 8, no.3 (2003):246.

9. While early studies on electronic waste focused on PCs and mobile phones, the full delineation has now been extended to include this range of electrical and electronic devices. For a discussion on the early estimates of electronic waste volumes, see H. Scott Matthews and Deanna Matthews, “Information Technology Products and the Environment,” in Kuehr and Williams, Computers and the Environment, 17–40.
9.虽然早期关于电子废物的研究主要集中在个人电脑和移动电话上，但现在的全面划分已扩大到包括这一系列电气和电子设备。有关早期电子垃圾数量估算的讨论，请参见 H. Scott Matthews 和 Deanna Matthews，"信息技术产品与环境"，载于 Kuehr 和 Williams，《计算机与环境》，17-40 页。

10. Intel is “inside” just about every device imaginable. With “Intel Inside,” and with chips that continually ramp up every 18 months, not just computers but also every manner of electronic appliance and gadget become subject to this temporal trajectory for innovation. On the far-reaching effects of “Intel Inside,” Harvey Molotch writes, “In some cases, the same source provides identical or near-identical elements for many purveyors. ‘Intel's Inside’ a lot of different products that compete with one another but which get their chip from the same producer—Intel” (Where Stuff Comes From: How Toasters, Toilets, Cars, Computers, and Many Other Things Come to Be as They Are [New York: Routledge, 2003], 205–6).
10.英特尔 "进入 "了几乎所有能想象到的设备。有了 "Intel Inside"，有了每 18 个月不断升级的芯片，不仅是电脑，各种电子设备和小玩意儿都会受到这种创新时间轨迹的影响。关于 "英特尔内部 "的深远影响，哈维-莫洛奇（Harvey Molotch）写道："在某些情况下，同一来源为许多供应商提供相同或近乎相同的元素。英特尔内部 "有许多不同的产品，它们相互竞争，但芯片都来自同一个生产商--英特尔"（《东西从哪里来？烤面包机、马桶、汽车、电脑和其他许多东西是如何形成的[纽约：Routledge, 2003]，205-6）。

11. Vernon L. Fladager, The Selling Power of Packaging (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956), 94.
11.Vernon L. Fladager, The Selling Power of Packaging (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956), 94。

12. Katie Dean, “Disposable DVDs at Crossroads,” Wired News, February 7, 2005, http://www.wired.com/entertainment/music/news/2005/02/66513.
12.Katie Dean，"Disposable DVDs at Crossroads"，《连线新闻》，2005 年 2 月 7 日，http://www.wired.com/entertainment/music/news/2005/02/66513。

13. Amanda Onion, “Buy, Use, Dispose: A Spike in Disposable Products Has Environmentalists Worried,” ABC News, December 4, 2002.
13.Amanda Onion，"购买、使用、丢弃：一次性产品激增令环保人士担忧"，ABC 新闻，2002 年 12 月 4 日。

14. Packard, Waste Makers, 54.
14.Packard, Waste Makers, 54.

15. This logic is taken up by a number of (postmodern) theorists, including Baudrillard: “What is produced today is not produced for its use-value or its possible durability, but rather with an eye to its death, and the increase in the speed with which that death comes about is equaled only by the speed of price rises…. Now, we know that the order or production only survives by paying the price of this Page 182 →extermination, this perpetual calculated ‘suicide’ of the mass of objects, and that this operation is based on technological ‘sabotage’ or organized obsolescence under cover of fashion” (The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures, trans. Chris Turner [London: Sage, 1998], 46).
15.包括鲍德里亚在内的许多（后现代）理论家都采用了这一逻辑："今天的生产不是为了它的使用价值或可能的持久性，而是为了它的死亡，而死亡速度的加快只能与价格上涨的速度相提并论....。现在，我们知道，秩序或生产只有付出这种代价才能生存，这种代价就是大量物品的灭绝，这种永久性的有计划的'自杀'，而这种行动的基础就是技术'破坏'或在时尚掩盖下的有组织的淘汰"（《消费社会：神话与结构》，第 182 页）：神话与结构》，克里斯-特纳（Chris Turner）译[伦敦：赛奇出版社，2009 年]。Chris Turner [London: Sage, 1998], 46）。

16. Gay Hawkins, “Plastic Bags: Living with Rubbish,” International Journal of Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (2001): 9. As Benjamin writes, “The dialectic of commodity production in advanced capitalism: the novelty of products—as a stimulus to demand—is accorded an unprecedented importance. At the same time, the ‘eternal return of the same’ is manifest in mass production” (Arcades Project, 331).
16.盖伊-霍金斯，"塑料袋：生活在垃圾中》，《国际文化研究杂志》第 4 期（2001 年）：9.本雅明写道："发达资本主义商品生产的辩证法：产品的新颖性--作为需求的刺激--被赋予了前所未有的重要性。与此同时，'同一的永恒回归'在大规模生产中显现出来"（Arcades Project, 331）。

17. To this extent, geographer Kevin Hetherington calls for the study of consumption and disposal as related practices. He writes, “Studying consumption makes no sense unless we consider the role of disposing as an integral part of the totality of what consumer activity is all about.” See Kevin Hetherington, “Second-handedness: Consumption, Disposal, and Absent Presence,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 22, no. 1 (2004): 158.
17.为此，地理学家凯文-赫瑟林顿呼吁将消费和处置作为相关实践进行研究。他写道："除非我们将处置的作用视为消费活动全部内容的一个组成部分，否则研究消费毫无意义。见 Kevin Hetherington，"Second-handedness：见 Kevin Hetherington, "Second-handedness: Consumption, Disposal, and Absent Presence," Environment and Planning D. Society and Space 22, no：22, no. 1 (2004)：158.

18. Diebold's writings (“The Diebold Group, Inc., Client Reports, 1957–1990,” held at the Charles Babbage Institute, University of Minnesota) provide an extensive record of how material goods have been transformed—and have also proliferated—through “computerized” automation. Diebold consulted to companies ranging from General Electric to Time Incorporated and K-mart. In the process, he established a clear logic about how computerized automation would contribute to the growth of economies.
18.迪堡的著作（"迪堡集团公司，客户报告，1957-1990 年"，明尼苏达大学查尔斯-巴贝奇研究所收藏）广泛记录了物质产品是如何通过 "计算机化 "的自动化而发生变化和扩散的。迪堡曾为通用电气、时代公司和 K-mart 等公司提供咨询服务。在此过程中，他就计算机自动化如何促进经济增长建立了一套清晰的逻辑。

19. Hawkins, “Plastic Bags,” 9.
19.Hawkins, "Plastic Bags," 9.

20. With new levels of convergence and pervasive computing with wireless technologies, electronic waste may increase even further. For an extended discussion of this dilemma, see Andreas Köhler and Lorenz Erdmann, “Expected Environmental Impacts of Pervasive Computing,” Human and Ecological Risk Assessment 10, no. 5 (October 2004): 831–52.
20.随着无线技术的融合和普适计算达到新的水平，电子废物可能会进一步增加。有关这一困境的详细讨论，请参阅 Andreas Köhler 和 Lorenz Erdmann 合著的《普适计算的预期环境影响》，《人类与生态风险评估》第 10 期，第 5 号（2004 年 10 月）："普适计算的预期环境影响"。5 (October 2004)：831-52.

21. Ezio Manzini, The Material of Invention (London: Design Council, 1986), 29. Manzini further writes, “The only way to describe the material is to consider it as a system capable of performance: thus we shall speak of a ‘material,’ not by defining ‘what it is,’ but describing ‘what it does.’”
21.Ezio Manzini，《发明的材料》（伦敦：设计委员会，1986 年），第 29 页。曼齐尼进一步写道："描述材料的唯一方法是将其视为一个能够表现的系统：因此，我们在谈论'材料'时，不是定义'它是什么'，而是描述'它做什么'"。

22. Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent and Isabelle Stengers, A History of Chemistry, trans. Deborah van Dam (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996), 205–6.
22.Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent 和 Isabelle Stengers 合著，《化学史》，Deborah van Dam 译（剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，1996 年），第 205-6 页。Deborah van Dam（剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，1996 年），205-6。

23. “Molded Plastic Containers,” Modern Packaging Journal 31 (1957): 120.
23."模塑塑料容器》，《现代包装杂志》31（1957 年）：120.

24. According to Rathje and Murphy, however, packaging accounts for a comparatively moderate proportion of municipal solid waste in the United States, and they suggest that packaging has actually helped to reduce some types of waste, including food waste. See Rathje and Murphy, Rubbish! 216–20.
24.不过，根据 Rathje 和 Murphy 的说法，包装在美国城市固体废物中所占比例相对较小，而且他们认为包装实际上有助于减少某些类型的废物，包括食物废物。见 Rathje 和 Murphy，《垃圾》！216-20.

25. “Molded Plastic Containers,” 120.
25."模塑塑料容器"，120。

26. Ellen Lupton and J. Abbott Miller, The Bathroom, the Kitchen, and the Aesthetics of Waste: A Process of Elimination (Cambridge: MIT List Visual Arts Center, 1992), 65–66.
26.Ellen Lupton 和 J. Abbott Miller，《浴室、厨房和废物美学》：消除的过程》（剑桥：麻省理工学院列表视觉艺术中心，1992 年），65-66 页。

27. Adrian Forty, Objects of Desire: Design and Society, 1750–1980 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1986), 190–93. In this sense, Forty suggests that electricity—particularly as packaged in the form of electrical appliances—depended on “ideas and potential rather than present realities in its appeal to domestic consumers.”
27.Adrian Forty, Objects of Desire：Design and Society, 1750-1980 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1986), 190-93.从这个意义上讲，Forty 认为，电力--尤其是以电器形式包装的电力--对家庭消费者的吸引力依赖于 "理念和潜力，而非当前的现实"。

28. Roland Barthes, “Plastic,” in Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1972), 97.Page 183 →
28.Roland Barthes，"Plastic"，in Mythologies，trans.Annette Lavers (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1972)，97.第 183 页→第 183 页。

29. Ibid.
29.同上。

30. Ibid.
30.同上。

31. Jeffrey L. Meikle, American Plastic: A Cultural History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1995), 299.
31.Jeffrey L. Meikle, American Plastic：A Cultural History》（新泽西州新不伦瑞克：罗格斯大学出版社，1995 年），299 页。

32. Ibid.
32.同上。

33. Manzini, Material of Invention, 31.
33.Manzini, Material of Invention, 31.

34. Ibid., 32.
34.同上，第 32 页。

35. Ibid., 39.
35.同上，第 39 页。

36. Even though they increasingly appear to be disposable, electronics are not typically designed for disassembly. Electronics recyclers often point out the difficulty of salvaging machines that are not designed with standardized disassembly in mind, which means that most machines must be stripped by hand. Electronic waste then constitutes a formidable waste problem, not least because there is no established or systematic infrastructure to handle this type and volume of waste.
36.尽管电子产品越来越像一次性用品，但它们通常不是为拆卸而设计的。电子产品回收人员经常指出，很难回收那些在设计时没有考虑到标准化拆卸的机器，这意味着大多数机器必须手工拆卸。因此，电子废物构成了一个严重的废物问题，这主要是因为没有成熟或系统的基础设施来处理这种类型和数量的废物。

37. The “Electronic Waste Guide” (http://www.ewaste.ch/) suggests that the hazards of electronic waste can be contained if properly handled: “The formation or discharge of hazardous emissions during the recycling of electrical and electronic equipment depends highly on the handling of electronic waste. Hence hazardous substances contained in computers and televisions don't lead automatically to a risk for the environment and the human health.”
37."电子废物指南"（http://www.ewaste.ch/）建议，如果处理得当，电子废物的危害是可以控制的："电气和电子设备回收过程中有害排放物的形成或排放在很大程度上取决于对电子废物的处理。因此，电脑和电视机中含有的有害物质不会自动对环境和人类健康造成危害"。

38. Alvin Toffler, Future Shock (New York: Random House, 1970), 55.
38.阿尔文-托夫勒，《未来冲击》（纽约：兰登书屋，1970 年），第 55 页。

39. As John Scanlan writes on Zygmunt Bauman's notion of “fluid modernity,” mobile technologies such as these enable a particular kind of “flushing,” a sense of fluidity that enables transience and disposability. Such flushing makes way for future movement, and in this respect, “the liquidity of the present describes the dematerialization of the object world, not to mention the practical ease with which we can apply the technological flush.” Flushing and the fluidity of movement are continuous with the dissipation of materials. See Scanlan, On Garbage, 127; Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid Modernity (Cambridge: Polity, 2000), 2–14.
39.正如约翰-斯坎兰（John Scanlan）就齐格蒙特-鲍曼（Zygmunt Bauman）的 "流动的现代性"（fluid modernity）概念所写的那样，这类移动技术实现了一种特殊的 "冲刷"，一种流动感，使短暂性和一次性成为可能。这种冲洗为未来的移动让路，在这方面，"当下的流动性描述了对象世界的非物质化，更不用说我们可以很容易地应用技术冲洗"。冲洗和运动的流动性与材料的消散是连续的。见 Scanlan, On Garbage, 127; Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid Modernity (Cambridge: Polity, 2000), 2-14.

40. For a general discussion of dirt and systems, see Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (1966; repr., London: Routledge, 1995).
40.关于污垢与系统的一般性讨论，见 Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger：对污染和禁忌概念的分析》（1966 年；再版，伦敦：Routledge，1995 年）。

41. Hetherington, “Secondhandedness,” 160.
41.Hetherington, "Secondhandedness," 160。

42. Shanks, Platt, and Rathje, “Perfume of Garbage,” 80.
42.Shanks, Platt, and Rathje, "Perfume of Garbage," 80.

43. Discussing these processes of delay and postponement, cultural historian Susan Strasser writes, following on Mary Douglas, “Sorting and classification have a spatial dimension: this goes here, that goes there. Nontrash belongs in the house; trash goes outside. Marginal categories get stored in marginal places (attics, basements, and outbuildings), eventually to be used, sold, or given away” (Strasser, Waste and Want [New York: Henry Holt, Metropolitan, 1999], 6).
43.文化历史学家苏珊-斯特拉瑟（Susan Strasser）在讨论这些延迟和推迟的过程时，继玛丽-道格拉斯（Mary Douglas）之后写道："整理和分类具有空间维度：这个放在这里，那个放在那里。非垃圾属于家里，垃圾属于外面。边缘类别被存放在边缘的地方（阁楼、地下室和附属建筑），最终被使用、出售或赠送"（Strasser, Waste and Want [New York: Henry Holt, Metropolitan, 1999], 6）。

44. Hetherington, “Secondhandedness,” 162.
44.Hetherington, "Secondhandedness," 162。

45. Ibid., 160.
45.同上，第 160 页。

46. Environmental Protection Agency, “Waste Wise Update: Electronics Reuse and Recycling.”
46.环境保护局，"废物明智更新：电子产品的再利用和再循环"。

47. Giles Slade documents just how limited existing waste infrastructures would be in their capacity to remove the masses of e-waste in storage. He writes, “But more practically, the e-waste problem will soon reach such gigantic proportions that it will overwhelm our shipping capacity. The world simply cannot produce enough containers for America to continue at its current level as an exporter of both Page 184 →electronic goods and electronic waste” (Made to Break: Technology and Obsolescence in America [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006], 3).
47.盖尔斯-斯莱德记录了现有的废物基础设施在清除大量储存的电子废物方面的能力有多么有限。他写道："但更实际的是，电子垃圾问题将很快达到如此巨大的程度，以至于我们的运输能力将不堪重负。世界上根本无法生产足够的集装箱，让美国继续保持目前的水平，成为电子产品和电子垃圾的出口国"（《美国的技术与淘汰》（Made to Break：剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，2006 年]，3）。

48. Hetherington, “Secondhandedness,” 169.
48.Hetherington, "Secondhandedness," 169。

49. The process of destroying data on hard drives is notoriously difficult, and many electronics recyclers first set up business to deal not with the reuse of machines but, rather, with the destruction of sensitive data on computers. Typically, recyclers will offer a certification that ensures the elimination of data from hard drives. Many computers, however, are “recycled” without this guarantee, and as a result, hard drives have been scoured for personal data. The Basel Action Network documents leftover sensitive data on hard drives sent from the United States to Africa in their report The Digital Dump and in media related to this project on their Web site, http://www.ban.org.
49.销毁硬盘数据的过程是出了名的困难，许多电子产品回收商在成立之初并不是处理机器的再利用，而是销毁计算机中的敏感数据。通常情况下，回收商会提供一份认证，确保消除硬盘中的数据。然而，许多电脑在 "回收 "时并没有这种保证，因此，硬盘中的个人数据被搜刮一空。巴塞尔行动网络在其报告《数字垃圾》中记录了从美国运往非洲的硬盘驱动器上残留的敏感数据，并在其网站 http://www.ban.org 上记录了与该项目有关的媒体报道。

50. This recycling experiment was conducted at a time when relatively few channels existed for the recycling of consumer electronics. These programs have since become better established, although they are not without their difficulties. More will be said about electronics recycling in chapter 5 and the conclusion.
50.这项回收试验是在消费电子产品回收渠道相对较少的情况下进行的。尽管这些项目并非没有困难，但自那时起，这些项目已变得更加完善。有关电子产品回收的更多内容将在第 5 章和结论中阐述。

51. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm, 6.
51.巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《输出伤害》，6。

52. The WEEE Directive is the first of such systematic attempts to prevent the flow of electronics to landfills. Initiated by the European Union, the WEEE Directive has recently required that manufacturers and producers take responsibility (extended producer responsibility, or EPR) for electronics at end of life by providing options for take-back and recycling of their machines. The program has had difficulties with enforcement, however. As a result, some commentators suggest the WEEE and RoHS regulations have become prime examples of “greenwash.” See Fred Pearce, “Greenwash: WEEE Directive Is a Dreadful Missed Opportunity to Clean up E-waste,” Guardian, June 25, 2009.
52.《废弃电子电器设备指令》是防止电子产品流入垃圾填埋场的第一个系统性尝试。由欧盟发起的《废弃电子电器设备指令》最近要求制造商和生产商对报废电子产品承担责任（扩大生产者责任，简称EPR），提供收回和回收机器的选择。然而，该计划在执行过程中遇到了困难。因此，一些评论家认为，WEEE 和 RoHS 法规已成为 "洗绿 "的典型例子。参见 Fred Pearce，"Greenwash：WEEE 指令错失了清理电子垃圾的良机，"《卫报》，2009 年 6 月 25 日。

53. See Fishbein et al., Extended Producer Responsibility.
53.见 Fishbein 等人，《生产者延伸责任》。

54. Up to 80 percent of electronics shipped to Asia for recycling have their point of origin with raw material brokers in the United States. See Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm, 1–2. See also Jennifer Clapp, Toxic Exports (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001), for an in-depth analysis of the geopolitical implications of the movements of hazardous waste.
54.运往亚洲回收的电子产品中，高达 80% 的原产地是美国的原材料中间商。参见巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《出口伤害》，1-2。另见 Jennifer Clapp, Toxic Exports (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001)，对危险废物转移的地缘政治影响的深入分析。

55. “Greenpeace Deploys GPS to Track Illegal Electronic Waste,” Environment Blog, Guardian, February 18, 2009, http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/blog/2009/feb/18/greenpeace-electronic-waste-nigeria-tv-gps; “Undercover Operation Exposes Illegal Dumping of E-waste in Nigeria,” Greenpeace News, February 18, 2009, http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/e-waste-nigeria180209.
55."绿色和平部署 GPS 追踪非法电子废物，"环境博客，《卫报》，2009 年 2 月 18 日，http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/blog/2009/feb/18/greenpeace-electronic-waste-nigeria-tv-gps； "秘密行动揭露尼日利亚非法倾倒电子废物，"绿色和平新闻，2009 年 2 月 18 日，http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/e-waste-nigeria180209。

56. See Basel Action Network, Digital Dump; Fishbein, Waste in a Wireless World.
56.见巴塞尔行动网络，《数字垃圾》；Fishbein，《无线世界中的废物》。

57. Harvey, Spaces of Capital, 252–53.
57.Harvey, Spaces of Capital, 252-53.

58. Dan Glaister, “US Recycling: ‘I Don't Even Think We Have an Industry,’” Guardian, January 9, 2009.
58.Dan Glaister，"US Recycling: 'I Don't Even Think We Have an Industry'，"《卫报》，2009 年 1 月 9 日。

59. Tania Branigan, “From East to West, a Chain Collapses,” Guardian, January 9, 2009; Christine Oliver, “Recycling in the Credit Crunch,” Guardian, January 9, 2009; Leo Hickman, “The Truth about Recycling,” Guardian, February 26, 2009.
59.Tania Branigan，"从东方到西方，一个链条崩溃了"，《卫报》，2009 年 1 月 9 日；Christine Oliver， "信贷紧缩下的回收"，《卫报》，2009 年 1 月 9 日；Leo Hickman，"回收的真相"，《卫报》，2009 年 2 月 26 日。

60. “UN Programme Aims at Environmentally Sound Disposal of Electronic Waste,” UN News Centre, November 25, 2005, http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=16690&Cr=electronic&Cr1=.
60."联合国计划旨在以无害环境的方式处理电子废物》，联合国新闻中心，2005 年 11 月 25 日， http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=16690&Cr=electronic&Cr1=。

61. Heather Rogers, Gone Tomorrow: The Hidden Life of Garbage (New York: New Page 185 →Press, 2005), 201. Increasingly, the production of electronics has been offshored to India, China, and Taiwan—the same places where electronic waste returns after it has been shipped and consumed in the United States and Europe.
61.Heather Rogers, Gone Tomorrow：The Hidden Life of Garbage (New York: New Page 185 →Press, 2005), 201.电子产品的生产越来越多地离岸外包给印度、中国大陆和台湾--这些地方也是电子垃圾在美国和欧洲运输和消费后的回流地。

62. Allan Sekula, Fish Story (Düsseldorf: Richter Verlag, 1995), 12. See also Marc Levinson, The Box: How the Shipping Container Made the World Smaller and the World Economy Bigger (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).
62.Allan Sekula, Fish Story (Düsseldorf: Richter Verlag, 1995), 12.另见 Marc Levinson, The Box：How the Shipping Container Made the World Smaller and the World Economy Bigger (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006)。

63. Sekula, Fish Story, 49.
63.Sekula, Fish Story, 49.

64. Ibid., 50. Not only is shipping a more protracted space of material movement, but it also requires extensive material resources while contributing significantly to greenhouse gas emissions. See National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, “Maritime Shipping Makes Hefty Contribution to Harmful Air Pollution,” February 26, 2009, http://www.noaanews.noaa.gov/stories2009/20090226_shipping.html.
64.同上，第 50 页。海运不仅耗费更长的物资运输时间，而且还需要大量的物质资源，同时也大大增加了温室气体的排放量。见美国国家海洋和大气管理局，《海运对有害空气污染的贡献巨大》，2009 年 2 月 26 日， http://www.noaanews.noaa.gov/stories2009/20090226_shipping.html。

65. While North America is currently the largest consumer of electronics, China and India are now experiencing the greatest growth in electronics consumption. In this case, the countries that have traditionally been the recipients of electronic waste from other parts of the world must now deal with their own internal electronic waste problem. See the “Electronic Waste Guide,” which notes, “China had the highest growth in number of computer users per capita in the period 1993–2000. It grew a massive 1052%, compared to a world average of 181%” (http://www.ewasteguide.info/economical_facts_and_figures).
65.虽然北美目前是最大的电子产品消费国，但中国和印度目前的电子产品消费增长最快。在这种情况下，传统上接受世界其他地区电子废物的国家现在必须处理自己内部的电子废物问题。请参阅《电子废物指南》，其中指出："在 1993-2000 年期间，中国的人均电脑用户数量增长最快。它的增长率高达 1052%，而世界平均增长率为 181%"（http://www.ewasteguide.info/economical_facts_and_figures）。

66. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm, 5.
66.巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《输出伤害》，5。

67. Ibid., 18.
67.同上，第 18 页。

68. Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives: Modernity and Its Outcasts (Cambridge: Polity, 2004), 60. Bauman notes that electronics are so easily outdated that not even charities will accept them as donations. To process the waste, instead, there emerges “human-waste producing plants. In Guiyu, there are 100,000 of them—men, women and children working for the equivalent of 94p a day.”
68.Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives：Modernity and Its Outcasts (Cambridge: Polity, 2004), 60。鲍曼指出，电子产品很容易过时，甚至连慈善机构都不接受捐赠。为了处理这些废弃物，"人类废弃物生产厂 "应运而生。在贵屿，有 100,000 家这样的工厂--男人、妇女和儿童每天工作的报酬相当于 94 便士"。

69. Gavin Lucas, “Disposability and Dispossession in the Twentieth Century,” Journal of Material Culture 7, no. 1 (2002): 15.
69.加文-卢卡斯，《二十世纪的可处置性与剥夺》，《物质文化杂志》第 7 期（2002 年）：15.

70. Moser addresses this dynamic within recycling: “As potential resource, waste therefore reacquires value and becomes a commodity. It then can be treated as any other product, even traded on the stock exchange, on the condition, however, that it undergo a process of transformation, which sees it from a heterogeneous and degraded object back to the status of basic material” (“Acculturation of Waste,” 96).
70.Moser 谈到了回收利用中的这种动态："因此，作为潜在的资源，废物重新获得了价值，成为一种商品。然后，它可以像其他产品一样被处理，甚至在证券交易所交易，但条件是，它必须经历一个转变过程，从一个异质和退化的物体回到基本材料的地位"（"废物的文化"，96）。

71. Martin O'Brien, “Rubbish-Power: Towards a Sociology of the Rubbish Society,” in Consuming Cultures, ed. Jeff Hearn and Sasha Roseneil (Houndsmill, UK: Macmillan, 1999), 270. While the disruption that waste effects within traditional political economies of production and consumption is of greater interest here, O'Brien does expand his study of waste from rubbish economies to histories, literatures, and more in A Crisis of Waste? Understanding the Rubbish Society (London: Routledge, 2007).
71.Martin O'Brien, "Rubbish-Power: Towards a Sociology of the Rubbish Society," in Consuming Cultures, ed., Jeff Hearn and Sasha Roseneil (Houndsmill, UK: Macmillan, 1999, 270)。Jeff Hearn 和 Sasha Roseneil (Houndsmill, UK: Macmillan, 1999), 270。虽然这里更关注废物对传统生产和消费政治经济的破坏，但奥布莱恩在《废物危机？理解垃圾社会》（伦敦：Routledge, 2007 年）。

72. As Hetherington similarly explains, “‘Dirt’ has to do with the making and unmaking of that process rather than with a thing in itself” (“Secondhandedness,” 163). Hetherington draws on discussions of dirt by Lyotard and Serres: see Jean-François Lyotard, Driftworks (New York: Semiotext(e), 1984); Michel Serres, Rome (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991).
72.正如 Hetherington 所解释的那样，"'污垢'与这一过程的制造与解体有关，而非与事物本身有关"（"Secondhandedness"，163）。Hetherington 借鉴了利奥塔和塞雷斯对污垢的讨论：见 Jean-François Lyotard, Driftworks (New York：Semiotext(e), 1984）；Michel Serres, Rome (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991)。

73. Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft), trans. Martin Nicolaus (London: Pelican, 1973), 91.
73.卡尔-马克思，《基础论》：Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (Rough Draft), trans. Martin Nicolaus (London: Pelican, 1973), 91.马丁-尼古拉斯（Martin Nicolaus）（伦敦：鹈鹕出版社，1973 年），91 页。

74. Ibid., 93.Page 186 →
74.同上，第 93 页。

75. Ibid.
75.同上。

76. Lucas, “Disposability and Dispossession,” 17.
76.Lucas, "Disposability and Dispossession," 17.

77. Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, “Consuming Andean Televisions,” Journal of Material Culture 8, no. 3 (2003): 275, 283.
77.Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld, "Consuming Andean Televisions," Journal of Material Culture 8, no.3 (2003):275, 283.

78. Lucas, “Disposability and Dispossession,” 19.
78.Lucas, "Disposability and Dispossession," 19.

Chapter 4
第 4 章

Ted Nelson, Computer Lib/Dream Machines (Redmond, WA: Tempus Books of Microsoft Press, 1987), 4–5.
特德-尼尔森，《计算机图书馆/梦想机器》（华盛顿州雷德蒙德：微软出版社的 Tempus Books，1987 年），4-5 页。

Stiegler, Technics and Time, 27.
Stiegler, Technics and Time, 27.

1. While a basic distinction is often made between the museum as a space of exhibition and the archive as a space of storage, I will discuss the museum and archive together in this chapter, as electronic technologies tend to collapse the distance between these two previously distinct entities. For more on the convergence of museum and archive (and library), see Wolfgang Ernst, “Archi(ve)textures of Museology,” in Museums and Memory, ed. Susan A. Crane (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 17–34.
1.虽然博物馆作为展览空间和档案馆作为存储空间通常有着基本的区别，但在本章中我将一并讨论博物馆和档案馆，因为电子技术往往会拉近这两个以往截然不同的实体之间的距离。关于博物馆和档案馆（以及图书馆）的融合，请参阅沃尔夫冈-恩斯特（Wolfgang Ernst）的《博物馆学的建筑学纹理》（Archi(ve)textures of Museology），收录于《博物馆与记忆》（Museums and Memory），苏珊-A-克莱恩（Susan A. Crane）编辑（斯坦福大学出版社）。Susan A. Crane (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 17-34.

2. Straw, “Exhausted Commodities.”
2.斯特劳，"耗尽的商品"。

3. “In regard to such a perception, one could speak of the increasing concentration (integration) of reality, such that everything past (in its time) can acquire a higher grade of actuality than it had in the moment of its existing. How it marks itself as higher actuality is determined by the image as which and in which it is comprehended. And this dialectical penetration and actualization of former contexts puts the truth of all present action to the test. Or rather, it serves to ignite the explosive materials that are latent in what has been (the authentic figure of which is fashion)” (Benjamin, Arcades Project, 392).
3."关于这种感知，可以说是现实的日益集中（整合），以至于过去（在其时间内）的一切都能获得比其存在时更高的现实性。至于它如何将自己标示为更高的现实性，则取决于它作为何种形象以及在何种形象中被理解。而这种对以往背景的辩证渗透和现实化，对所有当前行动的真实性都提出了考验。或者说，它的作用是点燃潜藏在过去事物中的爆炸性材料（其真实形象就是时尚）"（本雅明，《Arcades Project》，392）。

4. As further explained by Rosalind Krauss, “Benjamin believed that at the birth of a given social form or technological process the utopian dimension was present and, furthermore, that it is precisely at the moment of the obsolescence of that technology that it once more releases this dimension, like the last gleam of a dying star. For obsolescence, the very law of commodity production both frees the outmoded object from the grip of utility and reveals the hollow promise of that law” (A Voyage on the North Sea: Art in the Age of the Post-Medium Condition [London: Thames and Hudson, 1999], 41).
4.正如罗莎琳德-克劳斯（Rosalind Krauss）进一步解释的那样，"本雅明认为，在特定社会形态或技术过程诞生之时，乌托邦的维度就已经存在，而且，正是在该技术过时的那一刻，它再次释放出这一维度，就像一颗垂死恒星的最后一丝光辉。因为过时本身就是商品生产的法则，它既使过时的物品摆脱了实用性的控制，又揭示了这一法则的空洞承诺"（《北海之旅》：后中等状况时代的艺术》[伦敦：泰晤士与哈德逊出版社，1999 年]，第 41 页）。

5. Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama, 182. See also Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing, 160.
5.Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama, 182.另见 Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing, 160。

6. See Benjamin, Arcades Project, 462; Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama, 178.
6.见 Benjamin, Arcades Project, 462；Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama, 178。

7. Hetherington, “Secondhandedness,” 166. Hetherington writes, “There are few things that institutions like museums and libraries agonize over more than disposal in the sense of deaccessioning.” Indeed, in various computing history archives, one finds such an uneasy relation to the fact that the sheer number of preservable electronics well exceeds the holding capacity of the museum. So the inevitable deaccessioning takes place, where objects are given nearly ritualistic burials at the local landfill. This is not a topic most curators are prepared to discuss, but the fact remains that not every object in the history of electronics can possibly be retained for “future posterity.”Page 187 →
7.Hetherington, "Secondhandedness," 166。Hetherington 写道："博物馆和图书馆等机构最苦恼的事情莫过于去馆藏化意义上的处置"。事实上，在各种计算机历史档案中，我们都能发现这样一种令人不安的关系，即可保存电子产品的数量远远超过了博物馆的容纳能力。因此，不可避免地出现了 "去馆藏化 "现象，物品被以近乎仪式化的方式埋葬在当地的垃圾填埋场。这不是大多数馆长愿意讨论的话题，但事实是，在电子产品的历史上，并不是每一件物品都能为 "未来的子孙后代 "保留下来。

8. This chapter maintains the standard differentiation between mass or permanent storage, typically on magnetic media, and memory, which refers to the temporary working storage of random-access memory (RAM). In common usage, however, these terms are often used interchangeably.
8.本章保留了大容量或永久存储（通常在磁性介质上）与内存（指随机存取存储器 (RAM) 的临时工作存储）之间的标准区别。不过，在通常的用法中，这两个术语经常互换使用。

9. Seitz and Einspruch, Electronic Genie, 213–15.
9.Seitz 和 Einspruch，《电子精灵》，213-15 页。

10. The manipulation of time in fact counts as the measure of progress for electronics in multiple ways. As Bolter writes, “The operating time is often the single most important measure of work done by the computer. When a new machine is brought on the market, the first question asked is: how fast are the basic instructions to fetch data from memory, operate upon it, and return the result? A new computer installation, a collection of several processors and storage devices, measures its productivity in terms of throughput, that is, how many programs can be run in a fixed period of time. Conversely, the programmer grades the success of his solution to a problem by the speed of execution of his program” (Turing's Man, 109–10).
10.事实上，对时间的控制可以从多个方面来衡量电子技术的进步。正如博尔特写道："操作时间往往是衡量计算机所做工作的唯一最重要的标准。当一台新机器投放市场时，首先要问的问题是：从内存中获取数据、对数据进行运算并返回结果的基本指令速度有多快？新安装的计算机是多个处理器和存储设备的集合体，它的生产率以吞吐量来衡量，即在固定时间内可以运行多少程序。相反，程序员则以程序的执行速度来评定解决问题的成功与否"（《图灵的人类》，109-10）。

11. Jean François Lyotard, The Inhuman: Reflections on Time, trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel Bowlby (Cambridge: Polity, 1991), 64.
11.让-弗朗索瓦-利奥塔：《非人》：Relections on Time, trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel Bowlby (Cambridge: Polity, 1991), 64.Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel Bowlby (Cambridge: Polity, 1991), 64.

12. Arthur C. Clarke, Profiles of the Future: An Inquiry into the Limits of the Possible (London: Indigo, 1999), 198.
12.阿瑟-C-克拉克，《未来图景》：An Inquiry into the Limits of the Possible》（伦敦：Indigo，1999 年），第 198 页。

13. Ibid.
13.同上。

14. Hansen's discussion of voluntary and involuntary memory as read through Benjamin may be a helpful addition to this statement: “For Benjamin, therefore, the disjunction demarcates two antithetical types of experience: one centered around a reflective, psychic subject whose powers have been markedly diminished with the advent of modernity (Erfahrung); another around a corporeal agency sensitive to the inhuman rhythms of the mechanosphere (Erlebnis). Since voluntary memory takes its standard directly from the rhythm of external duration, of the commodity world itself, its predominance in the modern world yields a fundamental deterritorialization of the traditional humanist, cognitive subject” (Hansen, Embodying Technesis, 243).
14.汉森通过本雅明对自愿记忆和非自愿记忆的讨论可能是对这一陈述的有益补充："因此，对本雅明而言，这种分离划分了两种对立的经验类型：一种是以反思性的精神主体为中心，其力量随着现代性的到来而明显减弱（Erfahrung）；另一种是以对机械圈的非人类节奏敏感的肉体机构为中心（Erlebnis）。由于自愿记忆的标准直接来自外部持续时间的节奏，即商品世界本身的节奏，它在现代世界中的主导地位使传统的人文主义认知主体从根本上去领土化"（Hansen, Embodying Technesis, 243）。

15. Bush, “As We May Think,” 101–8.
15.布什，"As We May Think"，101-8。

16. Jim Gemmell, Gordon Bell, and Roger Lueder, “MyLifeBits: A Personal Database for Everything,” Microsoft Research Technical Report, MSR-TR-2006-23 (San Francisco: Microsoft Bay Area Research Center, 2006), http://research.microsoft.com/apps/pubs/default.aspx?id=64157.
16.Jim Gemmell、Gordon Bell 和 Roger Lueder，"MyLifeBits：A Personal Database for Everything," Microsoft Research Technical Report, MSR-TR-2006-23 (San Francisco: Microsoft Bay Area Research Center, 2006), http://research.microsoft.com/apps/pubs/default.aspx?id=64157.

17. Ibid.
17.同上。

18. Ibid. See also Gordon Bell and Jim Gemmell, Total Recall: How the E-Memory Revolution Will Change Everything (New York: Dutton, 2009).
18.同上。另见 Gordon Bell 和 Jim Gemmell，Total Recall：电子记忆革命将如何改变一切》（纽约：Dutton，2009 年）。

19. As Friedrich Kittler argues, “For the very first time in media history, data that are stored or transferred are already computable for that very reason” (“Museums on the Digital Frontier,” in The End(s) of the Museum, ed. Alexander Garcia Düttmann et al. [Barcelona: Fundació Antoni Tàpies, 1996], 71).
19.正如弗里德里希-基特勒（Friedrich Kittler）所言，"在媒体史上，存储或传输的数据首次成为可计算的数据，原因就在于此"（"数字前沿的博物馆"，载于《博物馆的终结》，亚历山大-加西亚-杜特曼等编[巴塞罗那：安东尼-塔皮斯基金会，1996 年]，第 71 页）。Alexander Garcia Düttmann et al. [Barcelona: Fundació Antoni Tàpies, 1996], 71）。

20. Alan Turing, “Intelligent Machinery,” in Mechanical Intelligence, ed. D. C. Ince (1948; repr., London: North Holland, 1992), 107–28.
20.艾伦-图灵：《智能机械》，载于《机械智能》，D. C. Ince 编辑（1948 年；再版，伦敦：北荷兰出版社，1992 年），107-28 页。D. C. Ince（1948 年；再版，伦敦：North Holland，1992 年），107-28 页。

21. Kittler, “Museums on the Digital Frontier,” 75.
21.Kittler, "Museums on the Digital Frontier," 75。

22. Corzo asks, “Is it possible that the clay tablets of Tell Brak will last longer than our current high-powered, ultra-sophisticated technology?” (Miguel Angel Corzo, ed., Mortality/Immortality? The Legacy of 20th-Century Art [Los Angeles: Getty Conservation Institute, 1999], xvii).
22.科尔索问道："Tell Brak 的泥板是否有可能比我们目前的高能、超尖端技术更长久？(米格尔-安赫尔-科索编，《死亡/不朽？20 世纪艺术遗产》[洛杉矶：盖蒂保护研究所，1999 年]，第 xvii 页）。

23. Gemmell, Bell, and Lueder, “MyLifeBits.”Page 188 →
23.Gemmell、Bell 和 Lueder，"MyLifeBits"。

24. Indeed, MyLifeBits assumes such an underlying condition of transience, which presents cause for one's personal database to grow. This is due to the fact that “external” data, such as Web sites, are so transient that it is necessary to store this desired data on one's own system in order to ensure continuing access.
24.事实上，MyLifeBits 假设了这种短暂性的基本条件，这也是个人数据库增长的原因。这是因为 "外部 "数据（如网站）非常短暂，有必要将这些所需的数据存储在自己的系统中，以确保持续访问。

25. In Chris Marker's film Sans Soleil (1982), the narrator predicts, “The New Bible will be of Magnetic Memory, and will have to rerecord itself constantly just to remember itself.” This is a situation of “total recall” and “total amnesia,” of a memory that is as extended as it is volatile.
25.在克里斯-马克（Chris Marker）的电影《无太阳》（Sans Soleil，1982 年）中，叙述者预言："新《圣经》将具有磁性记忆，必须不断重录自己才能记住自己"。"这是一种 "完全回忆 "和 "完全失忆 "的情况，是一种既延伸又不稳定的记忆。

26. Friedrich Kittler writes, “Emulation would seem to be the answer to the oft-repeated paradox that the computer as a medium can archive all other media except itself. In his essay Trancemedia: from Simulation to Emulation, Arjen Mulder suggests that emulation is the only means at the computer's disposal to secure and access its own history. Emulation of all earlier hardware plus software is the only way in which computer history can be written using a computer” (“The Exhibition as Emulator,” trans. James Boekbinder, text commissioned for the 2000 InfoArcadia exhibition, http://www.mediamatic.net/article-8740-en.html).
26.弗里德里希-基特勒写道："计算机作为一种媒介，除了自身之外，可以将所有其他媒介归档，而仿真似乎就是这个经常被重复的悖论的答案。Arjen Mulder 在其《恍惚媒体：从模拟到仿真》一文中指出，仿真是计算机确保和获取自身历史的唯一手段。对所有早期硬件和软件进行仿真，是使用计算机书写计算机历史的唯一途径"（《作为仿真器的展览》，James Boekbinder 译，委托撰写的文本）。James Boekbinder，为 2000 年 InfoArcadia 展览撰写的文章，http://www.mediamatic.net/article-8740-en.html）。

27. Molotch, Where Stuff Comes From, 2–3.
27.Molotch, Where Stuff Comes From, 2-3.

28. Bruce Sterling, “Built on Digital Sand: A Media Archaeologist Digs the Lonely Shores of Binary Obsolescence,” in “Ghost: Archive, Evolution, Entropy,” Horizon Zero 18 (2004), http://www.horizonzero.ca/textsite/ghost.php?is=18&file=4&tlang=0.
28.Bruce Sterling，"Built on Digital Sand：A Media Archaeologist Digs the Lonely Shores of Binary Obsolescence," in "Ghost: Archive, Evolution, Entropy," Horizon Zero 18 (2004), http://www.horizonzero.ca/textsite/ghost.php?is=18&file=4&tlang=0.

29. Ibid.
29.同上。

30. Ibid.
30.同上。

31. Geert Lovink, “Archive Rumblings: Interview with German Media Archaeologist Wolfgang Ernst,” Nettime, February 25, 2003, http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-0302/msg00132.html.
31.Geert Lovink，"Archive Rumblings：采访德国媒体考古学家 Wolfgang Ernst，" Nettime，2003 年 2 月 25 日，http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-0302/msg00132.html。

32. Ibid.
32.同上。

33. This concept is expressed in varying ways by authors as far-ranging as Stiegler, Hansen, Lyotard, and Sterling. For a more extended discussion, see especially Stiegler's Technics and Time. In this work, Stiegler writes, “There is a historicity to the technical object that makes its descriptions as a mere hump of inert matter impossible. This inorganic matter organizes itself. In organizing itself, it becomes indivisible and conquers a quasi-ipseity from which its dynamic proceeds absolutely: the history of this becoming-organic is not that of the humans who ‘made’ the object” (71).
33.这一概念在斯蒂格勒、汉森、利奥塔和斯特林等多位作家那里都有不同的表述。关于更广泛的讨论，尤其可参阅斯蒂格勒的《技术与时间》。在这部著作中，斯蒂格勒写道："技术对象具有一种历史性，这使得将其描述为仅仅是惰性物质的驼峰是不可能的。这种无机物会自我组织。在组织自身的过程中，它变得不可分割，并征服了一个准序列性，其动态由此绝对地产生：这种成为有机物的历史不是'制造'对象的人类的历史"（71）。

34. Bruce Sterling, Shaping Things (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), 58.
34.Bruce Sterling, Shaping Things (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), 58.

35. Franz Alt, Evaluation of Automatic Computing Machines (Washington, DC: National Bureau of Standards, 1951).
35.Franz Alt，Evaluation of Automatic Computing Machines（华盛顿特区：国家标准局，1951 年）。

36. Ceruzzi, History of Modern Computing, ix.
36.Ceruzzi, History of Modern Computing, ix.

37. Ibid.
37.同上。

38. A number of scholars write on the multiple implications of this term. See, for example, Jonathan Sterne, “Out with the Trash: On the Future of New Media,” in Residual Media, ed. Charles Acland (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), 16–31; Wendy Hui Kyong Chun and Thomas Keenan, eds., New Media, Old Media (New York: Routledge, 2006); Lisa Gitelman, Always Already New: Media, History, and the Data of Culture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006). Writing in what seems to be a Benjaminian register, Paul Rabinow suggests the “contemporary” emerges not through the elimination of the new, but through the shaping of distinctive Page 189 →relations between “older and newer elements.” See Marking Time (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007).
38.许多学者撰文论述了这一术语的多重含义。例如，见 Jonathan Sterne，"Out with the Trash：On the Future of New Media," in Residual Media, ed. Charles Acland (Minneapolis: University of Minnes)。Charles Acland (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), 16-31; Wendy Hui Kyong Chun and Thomas Keenan, eds., New Media, Old Media (New York: Routledge, 2006); Lisa Gitelman, Always Already New：Media, History, and the Data of Culture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006)。保罗-拉比诺（Paul Rabinow）以一种似乎是本雅明式的方式写道，"当代 "的出现不是通过消除新事物，而是通过塑造 "新旧元素 "之间的独特关系。见《标记时间》（普林斯顿：普林斯顿大学出版社，2007 年）。

39. Packard identifies three modes of obsolescence that range from function to fashion, including “obsolescence of function,” “obsolescence of quality,” and “obsolescence of desirability” (Waste Makers, 55).
39.帕卡德指出了从功能到时尚的三种陈旧模式，包括 "功能的陈旧"、"质量的陈旧 "和 "可取性的陈旧"（《废物制造者》，55）。

40. Toffler, Future Shock, 62–63.
40.Toffler, Future Shock, 62-63.

41. Ibid., 62.
41.同上，第 62 页。

42. Industrial designer Brooke Stevens is often credited with popularizing the term obsolescence. Slade suggests that Stevens was actually preceded by other promoters, who also championed obsolescence as a stimulant to economic activity. Most notably, Bernard London proposed death dating for objects, which would have predetermined life spans and would have to be returned to manufacturers upon expiration. See Slade, Made to Break, 73–75.
42.工业设计师布鲁克-史蒂文斯（Brooke Stevens）通常被认为是 "过时 "一词的推广者。斯莱德认为，在史蒂文斯之前其实还有其他倡导者，他们也主张将淘汰作为经济活动的刺激因素。最值得注意的是，伯纳德-伦敦（Bernard London）提出了物品的死亡日期，即预先确定使用寿命，到期后必须归还制造商。见 Slade, Made to Break, 73-75。

43. The Long Now Foundation suggests that “by constantly accelerating its own capabilities (making faster, cheaper, sharper, tools that make even faster, cheaper, sharper tools), the technology is just as constantly self-obsolescing. The great creator becomes the great eraser.” Yet this erasure is never complete, because “behind every hot new working computer is a trail of bodies of extinct computers, extinct storage media, extinct applications, extinct files.” See The Long Now Foundation, http://www.longnow.org; Stewart Brand, The Clock of the Long Now: Time and Responsibility (New York: Basic Books, 1999).
43.Long Now 基金会认为，"通过不断加速自身能力（制造更快、更便宜、更锋利的工具，再制造更快、更便宜、更锋利的工具），技术也在不断自我否定。伟大的创造者变成了伟大的擦除者"。然而，这种擦除永远不会彻底，因为 "在每一台炙手可热的新型工作计算机背后，都有一连串已灭绝的计算机、已灭绝的存储介质、已灭绝的应用程序、已灭绝的文件"。见 The Long Now Foundation, http://www.longnow.org；Stewart Brand, The Clock of the Long Now：时间与责任》（纽约：Basic Books，1999 年）。

44. See also Bill Joy, “Why the Future Doesn't Need Us,” Wired News 8, no. 4 (April 2000). The history of human obsolescence could constitute a book in itself: both nineteenth- and twentieth-century versions of automation have given rise to distinct forms of human obsolescence. I would title this book The Post-Luddite Chronicles, as a way to engage with this knotted intersection and humanist dilemma where the human passes out of relevance only to return as an imagined site of resistance in relation to technologies.
44.另见比尔-乔伊，"为什么未来不需要我们"，《连线新闻》第 8 期，第 4 号（2000 年 4 月）。4（2000 年 4 月）。人类淘汰的历史本身就可以写成一本书：十九世纪和二十世纪的自动化都导致了不同形式的人类淘汰。我想把这本书命名为《后鲁德派编年史》，以此来探讨这一纠结的交叉问题和人文主义困境，在这一困境中，人类不再具有相关性，只是作为与技术相关的一个想象中的反抗场所重新回归。

45. Even going beyond the typical analysis of actor-network theory, which places humans and nonhumans on a relatively flattened field of influence, the obsolescence of the human suggests a condition more similar to that identified by Serres, where we become subjected to our objects, with the result that the very possibility of sharply delineated causal relations between subjects and objects crumbles. See Michel Serres, The Natural Contract, trans. Elizabeth MacArthur and William Paulson (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
45.行为者网络理论将人类和非人类置于一个相对扁平的影响场中，即使超越了这种典型的分析，人类的过时也表明了一种与塞雷斯所指出的更为相似的情况，即我们成为我们客体的主体，其结果是主体与客体之间清晰划分的因果关系的可能性本身就崩溃了。见 Michel Serres, The Natural Contract, trans.Elizabeth MacArthur and William Paulson (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995)。

46. Sterling, Shaping Things, 59.
46.Sterling, Shaping Things, 59.

47. Evan Watkins, Throwaways: Work Culture and Consumer Education (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 26.
47.Evan Watkins, Throwaways：Work Culture and Consumer Education (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 26.

48. Ibid., 32. Straw similarly writes, in “Exhausted Commodities,” that obsolete objects do not “simply disappear”; rather, they “persist and circulate through the commercial markets of contemporary life.”
48.同上，第 32 页。斯特劳在《耗尽的商品》中同样写道，过时的物品不会 "简单地消失"；相反，它们 "在当代生活的商业市场中持续存在和流通"。

49. Watkins, Throwaways, 19.
49.Watkins, Throwaways, 19.

50. Moore, “Cramming More Components onto Integrated Circuits.”
50.摩尔："在集成电路上挤入更多元件"。

51. Ceruzzi, History of Modern Computing, 7.
51.Ceruzzi, History of Modern Computing, 7.

52. On this note, Ceruzzi asks, “Yet who would deny that computing technology has been anything short of revolutionary? A simple measure of the computing abilities of modern machines reveals a rate of advance not matched by other technologies, ancient or modern” (ibid., 3).Page 190 →
52.关于这一点，Ceruzzi 问："然而，谁又能否认计算技术不啻为一场革命呢？简单衡量一下现代机器的计算能力，就会发现其进步速度是其他技术无法比拟的，无论是古代技术还是现代技术"（同上，3）。

53. According to Ceruzzi, the pervasiveness of computers also attests to the far-reaching impacts of this revolution. In this respect, he suggests that computers are among the most significant technological devices, more revolutionary than the washing machine (ibid., 3). But the washing machine is also now a computer. As an appliance, it, too, has become a device for the distribution of microchips.
53.Ceruzzi 认为，计算机的普及也证明了这场革命的深远影响。在这方面，他认为计算机是最重要的技术设备之一，比洗衣机更具革命性（同上，3）。但洗衣机现在也是一台计算机。作为一种电器，它也已成为传播微型芯片的设备。

54. Donald MacKenzie, Knowing Machines: Essays on Technical Change (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 8.
54.Donald MacKenzie, Knowing Machines：Essays on Technical Change (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 8.

55. Ibid.
55.同上。

56. Gordon Moore, interview, Silicon Genesis. http://silicongenesis.stanford.edu/complete_listing.html.
56.戈登-摩尔，访谈，硅谷创世纪。http://silicongenesis.stanford.edu/complete_listing.html。

57. MacKenzie, Knowing Machines, 56.
57.MacKenzie, Knowing Machines, 56.

58. MacKenzie writes, “The prophecy of a specific rate of increase has thus been self-fulfilling. It has clearly served as an incentive to technological ambition; it has also, albeit less obviously, served to limit such ambition” (ibid.). As Michel Callon underscores, self-fulfilling prophecies are never simple scripts that are directly implemented without consequence. Indeed, the failure—as much as the success—of these implementations reveals the complex material and textual worlds in which these prophecies unfold. See Michel Callon, “What Does It Mean to Say That Economics Is Performative?” 323–24.
58.MacKenzie 写道："因此，特定增长率的预言是自我实现的。它显然是对技术雄心的一种激励；同时，尽管不那么明显，它也限制了这种雄心"（同上）。正如米歇尔-卡隆（Michel Callon）所强调的，自我实现的预言从来都不是简单的剧本，直接执行而不会产生任何后果。事实上，这些预言的失败和成功都揭示了复杂的物质和文本世界。见米歇尔-卡隆，"说经济学是表演性的意味着什么？323-24.

59. MacKenzie, Knowing Machines, 56.
59.MacKenzie, Knowing Machines, 56.

60. Toffler, Future Shock, 53.
60.Toffler, Future Shock, 53.

61. It may be helpful here to remember Appadurai's discussion of turnover, where he writes, “From the point of view of demand, the critical difference between modern, capitalist societies and those based on simpler forms of technology and labor is not that we have a thoroughly commoditized economy whereas theirs is one in which subsistence is dominant and commodity exchange has made only limited inroads, but rather that the consumption demands of persons in our own society are regulated by high-turnover criteria of ‘appropriateness’ (fashion), in contrast to the less frequent shifts in more directly regulated sumptuary or customary systems. In both cases, however, demand is a socially regulated and generated impulse, not an artifact of individual whims or needs.” As he suggests, it is exactly this rate of turnover, not consumption or commodification per se, that distinguishes economies. See Appadurai, “Introduction,” 32.
61.这里不妨回忆一下阿帕杜赖关于周转率的论述，他写道："从需求的角度来看，现代资本主义社会与那些以较简单的技术和劳动形式为基础的社会之间的关键区别，并不在于我们的经济已经彻底商品化，而他们的经济则是自给自足占主导地位，商品交换只取得了有限的进展、而是在我们的社会中，人们的消费需求受 "适当性"（时尚）这一高周转标准的调节，而在更直接调节的衣食或习俗体系中，消费需求的变化则不那么频繁。然而，在这两种情况下，需求都是一种社会调节和产生的冲动，而不是个人奇思妙想或需求的产物"。正如他所言，正是这种周转率，而不是消费或商品化本身，将经济区分开来。见 Appadurai, "Introduction," 32。

62. Toffler further writes in the same section, “Sophisticates in the fad business prepare in advance for shorter and shorter product life cycles. Thus, there is in San Gabriel, California, a company entitled, with a kind of cornball relish, Wham-O Manufacturing Company. Wham-O specializes in fad products, having introduced the hula hoop in the fifties and the so-called Super-Ball more recently…. Wham-O and other companies like it, however, are not disconcerted when sudden death overtakes their product; they anticipate it. They are specialists in the design and manufacture of ‘temporary’ products” (Future Shock, 66).
62.托夫勒在同一节中进一步写道："时尚行业的老手们提前为越来越短的产品生命周期做好准备。因此，在加利福尼亚州的圣盖博市，有一家公司以一种老顽童的口吻命名为 Wham-O Manufacturing Company。Wham-O 专门生产流行产品，在 50 年代推出了呼啦圈，最近又推出了所谓的超级球....。然而，Wham-O 和其他类似公司并没有因为自己的产品猝死而感到沮丧，相反，他们早有预料。他们是设计和制造'临时'产品的专家"（《未来冲击》，66）。

63. Mike Featherstone, “Archiving Cultures,” British Journal of Sociology 51, no. 1 (January/March 2000): 170.
63.Mike Featherstone, "Archiving Cultures," British Journal of Sociology 51, no：170.

64. Ernst also suggests, “The electronic archive no longer emphatically differentiates between memory and waste. There is no technical distinction between sense and nonsense” (Wolfgang Ernst, “Agencies of Cultural Feedback: The Infrastructure of Memory,” in Neville and Villeneuve, Waste-Site Stories, 113).
64.恩斯特还指出："电子档案不再强调记忆与废弃物之间的区别。有意义和无意义之间没有技术上的区别"（沃尔夫冈-恩斯特，《文化反馈机构：The Infrastructure of Memory," in Neville and Villeneuve, Waste-Site Stories, 113）。

65. Ibid., 115.
65.同上，第 115 页。

66. Ibid., 116.Page 191 →
66.同上，第 116 页。

67. Jacques Derrida, Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression, trans. Eric Prenowitz (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 16.
67.雅克-德里达，《档案热》：A Freudian Impression, trans.Eric Prenowitz（芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社，1996 年），16。

68. Ibid., 9.
68.同上，第 9 页。

69. Both the “imperative to remember,” as Ernst writes, and the need for “intentional forgetting,” as the MyLifeBits researchers indicate, need to be programmed into electronic memory technologies. In both respects, electronic circuits are directed to emulate our own memory operations but inevitably perform in much different ways.
69.恩斯特所写的 "记忆的必要性"，以及 MyLifeBits 研究人员所指出的 "有意遗忘 "的需要，都需要被编程到电子记忆技术中。在这两方面，电子电路的目的都是模仿我们自己的记忆操作，但不可避免地会以大相径庭的方式执行。

70. See David Grattan and R. Scott Williams, “From ‘91’ to ‘42’: Questions of Conservation for Modern Materials,” in Corzo, Mortality/Immortality? 67–74.
70.见 David Grattan 和 R. Scott Williams，"从'91'到'42'：现代材料的保护问题"，载于 Corzo, Mortality/Immortality?67-74.

71. Buchli, Material Culture Reader, 14.
71.Buchli, Material Culture Reader, 14.

72. Ibid., 12. As Buchli explains, “material culture studies as part of a sacrificial economy has historically occurred within a framework of social purpose, which required the constitution of such super-material objects—material culture—to facilitate these goals whether industrial progress, social revolution or critical consciousness.”
72.同上，第 12 页。正如布赫利所解释的，"作为牺牲经济一部分的物质文化研究在历史上是在社会目的的框架内发生的，这就需要构成这样的超物质对象--物质文化，以促进这些目标的实现，无论是工业进步、社会革命还是批判意识"。

73. As design historian Adrian Forty writes, “The Western tradition of memory since the Renaissance has been founded upon an assumption that material objects, whether natural or artificial, can act as the analogues of human memory. It has been generally taken for granted that memories, formed in the mind, can be transferred to solid material objects, which can come to stand for memories and, by virtue of their durability, either prolong or preserve them indefinitely beyond their purely mental existence.” However, “it is clear that the relationship between objects and memory is less straightforward than Western thinking has been in the habit of assuming. We cannot take it for granted that artifacts act as the agents of collective memory, nor can they be relied upon to prolong it.” See Adrian Forty and Susanne Küchler, eds., The Art of Forgetting (Oxford: Berg, 1999), 2, 7.
73.正如设计史学家阿德里安-福蒂（Adrian Forty）所写："自文艺复兴以来，西方的记忆传统一直建立在一种假设之上，即物质对象，无论是自然的还是人造的，都可以作为人类记忆的类似物。人们普遍认为，在头脑中形成的记忆可以转移到坚固的物质物体上，而物质物体可以代表记忆，并且凭借其持久性，可以无限期地延长或保存记忆，超越纯粹的精神存在"。然而，"很明显，物体与记忆之间的关系并不像西方思维习惯假设的那样简单。我们不能想当然地认为人工制品是集体记忆的媒介，也不能依靠它们来延长集体记忆"。见 Adrian Forty 和 Susanne Küchler 编著，《遗忘的艺术》（牛津：Berg, 1999 年），第 2、7 页。

74. Ernst, “Archi(ve)textures of Museology,” 25–28. As Ernst suggests in this respect, “Maybe the task of the museum today is to reflect on the contemporary loss of substance in objects; a contributor to this dematerialization, however, is the museum itself.”
74.恩斯特，"博物馆学的结构"，25-28。正如恩斯特在这方面所建议的，"也许博物馆今天的任务是反思当代物品实质的丧失；然而，这种非物质化的促成者就是博物馆本身"。

75. See the Museum of E-Failure, http://www.disobey.com/ghostsites/.
75.参见电子失败博物馆，http://www.disobey.com/ghostsites/。

76. See the Internet Archive, http://www.archive.org. Elsewhere, Ernst suggests, “The Internet has turned the notion of the archive into a metaphor for data retrieval” (“Agencies of Cultural Feedback,” 117).
76.见互联网档案馆，http://www.archive.org。在其他地方，恩斯特认为，"互联网将档案馆的概念变成了数据检索的隐喻"（"文化反馈机构"， 117）。

77. Featherstone, “Archiving Cultures,” 179.
77.Featherstone, "Archiving Cultures," 179。

78. Jens Schröter, “Archive—Post/photographic,” Media Art Net, http://www.medienkunstnetz.de/themes/photo_byte/archive_post_photographic/.
78.Jens Schröter，"Archive-Post/photographic"，Media Art Net，http://www.medienkunstnetz.de/themes/photo_byte/archive_post_photographic/。

79. Schröter further writes (in a futuristic, if progressive, tone), “In this, the issue is not a nostalgic return to the safe refuge of the museum—which is impossible as it is—rather, the point is to keep the discussion on the archive of the future in motion, that is, of working on alternative models to the archive” (ibid.).
79.Schröter 还写道（以一种未来派的、进步的口吻）："在这一点上，问题不是怀旧地回到博物馆的安全庇护所--这是不可能的，而是要继续讨论未来的档案馆，即研究档案馆的替代模式"（同上）。

80. See Hayles, My Mother Was a Computer, 89–104. One striking project that engages with emulation through correspondences is the Variable Media Network, a collaboration between the Guggenheim Museum in New York and the Daniel Langlois Foundation for Art, Science, and Technology. This project preserves the ephemeral media and the obsolescence of electronic technology in artists’ projects by migrating projects across media. See http://www.variablemedia.net.
80.见 Hayles, My Mother Was a Computer, 89-104。纽约古根海姆博物馆与丹尼尔-朗格卢瓦艺术、科学与技术基金会合作开展的 "可变媒体网络 "项目就是一个通过通信进行仿真的引人注目的项目。该项目通过跨媒体迁移项目，在艺术家的项目中保留了短暂的媒体和过时的电子技术。参见 http://www.variablemedia.net。

81. Kittler, “Exhibition as Emulator.”Page 192 →
81.Kittler, "Exhibition as Emulator. "第 192 页 → 《作为仿真器的展览》。

82. In fact, such a description might align with Benjamin's description of a preferred mode of storytelling, which consists of the “slow piling one on top of the other of thin, transparent layers which constitutes the most appropriate picture of the way in which the perfect narrative is revealed through the layers of a variety of retellings.” See Walter Benjamin, “The Storyteller: Reflections on the Works of Nikolai Leskov,” in Illuminations, 93.
82.事实上，这样的描述可能与本雅明对讲故事的首选模式的描述一致，即 "缓慢地将薄薄的、透明的层层堆叠在一起，这构成了完美叙事通过各种重述的层层揭示的最恰当的图景"。见瓦尔特-本雅明，《讲故事的人》：见 Walter Benjamin，"The Storyteller：Reflections on the Works of Nikolai Leskov"，in Illuminations，93。

83. Kittler, “Museums on the Digital Frontier,” 78.
83.Kittler, "Museums on the Digital Frontier," 78。

84. Ernst, “Agencies of Cultural Feedback,” 116.
84.Ernst, "Agencies of Cultural Feedback," 116.

85. Moser, “Acculturation of Waste,” 102.
85.Moser, "Acculturation of Waste," 102。

86. Ernst draws out the possibilities of what happens at the intersection of memory and waste: “The digital archive may merely aim at storing information; the energetic texture of memory, though, is based on counter- and dis-information, which amounts to a memory of waste” (“Agencies of Cultural Feedback,” 118).
86.恩斯特指出了记忆与浪费交织在一起的可能性："数字档案可能只是为了存储信息；但记忆的能量质地是建立在反信息和非信息的基础上的，这相当于一种废物记忆"（《文化反馈机构》，118）。

Chapter 5
第 5 章

Philip K. Dick, In Milton Lumky Territory (1985; repr., London: Paladin, 1987), 61.
Philip K. Dick，《In Milton Lumky Territory》（1985 年；再版，伦敦：Paladin，1987 年），61 页。

1. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm.
1.巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《输出伤害》。

2. Rathje and Murphy, Rubbish! 117
2.Rathje 和 Murphy，《垃圾》！117

3. In this respect, Neville and Villeneuve write, “We observe, moreover, that waste is defined by its own resistant materiality, by what we are tempted to call its ‘material memory’” (“Introduction,” Waste-Site Stories, 7).
3.在这方面，Neville 和 Villeneuve 写道："此外，我们还注意到，废物是由其自身具有抵抗力的物质性所定义的，我们很想称之为其'物质记忆'"（"导言"，《废址故事》，7）。

4. Ilya Kabakov, “The Man Who Never Threw Anything Away,” in The Archive, ed. Charles Merewether (London: Whitechapel Gallery; Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006), 37.
4.Ilya Kabakov，"The Man Who Never Threw Anything Away," in The Archive, ed.. Charles Merewether (London: Whitechapel Gallery; Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006, 37)。Charles Merewether (London: Whitechapel Gallery; Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006), 37。

5. Michael Shanks, Experiencing the Past: On the Character of Archaeology (London: Routledge, 1992), 75.
5.Michael Shanks, Experiencing the Past：On the Character of Archaeology (London: Routledge, 1992), 75.

6. Brown, “Thing Theory,” 4–8. Brown writes more extensively on the concept of breakdown, noting, “We begin to confront the thingness of objects when they stop working for us: when the drill breaks, when the car stalls, when the windows get filthy, when their flow within the circuits of production and distribution, consumption and exhibition, has been arrested, however momentarily.”
6.Brown, "Thing Theory," 4-8.布朗更广泛地论述了 "分解 "这一概念，他指出："当物品不再为我们工作时，我们就开始面对物品的事物性：当电钻坏了，当汽车熄火了，当窗户脏了，当它们在生产和分配、消费和展览的循环中的流动被阻止了，无论多么短暂。

7. Benjamin draws on the urban poetry of Charles Baudelaire to describe this particular form of salvage, or ragpicking. Citing Baudelaire, he writes, “‘Here we have a man whose job it is to gather the day's refuse in the capital. Everything that the big city has thrown away, everything it has lost, everything it has scorned, everything it has crushed underfoot he catalogues and collects. He collates the annals of intemperance, the capharnaum of waste. He sorts things out and selects judiciously: he collects like a miser guarding a treasure, refuse which will assume the shape of useful or gratifying objects between the jaws of the goddess of Industry.’ This description is one extended metaphor for the poetic method, as Baudelaire practiced it. Ragpicker and poet: both are concerned with refuse.” See Walter Benjamin, “The Paris of the Second Empire in Baudelaire,” in Selected Writings, vol. 4, 1938–1940, ed. Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings, trans. Edmund Jephcott et al. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap, 2002), 48; Ursula Marx et al., eds., “Ragpicking: The Arcades Project,” in Walter Benjamin's Archive: Images, Texts, Signs, trans. Esther Leslie (London: Verso, 2007), 251–65.Page 193 →
7.本雅明借用查尔斯-波德莱尔的城市诗歌来描述这种特殊的打捞或捡破烂形式。他引用波德莱尔的话写道："'这里有一个人，他的工作就是在首都收集一天的垃圾。大城市丢弃的一切、遗失的一切、蔑视的一切、踩在脚下的一切，他都编目收集起来。他整理着肆意妄为的年鉴，浪费的 "capharnaum"。他分门别类，精挑细选：他像守财奴一样收集宝藏，这些垃圾将在工业女神的颚间变成有用或令人满意的物品。这段描述是对波德莱尔诗歌创作方法的一个延伸隐喻。拾破烂者和诗人：两者都与垃圾有关"。见 Walter Benjamin，"波德莱尔笔下的第二帝国巴黎"，载于《文选》，第 4 卷，1938-1940 年，Howard Eiland 和 Michael W. Jennings 编，Edmund Jephcott 译，第 4 卷，1938-1940 年。Edmund Jephcott et al. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap, 2002), 48; Ursula Marx et al：The Arcades Project," in Walter Benjamin's Archive：Images, Texts, Signs, trans.Esther Leslie (London: Verso, 2007)，251-65。

8. For an urban narrative approach to salvaging and the possible imaginaries to which this gives rise, see Jeff Ferrell, Empire of Scrounge: Inside the Urban Underground of Dumpster Diving, Trash Picking, and Street Scavenging (New York: New York University Press, 2006).
8.关于打捞的城市叙事方法以及由此产生的可能想象，见 Jeff Ferrell, Empire of Scrounge：Inside the Urban Underground of Dumpster Diving, Trash Picking, and Street Scavenging》（纽约：纽约大学出版社，2006 年）。

9. Joost van Loon and Ida Sabelis, “Recycling Time: The Temporal Complexity of Waste Management,” Time & Society 6, no. 2 (June 1997): 293. As Van Loon and Sabelis write, “The temporal paradoxes of waste are hidden in an idealistic, technocratic and future-oriented ethos that fails to take into account the continuity of its own implications in the present, that is, the time-scales of waste itself.”
9.Joost van Loon 和 Ida Sabelis，"Recycling Time: The Temporal Complexity of Waste Management"，《时间与社会》第 6 期，第 2 号（1997 年 6 月）：293.正如 Van Loon 和 Sabelis 所写，"废物的时间悖论隐藏在一种理想主义、技术官僚主义和面向未来的风气中，这种风气没有考虑到其自身影响在当下的连续性，即废物本身的时间尺度"。

10. Thompson, Rubbish Theory, 9.
10.Thompson, Rubbish Theory, 9.

11. Kevin Lynch, Wasting Away (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1990), 69.
11.凯文-林奇，《蹉跎岁月》（旧金山：塞拉俱乐部图书公司，1990 年），第 69 页。

12. International Association of Electronics Recyclers, IAER Electronics Recycling Industry Report, 7. For a more extended discussion of the cultural possibilities of repair (from a relatively Heideggerian perspective), see Stephen Graham and Nigel Thrift, “Out of Order: Understanding Repair and Maintenance,” Theory, Culture & Society 24, no. 3 (2007): 1–25.
12.国际电子产品回收商协会，《IAER 电子产品回收行业报告》，7。 关于维修的文化可能性的更广泛讨论（从相对海德格尔的角度），见 Stephen Graham 和 Nigel Thrift，"Out of Order：Understanding Repair and Maintenance," Theory, Culture & Society 24, no.3 (2007):1-25.

13. National Safety Council, Electronic Product Recovery and Recycling Baseline Report: Recycling of Selected Electronic Products in the United States (Washington, DC, 1999), 36.
13.国家安全委员会，《电子产品回收和再循环基线报告》：美国部分电子产品的回收》（华盛顿特区，1999 年），第 36 页。

14. International Association of Electronics Recyclers, IAER Electronics Recycling Industry Report, 32.
14.国际电子回收商协会，《IAER 电子回收行业报告》，32。

15. Lynch, Wasting Away, 61.
15.Lynch, Wasting Away, 61.

16. Peter J. M. Nas and Rivke Jaffe, “Informal Waste Management: Shifting the Focus from Problem to Potential,” Environment, Development, and Sustainability 6 (2004): 339.
16.Peter J. M. Nas 和 Rivke Jaffe，"非正规废物管理：Shifting the Focus from Problem to Potential," Environment, Development, and Sustainability 6 (2004)：339.

17. Ravi Agarwal and Kishore Wankhade, “Hi-Tech Heaps, Forsaken Lives: E-waste in Delhi,” in Smith, Sonnenfeld, and Pellow, Challenging the Chip, 237. Several organizations covering the topic of electronic waste workers document the working conditions and practices involved with the salvaging of electronics. The Basel Action Network and Toxics Link are two such organizations that have documented processes of electronic waste sifting in developing countries. See also Greenpeace, “Recycling of Electronic Wastes in China & India: Workplace & Environmental Contamination,” August 2005, http://www.greenpeace.to/publications/electronic_waste_recycling_appendix.pdf.
17.Ravi Agarwal 和 Kishore Wankhade，"德里的高科技堆，被遗弃的生命：德里的电子垃圾"，载于 Smith、Sonnenfeld 和 Pellow，《挑战芯片》，237 页。一些以电子垃圾工人为主题的组织记录了回收电子产品的工作条件和做法。巴塞尔行动网络和毒物链接是两个记录了发展中国家电子垃圾筛选过程的组织。另见绿色和平组织，"中国和印度的电子废物回收：工作场所和环境污染"，2005 年 8 月，http://www.greenpeace.to/publications/electronic_waste_recycling_appendix.pdf。

18. Ibid., 237.
18.同上，第 237 页。

19. Ibid., 239.
19.同上，第 239 页。

20. Nas and Jaffe, “Informal Waste Management,” 343.
20.Nas 和 Jaffe，"非正规废物管理"，第 343 页。

21. See Karen Tranberg Hansen, Salaula: The World of Secondhand Clothing and Zambia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), for a detailed account of the salvage practices in relation to clothing donated to charity and shipped to places such as Africa. These salvage practices extend to more than simply receiving items, as Hansen documents, also involving transforming them in entirely creative ways.
21.参见 Karen Tranberg Hansen, Salaula: The World of Secondhand Clothing and Zambia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000)，其中详细介绍了与捐赠给慈善机构并运往非洲等地的衣物有关的打捞做法。正如汉森（Hansen）记录的那样，这些抢救行为不仅仅是接收物品，还包括以完全创造性的方式对物品进行改造。

22. John Frow, “A Pebble, a Camera, a Man Who Turns into a Telegraph Pole,” Critical Inquiry, 28, no. 1, Things (Autumn 2001): 284.
22.John Frow，"A Pebble, a Camera, a Man Who Turns into a Telegraph Pole，" Critical Inquiry，28，no.1，Things（2001 年秋）：284.

23. Colloredo-Mansfeld, “Introduction,” 250.
23.Colloredo-Mansfeld, "Introduction," 250.

24. Taussig, Mimesis and Alterity, 232. Here Taussig is drawing on the atmosphere released from outmoded objects as discussed by Benjamin in his essay “Surrealism.”Page 194 →
24.陶西格，《模仿与异化》，232 页。在这里，陶西格借鉴了本雅明在《超现实主义》一文中讨论的过时物品释放出的气氛。

25. Ibid.
25.同上。

26. Ibid.
26.同上。

27. Agarwal and Wankhade, “Hi-Tech Heaps, Forsaken Lives,” 234–46.
27.Agarwal 和 Wankhade，"Hi-Tech Heaps, Forsaken Lives"，234-46。

28. Hawkins writes on the “cultural economy” of recycling and explores the extent to which, from the 1960s onward, recycling has emerged out of a sense of “nature in crisis,” as it was transferred to households and consumers as the site of management. See Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 99–104. Within the context of this focus on consumers and recycling, it is interesting to note just how little of the waste stream is composed of end-consumer waste. Even accounting for how much general waste industry produces (and potentially recycles) in comparison to consumers is a difficult task, moreover. Molotch writes, “What consumers have been less able to affect is the recycling of producers’ waste, a major problem given that, according to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), only about 2 percent of all waste comes from households, offices, institutions, and retail in the first place—‘Municipal Solid Waste,’ in the official terminology. Given that hazardous waste makes up about 6 percent of the total, much of it indeed controlled in various ways across the jurisdictions, 92 percent of U.S. waste is unaccounted for; there are almost no data on what makes it up. Most is apparently disposed of on site, beyond prying eyes” (Where Stuff Comes From, 235). Matthew Gandy similarly writes, “Municipal waste accounts for only a relatively small fraction of total global waste production, the main sources being from agriculture, industry and mining” (Recycling and the Politics of Urban Waste [New York: St. Martin's, 1994], 4).
28.Hawkins 撰文论述了回收利用的 "文化经济"，并探讨了从 20 世纪 60 年代起，回收利用在多大程度上是出于一种 "大自然处于危机之中 "的意识，因为它被转移到家庭和消费者那里，成为管理的场所。见 Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 99-104。在关注消费者和回收利用的背景下，值得注意的是，最终消费者产生的废弃物在废弃物流中所占比例很小。此外，即使是计算工业生产（和可能回收）的一般废弃物与消费者相比有多少，也是一项艰巨的任务。莫洛奇写道："消费者较难影响的是生产者废物的回收利用，这是一个大问题，因为根据美国环境保护署（EPA）的数据，所有废物中只有约 2% 来自家庭、办公室、机构和零售业，即官方术语中的'城市固体废物'。鉴于危险废物约占总量的 6%，其中大部分又确实受到各辖区不同方式的控制，因此 92% 的美国废物去向不明；几乎没有任何数据表明这些废物是由什么构成的。大部分垃圾显然是就地处理的，没有人窥探"（《垃圾从何而来》，235 页）。Matthew Gandy 同样写道："城市废物只占全球废物总产量的一小部分，主要来源是农业、工业和采矿业"（《循环利用与城市废物政治》[纽约：圣马丁出版社，1994 年]，第 4 页）。

29. Loon and Sabelis, “Recycling Time,” 294. As already mentioned, these viable future markets have recently been put into question with the temporary lapse during the 2007 financial crisis with China accepting recyclables, volatility in material prices, and realignments of material markets.
29.Loon and Sabelis, "Recycling Time," 294.如前所述，由于 2007 年金融危机期间中国接受可回收材料的暂时中断、材料价格的波动以及材料市场的重新调整，这些可行的未来市场最近受到了质疑。

30. Ibid., 295.
30.同上，295 页。

31. Ibid., 302.
31.同上，第 302 页。

32. See, for instance, Shred Tech's approach to electronic waste handling, described at http://www.shred-tech.com/electronic.html.
32.例如，请参见 Shred Tech 公司处理电子废物的方法，见 http://www.shred-tech.com/electronic.html。

33. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm, 17.
33.巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《输出伤害》，17。

34. Carolyn Steedman, Dust: The Archive and Cultural History (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 163.
34.Carolyn Steedman, Dust: The Archive and Cultural History (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 163.

35. Ibid., 164.
35.同上，第 164 页。

36. Ibid.
36.同上。

37. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm, 6.
37.巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《输出伤害》，6。

38. Ibid., 6. As these authors argue, “The assumption too, is that recycling is always better than landfilling. This is not the case when the recycling results in toxic worker exposures, and the open dumping or burning of toxic residues and wastes that we have witnessed in Asia. While the recycling of hazardous materials anywhere creates a serious pollution challenge, it can be a disastrous one in an area of the world where the knowledge of, and infrastructure to deal with hazards and waste is almost non-existent. With the cautionary note above, it is nevertheless estimated that in 1998, 11% of computers were being recycled (including those sent for export).”
38.这些作者认为，"还有一种假设是，回收总是比填埋好。当回收导致工人接触有毒物质，以及我们在亚洲看到的露天倾倒或焚烧有毒残留物和废物时，情况就不是这样了。虽然在任何地方回收有害物质都会造成严重的污染问题，但在世界上几乎没有处理有害物质和废物的知识和基础设施的地区，这可能是一个灾难性的问题。尽管如此，据估计，1998 年有 11% 的计算机被回收利用（包括出口的计算机）"。

39. Ibid., 7. On the quantity of electronic waste that issues for the dump, these authors write, “According to the EPA, in 1997 more than 3.2 million tons of E-waste ended up in U.S. landfills. It is thought that most households and small businesses Page 195 →that dispose rather than store their obsolete electronic components send their material to landfills or incinerators rather than take them to recyclers.”
39.同上，7。关于倾倒电子垃圾的数量，这些作者写道："根据美国环保局的数据，1997 年有超过 320 万吨的电子垃圾被送往美国的垃圾填埋场。据认为，大多数家庭和小型企业都将其废弃的电子元件送往垃圾填埋场或焚化炉，而不是送到回收商那里。

40. Ibid., 21–22.
40.同上，21-22 页。

41. Lynch, Wasting Away, 54.
41.Lynch, Wasting Away, 54.

42. Ibid., 191.
42.同上，第 191 页。

43. Mira Engler, Designing America's Waste Landscapes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 112–13. See also Noel van Dooren, “Never Again Will the Heap Lie in Peace,” in Tales of the Tip, ed. Chris Driessen and Hiedi van Mierlo (Amsterdam: Fundament Foundation, 1999), 100–105.
43.Mira Engler, Designing America's Waste Landscapes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 112-13.另见 Noel van Dooren，"垃圾堆再也不会平静地躺着"，载于《垃圾堆的故事》，Chris Driessen 和 Hiedi van Mierlo 编辑（阿姆斯特丹：约翰霍普金斯大学出版社，2004 年），第 112-13 页。Chris Driessen and Hiedi van Mierlo (Amsterdam: Fundament Foundation, 1999), 100-105.

44. O'Brien, “Rubbish-Power,” 268. This is the “contrariness of waste,” as O'Brien writes, “its capacity to be its own opposite, to have no apparent value and yet potentially to be valuable.”
44.O'Brien, "Rubbish-Power," 268。奥布莱恩写道，这就是 "废物的反面性"，"它有能力成为自己的反面，没有明显的价值，但却有潜在的价值"。

45. Loon and Sabelis, “Recycling Time,” 299.
45.Loon and Sabelis, "Recycling Time," 299.

46. Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, Exporting Harm, 7.
46.巴塞尔行动网络和硅谷有毒物质联盟，《输出伤害》，7。

47. Ibid., 27. As Jim Puckett writes, “Indeed, hazardous waste recycling is a dangerous practice anywhere on earth, even in rich, developed countries. To this day, BAN's onsite visits to electronic waste processors in the United States reveal a very serious lack of concern and knowledge about the impacts of such hazards as brominated flame retardants and beryllium in fumes and dusts, as well as toxic cadmium and rare-earth, metal-laced phosphors released by broken cathode ray tubes (CRTs). And smelters, the final and weakest environmental link in any metals recycling operation, have been historically notorious in Europe and North America as major point-source polluters” (“High-Tech's Dirty Little Secret: The Economics and Ethics of the Electronic Waste Trade,” in Smith, Sonnenfeld, and Pellow, Challenging the Chip, 229).
47.同上，第 27 页。Jim Puckett 写道："事实上，在地球上的任何地方，甚至在富裕的发达国家，回收有害废物都是一种危险的做法。时至今日，BAN 对美国电子废弃物处理厂的实地考察表明，他们对诸如溴化阻燃剂、烟尘中的铍以及有毒镉和稀土金属荧光粉等有害物质的影响严重缺乏关注和了解。冶炼厂是所有金属回收作业中最后也是最薄弱的环保环节，在欧洲和北美一直是臭名昭著的主要点源污染源"（"高科技的肮脏小秘密：电子废物贸易的经济学与伦理学"，载于 Smith、Sonnenfeld 和 Pellow，《挑战芯片》，229 页）。

48. For additional information on substances classified as harmful or hazardous, see CERCLA, “Priority List of Hazardous Substances,” http://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/cercla/index.asp.
48.有关被归类为有害或危险物质的更多信息，请参见 CERCLA，"危险物质优先列表"， http://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/cercla/index.asp。

49. Marilyn Strathern, Property, Substance, and Effect: Anthropological Essays on Persons and Things (London: Athlone, 1999), 61.
49.Marilyn Strathern, Property, Substance, and Effect：关于人和物的人类学论文》（伦敦：Athlone, 1999 年），第 61 页。

50. Loon and Sabelis, “Recycling Time,” 297. As these authors write, “There is little doubt that time concepts are of eminent importance when discussing environmental matters. If recycling based on a cyclical-linear time is our ideal, we might falsely believe that damage can be undone.”
50.Loon and Sabelis, "Recycling Time," 297。这两位作者写道："毫无疑问，在讨论环境问题时，时间概念至关重要。如果以周期线性时间为基础的循环利用是我们的理想，我们可能会错误地认为损害是可以挽回的"。

51. Buchli, Material Culture Reader, 17.
51.Buchli, Material Culture Reader, 17.

52. Scanlan suggests that such decay opens up orders of time that we too often prefer to ignore. “Deteriorating matter,” he writes, “embodies a time that exists beyond our rational time: in this shadow world, time is always running matter down, breaking things into pieces, or removing the sheen of a glossy surface and, therefore, the principal methods of dealing with material waste throughout most of human history—dumping, burning, recycling, reducing the use of virgin materials—are simply ways of ensuring that this fact does not intrude too far into everyday experience. In contemporary society the increase in the volume of consumer products may force a strict reorganization of time, in so far as the situation can be met by adherence to a regime that ensures the removal of these objects before they decay” (On Garbage, 34).
52.斯坎兰认为，这种衰变开辟了我们通常宁愿忽略的时间秩序。"他写道："正在腐烂的物质体现了一种超越我们理性时间的时间：在这个阴影世界中，时间总是在碾压物质，将事物分解成碎片，或去除光亮表面的光泽，因此，在人类历史的大部分时间里，处理物质废弃物的主要方法--倾倒、焚烧、回收利用、减少原始材料的使用--都只是确保这一事实不会过多地侵入日常经验的方法。在当代社会，消费品数量的增加可能会迫使人们对时间进行严格的重组，只要这种情况能够通过遵守一种制度来确保在这些物品腐烂之前将其清除"（《论垃圾》，34）。

53. Rem Koolhaas, “Wasteland—Dump Space: Freedom from Order,” Wired 11, no. 6 (June 2003).
53.雷姆-库哈斯，"废墟-垃圾空间：摆脱秩序的自由》，《连线》11，第 6 期（2003 年 6 月）。

54. Douglas, Purity and Danger, 198.Page 196 →
54.道格拉斯：《纯洁与危险》，第 198 页。

55. Ibid., 196.
55.同上，第 196 页。

56. On Benjamin's interest in undoing the insistence on progress, Peter Osborne writes, “The avant-garde is not that which is most historically advanced because it has the most history behind it (the angel), but that which, in the flash of the dialectical image, disrupts the continuity of ‘progress,’ and is thus able (like the child) to ‘discover the new anew.’ Benjamin's philosophy of history is a struggle to wrestle the idea of the ‘new,’ essential to any concept of the avant-garde, away from the ideology of ‘progress’” (“Small-Scale Victories, Large-Scale Defeats: Walter Benjamin's Politics of Time,” in Walter Benjamin's Philosophy: Destruction and Experience, ed. Andrew Benjamin and Peter Osborne [Manchester: Clinamen, 2000], 88).
56.彼得-奥斯本（Peter Osborne）写道："前卫并不是历史上最先进的东西，因为它背后有最多的历史（天使），而是在辩证形象的闪光中破坏了'进步'的连续性，从而能够（像孩子一样）'重新发现新事物'的东西。本雅明的历史哲学是一场从'进步'意识形态中挣脱'新'理念的斗争，而'新'理念对于任何前卫概念都至关重要"（《小规模的胜利，大规模的失败：瓦尔特-本雅明的时间政治"，载于《瓦尔特-本雅明的哲学》：破坏与经验》，安德鲁-本杰明和彼得-奥斯本主编。Andrew Benjamin and Peter Osborne [Manchester: Clinamen, 2000], 88）。

Conclusion
结论

Michel Serres, Genesis, trans. Genevieve James and James Nielson (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 91.
米歇尔-塞雷斯，《创世纪》，译者：Genevieve James 和 James Nielson（安阿伯：密歇根大学出版社，1995 年），91 页。Genevieve James 和 James Nielson（安阿伯：密歇根大学出版社，1995 年），91 页。

Serres, Parasite, 68.
Serres, Parasite, 68.

1. Lynch, Wasting Away, 6.
1.Lynch, Wasting Away, 6.

2. Ibid., 6–8.
2.同上，6-8 页。

3. Ibid., 10.
3.同上，第 10 页。

4. For example, see Murray, Zero Waste.
4.例如，见 Murray，《零废弃物》。

5. “Waste management,” as Loon and Sabelis write, not only entails “the commodification of excess productivity into renewable resources,” it also “becomes a euphemism for the displacement and misplacement of the unwanted and unmanageable consequences of modernization” (“Recycling Time,” 292).
5.正如 Loon 和 Sabelis 所写，"废物管理 "不仅意味着 "将过剩的生产力商品化为可再生资源"，它还 "成为一种委婉的说法，指的是将现代化带来的不需要和无法管理的后果置换和错置"（"Recycling Time"，292）。

6. Ibid., 296. Loon and Sabelis further write, there emerges “a new, higher moral union,” where “the environment enters the capitalist system through commodification, while in return capitalism is further mythified as ‘natural.’” There are numerous texts and projects that have been developed within the natural-capital nexus. For one example relevant to design, see William McDonough and Michael Braungart, Cradle to Cradle: Remaking the Way We Make Things (New York: North Point Press, 2002).
6.同上，296 页。Loon 和 Sabelis 进一步写道，在这里出现了 "一种新的、更高的道德联盟"，"环境通过商品化进入资本主义体系，而资本主义则被进一步神话为'自然'"。在自然与资本的关系中，出现了许多文本和项目。与设计相关的一个例子，见 William McDonough 和 Michael Braungart 合著的《从摇篮到摇篮》（Cradle to Cradle：重塑我们制造物品的方式》（纽约：北点出版社，2002 年）。

7. Moser similarly writes, “Waste is permanent and unavoidable, for there is no system—whether biological, technical, social, or historical—that does not produce remnants, remains, scraps, leftovers, that does not leave certain parts to decay, that does not secrete or reject. Anything in a system can become waste” (“Acculturation of Waste,” 102).
7.莫泽也写道："废物是永久的、不可避免的，因为没有一个系统--无论是生物的、技术的、社会的，还是历史的--不产生残余、剩余、残渣、残羹剩饭，不让某些部分腐烂，不分泌或拒绝。系统中的任何东西都可能成为废物"（《废物的文化化》，102）。

8. Serres, Parasite, 12–13. I discuss the notions of “systems” and “harmony” at greater length in Jennifer Gabrys, “Sink: The Dirt of Systems,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27, no. 4 (2009): 666–81.
8.Serres, Parasite, 12-13.我在 Jennifer Gabrys 的文章 "Sink：The Dirt of Systems," Environment and Planning D. Society and Space 27, no：Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27, no.4 (2009):666-81.

9. Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 122.
9.Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 122.

10. For an example of this sort of return of waste to productive mechanisms, consider the proposal Judd H. Alexander makes in his book In Defense of Garbage, where he suggests that garbage is a good thing because it offers a way to fill up all the holes that result from mining and other forms of resource extraction. He calculates that in the United States, more than twenty-three times the amount of land is removed through resource extraction than is filled. Clearly, the solution is to fill all the holes with garbage. In Alexander's strange mathematics, the distinction Page 197 →between raw material, commodity, and waste collapses. Materials seem only to have wanted to leave the ground to return as trash. But the transformation that these materials undergo and the remainders and irreversible effects they generate comprise a critical distinction and an overlooked area of investigation. See Judd H. Alexander, In Defense of Garbage (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1993).
10.关于这种废物回归生产机制的例子，请看贾德-H-亚历山大在《为垃圾辩护》一书中提出的建议，他认为垃圾是一件好事，因为它提供了一种方法来填补采矿和其他形式的资源开采所造成的所有坑洞。根据他的计算，在美国，因资源开采而消失的土地数量是被填补的土地数量的 23 倍以上。显然，解决办法就是用垃圾填满所有的坑洞。在亚历山大的奇特数学中，原材料、商品和废物之间的区别消失了。材料似乎只是想离开地面，以垃圾的形式回归。但这些材料所经历的转变及其产生的残留物和不可逆转的影响，构成了一个关键的区别和一个被忽视的研究领域。见 Judd H. Alexander, In Defense of Garbage (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1993)。

11. Loon and Sabelis, “Recycling Time,” 296. Addressing the mythic solution engineered by waste management, these authors write, “Progress is simply conceived of in terms of a differential discount on the future. This means that while progress is accounted for in the present, it entails a reduction of the complexity of futures that springs from the indeterminacy of the difference between the actual and the possible.”
11.Loon and Sabelis, "Recycling Time," 296。在谈到废物管理所设计的神话般的解决方案时，这些作者写道："进步被简单地理解为对未来的不同折扣。这意味着，虽然进步是以现在为基础的，但它意味着未来复杂性的降低，而未来复杂性的降低源于实际与可能之间差异的不确定性"。

12. Ibid., 297. These authors make the statement, “Markets cannot resolve ecological issues because they are not geared toward providing infrastructures for dealing with negative utility (excess). The win-win economics of ecological marketing (‘it is possible to capitalize on waste’) will not pay off if the hidden costs are taken into account” (302).
12.同上，297 页。这些作者指出："市场无法解决生态问题，因为市场并不是为了提供处理负效用（过剩）的基础设施。如果考虑到隐性成本，生态营销的双赢经济学（"有可能利用废物"）将不会奏效"（302）。

13. The difficulty of even agreeing on what constitutes waste and what the severity of certain types of waste consists of has meant that hazardous waste may not be acknowledged as such and will be improperly handled. This is certainly true with electronics, where the apparent inertness of these devices conceals the hazards that lie within the machines. Electronic waste and other forms of waste often waver in such spaces of indeterminable status. As The Guardian reports, “One of the great challenges of our time is to collectively agree on what is waste and what are secondhand products—this question extends to end-of-life ships as much as to electronic goods” (Hilary Osborne, “Rich Nations Accused of Dumping E-Waste on Africa,” Guardian, November 27, 2006).
13.甚至连什么是废物以及某些类型废物的严重程度如何都难以达成一致，这意味着危险废物可能不被承认为危险废物，并且会被不当处理。电子产品当然也是如此，这些设备表面上的惰性掩盖了隐藏在机器内部的危险。电子垃圾和其他形式的垃圾经常在这种地位不确定的空间里徘徊。正如《卫报》所报道的那样，"我们这个时代面临的巨大挑战之一，就是集体商定什么是废物，什么是二手产品--这个问题既涉及报废船舶，也涉及电子产品"（希拉里-奥斯本，《富国被控向非洲倾倒电子废物》，《卫报》，2006 年 11 月 27 日）。

14. Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 122.
14.Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 122.

15. Ibid.
15.同上。

16. Loon and Sabelis, “Recycling Time,” 295, 298.
16.Loon and Sabelis, "Recycling Time," 295, 298.

17. Ibid., 303.
17.同上，第 303 页。

18. Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 81.
18.Hawkins, Ethics of Waste, 81.

19. See Electronic Product Environmental Assessment Tool, http://www.epeat.net; Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, “Green Chemistry,” http://www.svtc.org/site/PageServer?pagename=svtc_green_chemistry; Green Electronics Council with the National Center for Electronics Recycling and Resource Recycling, “Closing the Loop: Electronics Design to Enhance Reuse/Recycling Value,” January 2009, http://www.greenelectronicscouncil.org/documents/0000/0007/Design_for_End_
of_Life_Final_Report_090208.pdf
19.见电子产品环境评估工具，http://www.epeat.net；硅谷有毒物质联盟，"绿色化学"， http://www.svtc.org/site/PageServer?pagename=svtc_green_chemistry；绿色电子产品委员会与国家电子产品回收和资源再循环中心，"闭环：2009 年 1 月，http://www.greenelectronicscouncil.org/documents/0000/0007/Design_for_End_。; E-Stewards Initiative, http://www.e-stewards.org/; Solving the E-waste Problem (StEP), “Annual Report, 2009,” http://www.step-initiative.org/pdf/annual-report/Annual_Report_2009.pdf; Sibylle D. Frey, David J. Harrison, and Eric H. Billett, “Ecological Footprint Analysis Applied to Mobile Phones,” Journal of Industrial Ecology 10, nos. 1–2 (2006): 199–216; C. Kieren Mayers, Chris M. France, and Sarah J. Cowell, “Extended Producer Responsibility for Waste Electronics,” Journal of Industrial Ecology 9, no. 3 (2005): 169–89.
of_Life_Final_Report_090208.pdf; E-Stewards Initiative, http://www.e-stewards.org/; Solving the E-waste Problem (StEP), "Annual Report, 2009," http://www.step-initiative.org/pdf/annual-report/Annual_Report_2009.pdf; Sibylle D. Frey, David J. Harrison, and Eric H. Billett, "Ecological Footprint Analysis Applied to Mobile Phones," Journal of Industrial Ecology 10, nos：199-216; C. Kieren Mayers, Chris M. France, and Sarah J. Cowell, "Extended Producer Responsibility for Waste Electronics," Journal of Industrial Ecology 9, no.3 (2005):169-89.

20. Molotch, Where Stuff Comes From, 245–46.
20.Molotch, Where Stuff Comes From, 245-46.

21. Greenpeace, “Guide to Greener Electronics,” December 2008, http://www.greenpeace.org/rankingguide. Together with improving electronic design through the use of fewer toxic materials, this report proposes extended producer responsibility, Page 198 →or EPR, as an important strategy in the take-back and recycling of electronics.
21.绿色和平组织，《绿色电子产品指南》，2008 年 12 月，http://www.greenpeace.org/rankingguide。除了通过减少有毒材料的使用来改进电子设计外，本报告还建议将生产者延伸责任（第 198 页）或生产者延伸责任（EPR）作为电子产品回收和循环利用的一项重要战略。

22. These initiatives have also emerged in response to the RoHS and WEEE directives in Europe, which have begun to inform the manufacture and disposal of electronics (as previously discussed in this study). For a review of this program, see United Nations University, “Review of Directive 2002/96 on Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE)” (Tokyo: UNU, 2008). See also “Dell's 2008 Corporate Responsibility Summary Report” (2009), http://www.dell.com/sustainability report, for an example of a current approach to electronics that focuses on product life cycle, hazardous substances, and product take-back. U.S. responses have often occurred at the level of state legislation, but for a more comprehensive, if voluntary, approach developed by the EPA, see “Responsible Recycling (‘R2’) Practices for Use in Accredited Certification Programs for Electronics Recyclers,” October 30, 2008, http://www.epa.gov/waste/conserve/materials/ecycling/r2practices.htm; see also Basel Action Network, “Detailed Critique of Problems with R2 Standard,” November 2008, http://e-stewards.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/02/Detailed_R2_Analysis.pdf.
22.这些倡议的出现也是对欧洲 RoHS 和 WEEE 指令的回应，这些指令已开始为电子产品的生产和处置提供信息（如本研究之前所讨论的）。有关该计划的回顾，请参见联合国大学，"关于废弃电气和电子设备 (WEEE) 的第 2002/96 号指令回顾"（东京：联合国大学，2008 年）。另请参阅 "戴尔 2008 年企业责任总结报告"（2009 年），http://www.dell.com/sustainability 报告，以了解当前电子产品方法的一个实例，该方法关注产品生命周期、有害物质和产品回收。美国的应对措施通常是在州立法层面上采取的，但关于环保局制定的更全面（如果是自愿性 的）的方法，请参见 "电子产品回收商认可认证计划中使用的负责任回收（'R2'）做法"， 2008 年 10 月 30 日，http://www.epa.gov/waste/conserve/materials/ecycling/r2practices.htm；另请参见巴塞尔行动网络，"R2 标准问题的详细评论"，2008 年 11 月，http://e-stewards.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/02/Detailed_R2_Analysis.pdf。

23. When I first made the proposal for a “green machines” handbook in 2006, there were relatively few examples of green computing in circulation. As this study is completed, an increasing number of projects are developing in this area, including the recent Bill Tomlinson, Greening through IT: Information Technology for Environmental Sustainability (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010).
23.当我在 2006 年首次提出编写 "绿色机器 "手册的建议时，市面上流传的绿色计算实例相对较少。随着本研究的完成，越来越多的项目正在这一领域发展，包括最近比尔-汤姆林森的《通过 IT 实现绿色：信息技术促进环境可持续性》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，2010 年）。

24. “Compostable Keyboard,” as documented in Alastair Fuad-Luke, The Eco-Design Handbook (London: Thames and Hudson, 2005); Joseph Chiodo, “Active Disassembly,” http://www.activedisassembly.com/index2.html.
24."可堆肥键盘"，见 Alastair Fuad-Luke，《生态设计手册》（伦敦：Thames and Hudson，2005 年）；Joseph Chiodo，《主动拆卸》，http://www.activedisassembly.com/index2.html。

25. On these few (among many) examples of reworking the material form of electronics, see “Cool Light Leads to Greener Chips,” BBC News, June 30, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/5128762.stm; “Cardboard PC Case by Lupo,” October 21, 2005, http://www.ubergizmo.com/15/archives/2005/10/cardboard_pc_ca.html.
25.关于这些重新加工电子材料形式的少数（众多）例子，请参阅 "冷光带来更环保的芯片"，BBC 新闻，2006 年 6 月 30 日，http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/5128762.stm；"Lupo 的纸板 PC 机箱"，2005 年 10 月 21 日，http://www.ubergizmo.com/15/archives/2005/10/cardboard_pc_ca.html。

26. Alternative materials and reduced energy consumption are two areas of considerable attention within design projects. For example, see Core 77, “Greener Gadgets Design Competition,” http://www.core77.com/competitions/Greener Gadgets. Given concerns over energy use and climate change, increasing attention is now being drawn to the amount of energy that electronic technologies require—not just to power the devices themselves, but also to power the extensive servers, networks, and interlocking systems that allow these devices to communicate. See Bobbie Johnson, “Google's Power-Hungry Data Centres,” Guardian, May 3, 2009; Richard Wray, “Spam ‘Uses as Much Power as 2.1M Homes,’” Guardian, April 15, 2009.
26.替代材料和降低能耗是设计项目中备受关注的两个领域。例如，见核心 77，"更环保的小玩意设计大赛"，http://www.core77.com/competitions/Greener Gadgets。鉴于人们对能源使用和气候变化的担忧，电子技术所需的能源越来越受到关注--不仅是为设备本身供电，还包括为大量服务器、网络和使这些设备能够通信的连锁系统供电。参见 Bobbie Johnson，"Google 的耗电数据中心"，《卫报》，2009 年 5 月 3 日；Richard Wray，"垃圾邮件'耗电量相当于 210 万个家庭'"，《卫报》，2009 年 4 月 15 日。

27. The project “How Stuff Is Made,” conducted by design students and academics, documents the resources, manufacturing processes, and labor and environmental impact of contemporary goods (see http://www.howstuffismade.org). The United Nations Environment Programme has also recently produced a document that focuses on the social aspects to life-cycle analyses. See United Nations Environment Programme, “Guidelines for Social Life Cycle Assessment of Products,” DTI/1164/PA (2009), http://www.unep.org./pdf/DTIE_PDFS/DTIx1164xPA_guidelines_sLCA.pdf.Page 199 →
27.由设计专业学生和学者开展的 "东西是如何制造的 "项目记录了当代商品的资源、制造过程以及对劳动力和环境的影响（见 http://www.howstuffismade.org）。联合国环境规划署最近也编制了一份文件，重点关注生命周期分析的社会方面。见联合国环境规划署，"产品社会生命周期评估指南"，DTI/1164/PA (2009)，http://www.unep.org./pdf/DTIE_PDFS/DTIx1164xPA_guidelines_sLCA.pdf.Page 199 →。

28. Ed van Hinte, Eternally Yours: Visions on Product Endurance (Rotterdam: 010 Publishers, 1997), 27. Sterling similarly projects a relatively friction-free future for technologies. He imagines one speculative version of technology that will “eventually rot and go away by itself.” This completely biodegradable and “auto-recycling” technology will, when it breaks down, give rise to new “complicated forests, grasslands and coral reefs.” But this technology will not require “natural materials”; rather, it will sprout up in a “room-temperature industrial assembly without toxins.” See Sterling, Shaping Things, 143.
28.Ed van Hinte, Eternally Yours：Ed van Hinte, Eternally Yours: Visions on Product Endurance (Rotterdam: 010 Publishers, 1997), 27.斯特林同样为技术预测了一个相对无摩擦的未来。他设想了一种 "最终会腐烂并自行消失 "的技术。这种完全可生物降解和 "自动循环 "的技术在分解后将产生新的 "复杂的森林、草原和珊瑚礁"。但这种技术不需要 "天然材料"，而是在 "无毒的室温工业装配 "中萌芽。见斯特林，《塑造事物》，143 页。

29. For examples of “trash-tracking” projects, see Eric Paulos and Tom Jenkins, “Urban Probes: Encountering Our Emerging Urban Atmospheres,” Proceedings of the SIGCHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, April 2–7, 2005. (Portland, Oregon); Trash Track, http://senseable.mit.edu/trashtrack/; Valerie Thomas, “Radio-Frequency Identification: Environmental Applications” (white paper, Foresight in Governance Project, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, DC, 2008).
29.有关 "垃圾追踪 "项目的例子，请参阅 Eric Paulos 和 Tom Jenkins 合著的《城市探针》（Urban Probes：2005 年 4 月 2 日至 7 日，SIGCHI 计算机系统中的人为因素会议论文集。(俄勒冈州波特兰）；垃圾追踪，http://senseable.mit.edu/trashtrack/；Valerie Thomas，"射频识别：环境应用"（白皮书，治理前瞻项目，伍德罗-威尔逊国际学者中心，华盛顿特区，2008 年）。

30. Examples of these projects include Natalie Jeremijenko and Proboscis's feral robotic dogs, http://www.nyu.edu/projects/xdesign/feralrobots/. In a related way, Dunne explores how electronics constitute “post-optimal objects,” and he seeks to capture the “para-functionality” of electronics in order to consider how these objects may become critical devices and “provide new types of aesthetic experience.” See Dunne, Hertzian Tales, 12–14.
30.这些项目的例子包括 Natalie Jeremijenko 和 Proboscis 的野生机器狗 http://www.nyu.edu/projects/xdesign/feralrobots/。与此相关，Dunne 探讨了电子产品如何构成 "后最佳物品"，他试图捕捉电子产品的 "准功能性"，以思考这些物品如何成为批判性设备，并 "提供新型审美体验"。见 Dunne, Hertzian Tales, 12-14。

31. See Jonah Brucker-Cohen, “Scrapyard Challenge Workshops,” http://infamia1.infamia.com/coin-operated.com/; Benjamin Gaulon, “Recyclism,” http://www.recyclism.com/.
31.见 Jonah Brucker-Cohen，"废料场挑战研讨会"，http://infamia1.infamia.com/coin-operated.com/；Benjamin Gaulon，"再循环主义"，http://www.recyclism.com/。

32. See the call for CHI 2010, Jina Huh et al., “Workshop on Examining Appropriation, Re-use, and Maintenance for Sustainability,” http://jinah.people.si.umich.edu//chi2010/reuse.html.
32.参见 CHI 2010 的征集活动，Jina Huh 等人，"研究挪用、再利用和维护的可持续性研讨会"，http://jinah.people.si.umich.edu//chi2010/reuse.html。

33. “Sustainable HCI” approaches range from the informational to the artistic and from the interventionist to the persuasive. See Carl DiSalvo, Kirsten Boehner, Nicholas A. Knouf, and Phoebe Sengers, “Nourishing the Ground for Sustainable HCI: Considerations from Ecologically Engaged Art,” Proceedings of the CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, April 4–9, 2009 (Boston), 385–94; Marcus Froth, Eric Paulos, Christine Satchell, and Paul Dourish, “Pervasive Computing and Environmental Sustainability: Two Conference Workshops,” IEEE CS 8, no. 1 (January–March 2009): 78–81.
33."可持续人机交互 "的方法包括从信息到艺术，从干预到说服。见 Carl DiSalvo, Kirsten Boehner, Nicholas A. Knouf, and Phoebe Sengers, "Nourishing the Ground for Sustainable HCI: Considerations from Ecologically Engaged Art," Proceedings of the CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, April 4-9, 2009 (Boston), 385-94; Marcus Froth, Eric Paulos, Christine Satchell, and Paul Dourish, "Pervasive Computing and Environmental Sustainability. Two Conference Workshops：78-81：78-81.

34. Frow, “A Pebble, a Camera, a Man Who Turns into a Telegraph Pole,” 273–74.
34.Frow, "A Pebble, a Camera, a Man Who turns into a Telegraph Pole," 273-74.

35. Felix Guattari's discussion of “three ecologies,” spanning from the individual to the sociocultural and environmental, is a relevant reference for addressing the multiple versions of ecologies that inform environmental issues. See Felix Guattari, The Three Ecologies, trans. Ian Pindar and Paul Sutton (London: Athlone, 2000).
35.费利克斯-瓜塔里关于从个人到社会文化和环境的 "三种生态 "的讨论，是解决环境问题所涉及的多种生态的相关参考。见 Felix Guattari, The Three Ecologies, trans.Ian Pindar and Paul Sutton (London: Athlone, 2000)。

36. Zehle's proposal is based on James Boyle's article “A Politics of Intellectual Property: Environmentalism for the Net?” 1997, http://www.law.duke.edu/boylesite/Intprop.htm. Where Boyle proposes environmentalism as an analogy for how to negotiate the digital commons of the Internet, Zehle suggests we take this environmentalism more literally into the realm of digital material effects. See Soenke Zehle, “Environmentalism for the Net 2.0,” Mute: Culture and Politics after the Net, September 21, 2006, http://www.metamute.org/en/Environmentalism-for-Net-2.0. Page 200 →Together with Geert Lovink, Soenke Zehle set up the Web site incommunicado.net as a space to discuss and critique the global arrangements of the “information society.” As part of this project, regular discussions of electronic waste and technology workers have appeared. See Geert Lovink and Soenke Zehle, eds., Incommunicado Reader (Amsterdam: Institute of Network Cultures, 2005); Matthias Feilhauer and Soenke Zehle, eds., “Ethics of Waste in the Information Society,” special issue, International Review of Information Ethics (IRIE) 11 (October 2009).
36.泽勒的建议基于詹姆斯-博伊尔的文章 "知识产权政治学：网络环保主义？1997 年，http://www.law.duke.edu/boylesite/Intprop.htm。博伊尔将环保主义比喻为如何与互联网的数字公域进行谈判，而泽勒则建议我们将环保主义更多地从字面上理解为数字物质效应的领域。见 Soenke Zehle, "Environmentalism for the Net 2.0," Mute：网络之后的文化与政治》，2006 年 9 月 21 日，http://www.metamute.org/en/Environmentalism-for-Net-2.0。第 200 页 → Soenke Zehle 与 Geert Lovink 一起建立了 incommunicado.net 网站，作为讨论和批判 "信息社会 "全球安排的空间。作为该项目的一部分，该网站定期讨论电子垃圾和技术工人问题。见 Geert Lovink 和 Soenke Zehle 编著的《与世隔绝读本》（阿姆斯特丹：网络文化研究所，2005 年）；Matthias Feilhauer 和 Soenke Zehle 编著的《信息社会的废物伦理》特刊，《国际信息伦理评论》（IRIE）第 11 期（2009 年 10 月）。

37. Zehle, “Environmentalism for the Net 2.0.”
37.Zehle，"网络 2.0 的环保主义"。

38. There are an increasing number of projects that are operating within this area of digitally relevant environmentalism, which consider ways to address issues of environmental justice and green machines. For examples, see Shuzo Katsumoto, “Information and Communications Technology and the Environment: An Asian Perspective,” Journal of Industrial Ecology 6, no. 2 (2003): 4–6; Jonathan Fildes, “Wireless Power System Shown Off,” BBC News, July 23, 2009; Jonathan Fildes, “The Winds of Change for Africa,” BBC News, July 23, 2009.
38.有越来越多的项目在这一与数字相关的环保领域内运作，考虑如何解决环境正义和绿色机器的问题。例如，见 Shuzo Katsumoto, "Information and Communications Technology and the Environment：工业生态学杂志》第 6 期，第 2 号（2003 年）：4-6; Jonathan Fildes, "Wireless Power System Shown Off," BBC News, July 23, 2009; Jonathan Fildes, "The Winds of Change for Africa," BBC News, July 23, 2009.

39. See Furtherfield, “Zero Dollar Laptop,” http://www.furtherfield.org/zerodollarlaptop/; Access Space, http://www.access-space.org; Graham Harwood and Yokokoji Yoha, “Coal Fired Computers,” Discovery Museum (Newcastle, United Kingdom: AV Festival, March 12–14, 2010).
39.见 Furtherfield，"零美元笔记本电脑"，http://www.furtherfield.org/zerodollarlaptop/；Access Space，http://www.access-space.org；Graham Harwood 和 Yokokoji Yoha，"燃煤计算机"，发现博物馆（英国纽卡斯尔：AV 节，2010 年 3 月 12-14 日）。

40. Buchli, Material Culture Reader, 15. Jane Bennett similarly draws out the possibilities for thinking through new natures and new subjects that emerge through materializations. See Jane Bennett, “The Force of Things: Steps toward an Ecology of Matter,” Political Theory 32, no. 3 (June 2004): 347–72.
40.Buchli, Material Culture Reader, 15。简-贝内特同样指出了通过物化产生的新性质和新主体进行思考的可能性。见 Jane Bennett, "The Force of Things：迈向物质生态学的步骤"，《政治理论》第 32 卷第 3 期（2004 年 6 月）："物质生态学"。3 (June 2004)：347-72.

41. Taussig, Mimesis and Alterity, 99.
41.Taussig, Mimesis and Alterity, 99。

42. Shanks, Platt, and Rathje, “Perfume of Garbage,” 64.
42.Shanks, Platt, and Rathje, "Perfume of Garbage," 64.

43. Lynch, Wasting Away, 32.
43.Lynch, Wasting Away, 32.

44. Ibid., 41.
44.同上，第 41 页。

45. Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History,” in Illuminations, 261–62.
45.本雅明：《关于历史哲学的论文》，载于《照明》，261-62 页。

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维纳，诺伯特控制论：Or Control and Communication in the Animal and the Machine.马萨诸塞州剑桥市：麻省理工学院出版社，1961 年。

Wiener, Norbert. The Human Use of Human Beings. New York: Doubleday Books, 1954.
Wiener, Norbert.人类对人类的利用》。纽约：Doubleday Books，1954 年。

Willis, Anne-Marie. Editorial: De/re/materialization (contra-futures). Design Philosophy Papers 2 (2005). http://www.desphilosophy.com.
Willis, Anne-Marie.社论：De/re/materialization (contra-futures).Design Philosophy Papers 2 (2005). http://www.desphilosophy.com.

Woodward, Kathleen, ed. The Myths of Information: Technology and Postindustrial Culture. Madison, WI: Coda Press, 1980.
伍德沃德、凯瑟琳编信息的神话：The Myths of Information: Technology and Postindustrial Culture.Madison, WI: Coda Press, 1980.

Zaloom, Caitlin. “Ambiguous Numbers: Technology and Trading in Global Financial Markets.” American Ethnologist 30, no. 2 (2003): 258–72.
Zaloom, Caitlin."模糊的数字：全球金融市场中的技术与交易"。American Ethnologist 30, no：258-72.

Zaloom, Caitlin. Out of the Pits: Traders and Technology from Chicago to London. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006.
Zaloom, Caitlin.Out of the Pits：从芝加哥到伦敦的交易者与技术》。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社，2006 年。

Zehle, Soenke. “Environmentalism for the Net 2.0.” Mute: Culture and Politics after the Net. 21 (September 2006). http://www.metamute.org/en/Environmentalism-for-Net-2.0.
Zehle, Soenke."网络 2.0 的环保主义"。静音：网络之后的文化与政治》。21 (September 2006). http://www.metamute.org/en/Environmentalism-for-Net-2.0.

Zielinski, Siegfried. Deep Time of the Media: Toward an Archaeology of Hearing and Seeing by Technical Means. Translated by Gloria Custance. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006.
齐林斯基，西格弗里德。媒体的深层时间：迈向技术手段的听觉和视觉考古学》。格洛丽亚-库斯滕斯译。马萨诸塞州剑桥市：麻省理工学院出版社，2006 年。

Newspaper Articles
报纸文章

“Abandoned in the E-waste Land.” Observer, February 2, 2003. http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2003/feb/02/business.conferences3.
"被遗弃在电子垃圾场"。观察家》，2003 年 2 月 2 日。http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2003/feb/02/business.conferences3。

Adams, Jane Meredith. “Silicon Valley's Tech Waste Problem.” Chicago Tribune, January 28, 2003.
Adams, Jane Meredith."硅谷的科技废物问题》。芝加哥论坛报》，2003 年 1 月 28 日。

Borin, Elliott. “Junked PCs Offer Data for Taking.” Wired News, September 25, 2002.
Borin, Elliott."废旧个人电脑提供了可供利用的数据"。连线新闻》，2002 年 9 月 25 日。

Branigan, Tania. “From East to West, a Chain Collapses.” Guardian, January 9, 2009.
Branigan, Tania."从东方到西方，一个链条崩溃了"。卫报》，2009 年 1 月 9 日。

“Cardboard PC Case by Lupo.” UberGizmo, October 21, 2005. http://www.ubergizmo.com/15/archives/2005/10/cardboard_pc_ca.html.
"Lupo的纸板电脑机箱"。UberGizmo，2005 年 10 月 21 日。http://www.ubergizmo.com/15/archives/2005/10/cardboard_pc_ca.html。

Cool Light Leads to Greener Chips.” BBC News, June 30, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/5128762.stm.
冷光带来更环保的芯片"。英国广播公司新闻，2006 年 6 月 30 日。http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/5128762.stm。

Dean, Katie. “Disposable DVDs at Crossroads.” Wired News, February 7, 2005. http://www.wired.com/entertainment/music/news/2005/02/66513.
Dean, Katie."一次性 DVD 正处于十字路口"。连线新闻》，2005 年 2 月 7 日。http://www.wired.com/entertainment/music/news/2005/02/66513。

Fildes, Jonathan. “The Winds of Change for Africa.” BBC News, July 23, 2009.
Fildes, Jonathan."非洲的变革之风"。英国广播公司新闻，2009 年 7 月 23 日。

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Fildes, Jonathan. “Wireless Power System Shown Off.” BBC News, July 23, 2009.
Fildes, Jonathan."无线供电系统亮相"。英国广播公司新闻，2009 年 7 月 23 日。

Fisher, Jim. “Poison Valley: Is Workers’ Health the Price We Pay for High-Tech Progress?” Salon, 2001. http://archive.salon.com/tech/feature/2001/07/30/almaden1/.
Fisher, Jim."毒谷：工人的健康是我们为高科技进步付出的代价吗？沙龙，2001 年。http://archive.salon.com/tech/feature/2001/07/30/almaden1/。

Glaister, Dan. “US Recycling: ‘I Don't Even Think We Have an Industry.’” Guardian, January 9, 2009.
Glaister, Dan."美国回收：'我甚至不认为我们有工业'"。卫报》，2009 年 1 月 9 日。

“Greenpeace Deploys GPS to Track Illegal Electronic Waste.” Environment Blog. Guardian, February 18, 2009. http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/blog/2009/feb/18/greenpeace-electronic-waste-nigeria-tv-gps.
"绿色和平部署 GPS 追踪非法电子垃圾"。环境博客。卫报》，2009 年 2 月 18 日。http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/blog/2009/feb/18/greenpeace-electronic-waste-nigeria-tv-gps。

Greenpeace News. “Undercover Operation Exposes Illegal Dumping of E-waste in Nigeria.” February 18, 2009. http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/e-waste-nigeria180209.
绿色和平新闻。"卧底行动揭露尼日利亚非法倾倒电子垃圾"。2009 年 2 月 18 日。http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/e-waste-nigeria180209.

Hickman, Leo. “The Truth about Recycling.” Guardian, February 26, 2009.
Hickman, Leo."回收的真相"。卫报》，2009 年 2 月 26 日。

“Intel's Antitrust Ruling: A Billion-Euro Question.” Economist, May 14, 2009.
"英特尔的反垄断裁决：十亿欧元的问题"。经济学家》，2009 年 5 月 14 日。

Johnson, Bobbie. “Google's Power-Hungry Data Centres.” Guardian, May 3, 2009.
Johnson, Bobbie."谷歌渴求电力的数据中心"。卫报》，2009 年 5 月 3 日。

Johnson, Bobbie. “Web Providers Must Limit Internet's Carbon Footprint, Say Experts.” Guardian, May 3, 2009.
Johnson, Bobbie.专家称 "网络提供商必须限制互联网的碳足迹"。卫报》，2009 年 5 月 3 日。

Joy, Bill. “Why the Future Doesn't Need Us.” Wired News, issue 8, no. 4. April 2000.
乔伊，比尔"为什么未来不需要我们"。连线新闻》，第 8 期，第 4 号。4.2000 年 4 月。

Leahy, Stephen. “Short-Lived PCs Have Hidden Costs.” Wired News, March 8, 2004.
Leahy, Stephen."短命 PC 隐藏着成本"。连线新闻》，2004 年 3 月 8 日。

Oliver, Christine. “Recycling in the Credit Crunch.” Guardian, January 9, 2009.
Oliver, Christine."信贷紧缩中的再循环"。卫报》，2009 年 1 月 9 日。

Onion, Amanda. “Buy, Use, Dispose: A Spike in Disposable Products Has Environmentalists Worried.” ABC News, December 4, 2002.
Onion, Amanda."购买、使用、丢弃：一次性产品激增令环保人士担忧"。美国广播公司新闻，2002 年 12 月 4 日。

Osborne, Hilary. “Rich Nations Accused of Dumping E-Waste on Africa.” Guardian, November 27, 2006.
Osborne, Hilary."富国被控向非洲倾倒电子垃圾"。卫报》，2006 年 11 月 27 日。

Pearce, Fred. “Greenwash: WEEE Directive Is a Dreadful Missed Opportunity to Clean up E-waste.” Guardian, June 25, 2009.
Pearce, Fred."绿色垃圾：WEEE 指令错失了清理电子垃圾的良机"。卫报》，2009 年 6 月 25 日。

Ritchel, Matt. “E.P.A. Takes Second Look at Many Superfund Sites.” New York Times, January 31, 2003.
Ritchel, Matt."E.P.A.重新审视许多超级基金场地"。纽约时报》，2003 年 1 月 31 日。

Rivlin, Gary. “In Silicon Valley, Millionaires Who Don't Feel Rich.” New York Times, August 5, 2007.
Rivlin, Gary."在硅谷，百万富翁并不觉得自己富有"。纽约时报》，2007 年 8 月 5 日。

Schofield, Jack. “When the Chips are Down.” Guardian, July 29, 2009.
Schofield, Jack."当危机降临"。卫报》，2009 年 7 月 29 日。

Shabi, Rachel. “The E-waste Land.” Guardian, November 30, 2002.
Shabi, Rachel."电子垃圾之地"。卫报》，2002 年 11 月 30 日。

“Spammers Manipulate Stock Markets.” BBC News, August 25, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/technology/5284618.stm.
"垃圾邮件发送者操纵股市"。英国广播公司新闻，2006 年 8 月 25 日。http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/technology/5284618.stm。

Wray, Richard. “Spam ‘Uses as Much Power as 2.1M Homes.’” Guardian, April 15, 2009.
Wray, Richard.垃圾邮件 "耗电量相当于 210 万户家庭"。卫报》，2009 年 4 月 15 日。

Archives and Museums
档案馆和博物馆

Charles Babbage Institute (The Diebold Group collection, 1957–90), University of Minnesota.
明尼苏达大学查尔斯-巴贝奇研究所（迪波德集团藏品，1957-90 年）。

Computer History Museum (and Archive), Mountain View, CA.
加利福尼亚州山景城计算机历史博物馆（和档案馆）。

Computing History Archive (ICL collection), Science Museum of London.
计算历史档案（ICL 收藏），伦敦科学博物馆。

Computing History Archive, Smithsonian Institute, Washington, DC.
计算历史档案馆，史密森学会，华盛顿特区。

Intel Museum, Santa Clara, CA.
英特尔博物馆，加利福尼亚州圣克拉拉。

National Archive for the History of Computing, Manchester, UK.
英国曼彻斯特国家计算机历史档案馆。

Technology Museum, San Jose, CA.
科技博物馆，加利福尼亚州圣何塞。

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Index
索引

Access Space, 154
访问空间，154

Acland, Charles, 9
查尔斯-阿克兰，9
actor-network theory, 164n45, 189n44
行为者网络理论，164n45，189n44

Adkins, Lisa, 174n4
Adkins、Lisa、174n4

Adobe, 39
Adobe, 39

Agarwal, Ravi, and Kishore Wankhade, 134
拉维-阿加瓦尔和基肖尔-万卡德，第 134 页

Akrich, Madeline, 163n29
Akrich, Madeline, 163n29

Alexander, Judd H., 196n10
Alexander, Judd H., 196n10

Alexandrian Library, 107
亚历山大图书馆，107

Amdahl, Gene, 101, 104
阿姆达尔，吉恩，101，104

Appadurai, Arjun, 190n61
阿帕杜赖，阿尔琼，190n61
appliances, 80–81, 83, 86
设备，80- 81、83、86

Architectural Record, 52
建筑实录》，52
archives, electronic, 13, 15, 36–37, 98, 105, 107–13, 118–25, 130, 154, 186n1
电子档案，13，15，36- 37，98，105，107- 13，118- 25，130，154，186n1
automation, 12, 14, 47, 49, 60, 62, 63–65, 69, 80–83, 93, 182n18, 189n43
自动化、12、14、47、49、60、62、63- 65、69、80- 83、93、182n18、189n43

Babbage, Charles, 63, 114
巴贝奇，查尔斯，63，114

Barney, Darin, 171n50, 178n52
巴尼，达林，171n50，178n52

Barthes, Roland, 86
巴特, 罗兰, 86

Basel Action Network, 69, 94, 129, 139, 141–42, 184n49, 193n17, 194nn38–39
巴塞尔行动网，69，94，129，139，141- 42，184n49，193n17，194nn38- 39

Baudelaire, Charles, 192n7
波德莱尔，查尔斯，192n7

Baudrillard, Jean, 41, 181n15
Baudrillard, Jean, 41, 181n15

Bauman, Zygmunt, 95, 183n39, 185n68
鲍曼，齐格蒙特，95，183n39，185n68

Bell, Daniel, 169n21
贝尔、丹尼尔、169n21

Beniger, James, 33, 170nn38–39
詹姆斯-贝尼格，33，170nn38- 39

Benjamin, Walter, 106, 131–32, 151, 155–56, 161n17, 161n19, 162n21, 162n26, 163n31, 187n14, 192n82, 192n7, 193n24, 196n56; The Arcades Project, 1, 5–9, 11–13, 17, 104–5, 161n19, 165n57, 174n11, 176n35, 182n16, 186nn3–4
Benjamin, Walter, 106, 131- 32, 151, 155- 56, 161n17, 161n19, 162n21, 162n26, 163n31, 187n14, 192n82, 192n7, 193n24, 196n56; The Arcades Project, 1, 5- 9, 11- 13, 17, 104- 5, 161n19, 165n57, 174n11, 176n35, 182n16, 186nn3- 4。

Bennett, Jane, 200n40
简-贝内特，200n40

Bensaude-Vincent, Bernadette, and Isabelle Stengers, 85
本绍德-文森特、贝尔纳黛特和伊莎贝尔-斯特恩斯，85 岁
black box, vi, 62, 70, 154, 159n1
黑盒, vi, 62, 70, 154, 159n1

Bolter, J. David, 74, 187n10
Bolter, J. David, 74, 187n10

Boyle, James, 199n36
博伊尔、詹姆斯、199n36

Brown, Bill, 161n13, 192n6
布朗、比尔、161n13、192n6
bubbles, financial, 49, 55, 68, 174n5, 175n22
泡沫、金融、49、55、68、174n5、175n22

Buchli, Victor, 121, 142, 155, 166n68, 191n72
Buchli, Victor, 121, 142, 155, 166n68, 191n72
bullets, 104–5
子弹，104- 5

Bush, Vannevar, 36–37, 108–9
布什、范内瓦尔，36-37，108-9

Butler, Judith, 8, 9, 161n12, 161n17
Butler, Judith, 8, 9, 161n12, 161n17
calculation, 33–36, 38, 49–50, 171nn50–51, 172n57, 175n22
计算，33- 36，38，49- 50，171nn50- 51，172n57，175n22

Callon, Michel, 176n25, 190n57
卡隆、米歇尔、176n25、190n57

Calvino, Italo, 74, 77–78, 89, 97–98, 180–81n1
卡尔维诺、伊塔洛，74、77- 78、89、97- 98、180- 81n1
cathode-ray tubes, 70, 91, 137, 140, 180n88
阴极射线管，70、91、137、140、180n88

Ceruzzi, Paul, 113, 116, 189nn51–53
保罗-塞鲁齐，113，116，189nn51- 53
chemical industry, 25–27, 39
化学工业，25- 27, 39

Chun, Wendy Hui Kyong, 188n38
Chun, Wendy Hui Kyong, 188n38
circulation, 13, 66–69, 77–78, 86, 136, 139, 166n60, 179n70
流通，13，66-69，77-78，86，136，139，166n60，179n70

Clark, Gordon, and Nigel Thrift, 56
克拉克、戈登和奈杰尔-特里夫特，56

Clarke, Arthur C., 108
克拉克，阿瑟-C.，108

CNBC, 55
CNBC, 55

CNN, 55
CNN, 55

Colloredo-Mansfeld, Rudi, 79, 97
科洛雷多-曼斯菲尔德、鲁迪、79、97
commodities, 8, 9, 11, 12, 47, 66, 68, 78–79, 93, 114, 136, 190n61. See also things
商品，8、9、11、12、47、66、68、78-79、93、114、136、190n61。另见事物
compression, 36–37, 108, 172n53
压缩，36- 37，108，172n53

Computer History Museum, 101
计算机历史博物馆，101
computers, 20, 33, 51, 64, 70, 87, 101, 108, 110, 113–17, 124, 133, 171n50, 177n44, 189n53
计算机、20、33、51、64、70、87、101、108、110、113- 17、124、133、171n50、177n44、189n53
conservation, 121
保护，121
consumption, 4–5, 12, 16, 17, 28, 33, 59, 68, 77, 78, 81–83, 96–98, 129, 155, 182n17, 185n65
消费，4-5，12，16，17，28，33，59，68，77，78，81-83，96-98，129，155，182n17，185n65

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copper, 3–4, 13, 70, 75, 87, 91, 131, 134–35, 137, 180n88
铜，3- 4，13，70，75，87，91，131，134- 35，137，180n88

Cornucopia City. See Packard, Vance
玉米城。见帕卡德，万斯

Corzo, Miguel Angel, 110, 187n22
Corzo, Miguel Angel, 110, 187n22

Darwin, Charles, 6, 162n24
达尔文，查尔斯，6，162n24
dead/failed media, v–vii, 2, 5, 6–7, 15, 98, 101–25
死机/失效媒体，V- VII，2，5，6- 7，15，98，101- 25

Deleuze, Gilles, 166n60
德勒兹，吉勒，166n60
dematerialization, 4, 7, 14, 42, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53–54, 57–61, 69–70, 86, 88, 132, 139, 142, 172n58, 175n15, 180n84, 191n74
非物质化，4，7，14，42，47，48，50，51，53- 54，57- 61，69- 70，86，88，132，139，142，172n58，175n15，180n84，191n74

Dick, Philip K., 127
Philip K. Dick，127

Diebold, John, 63–64, 118, 182n18
约翰-迪伯德，63-64，118，182n18
digital media, vii, 2, 10, 16, 36, 86, 110–11, 140
数字媒体, vii, 2, 10, 16, 36, 86, 110- 11, 140
digitization, 24, 32, 87, 110, 121, 170n38, 178n59
数字化, 24, 32, 87, 110, 121, 170n38, 178n59
dirt, 17, 89, 96, 143, 155, 183n40, 185n72
污垢，17，89，96，143，155，183n40，185n72
discourse, defined, 161n12
话语，定义，161n12
disposability, 74, 77–98, 125
可处置性，74、77- 98、125
dot-com crash, 48–49, 55, 68, 167n5
网络崩溃，48-49，55，68，167n5

Douglas, Mary, 183n43
道格拉斯、玛丽、183n43
dumps, 127–46; in Africa, 15, 61, 91, 94, 129, 161n11; in China, x, 15, 61, 75, 90, 91, 94, 98, 128, 144–45, 185n61; in India, 15, 90, 94, 134, 185n61; in southeast Asia, 69–70, 91. See also landfills
垃圾场, 127- 46; 在非洲, 15, 61, 91, 94, 129, 161n11; 在中国, x, 15, 61, 75, 90, 91, 94, 98, 128, 144- 45, 185n61; 在印度, 15, 90, 94, 134, 185n61; 在东南亚, 69- 70, 91.另见垃圾填埋场

Dunne, Anthony, 199n30
邓恩、安东尼、199n30

Dupuy, Jean-Pierre, 180n86
Dupuy, Jean-Pierre, 180n86

Dyer-Witheford, Nick, 175n14
Dyer-Witheford, Nick, 175n14
ecologies, 2, 11, 16, 70, 137, 154, 159n3, 199n35
生态，2，11，16，70，137，154，159n3，199n35
electronic trading, 48–58, 61–64, 69, 175n12, 175–76nn22–23, 178n55
电子交易，48- 58，61- 64，69，175n12，175- 76nn22- 23，178n55
emulation systems, 111, 123–24, 188n26
仿真系统，111，123- 24，188n26

Engler, Mira, 141
恩格勒、米拉、141

ENIAC, 63
ENIAC, 63
entropy, 33, 171n42
熵，33，171n42
environmentalism, 154, 199n36, 200n38
环保主义，154，199n36，200n38
environmental overload, 38–41
环境超载，38- 41

Environmental Protection Agency, 1, 39, 194n28
环境保护局，1，39，194n28
ephemerality. See disposability; obsolescence
短暂性。见一次性；过时

Ernst, Wolfgang, 119, 124, 190n64, 190n69, 191n74, 192n86
恩斯特、沃尔夫冈，119、124、190n64、190n69、191n74、192n86
exchange, 45, 47–51, 54–58, 63–71, 95–97, 164n45, 178n55, 179n69, 190n61
交换，45，47- 51，54- 58，63- 71，95- 97，164n45，178n55，179n69，190n61
expenditure, 54–56, 60, 79
支出，54-56，60，79

“extended producer responsibility,” 91
"生产者延伸责任"，91
fabs (fabrication facilities), 22, 27, 39, 168nn14–15
晶圆厂（制造设施），22，27，39，168nn14- 15
failure, 104, 106, 111, 114, 124–25, 162n25, 190n58. See also Museum of E-Failure; obsolescence
失败，104，106，111，114，124- 25，162n25，190n58。另见电子失败博物馆；过时

Fairchild Semiconductor, 25, 30–31, 39
飞兆半导体，25、30- 31、39
feral robotic dogs, 199n30
野外机器狗，199n30

Fisher, Jim, 167n1
费舍尔、吉姆、167n1

Fisher, Melissa, and Greg Downey, 174n5
费舍尔、梅丽莎和格雷格-多尼，174n5

Fladager, Vernon, 81
弗拉达格，弗农，81 岁

Forty, Adrian, 182n27, 191n73
Forty、Adrian、182n27、191n73

“fossils.” See “natural history” methodology
"化石"。参见 "自然历史 "方法

Foucault, Michel, 6, 166n60
米歇尔-福柯，6，166n60

Franklin, Sarah, Celia Lury, and Jackie Stacey, 163n36
富兰克林、莎拉、西莉亚-卢里和杰基-斯泰西，163n36

Frow, John, 68, 136
约翰-弗罗，68，136

Fry's Electronics Superstore, 19, 29
Fry's Electronics Superstore, 19, 29

Fuller, Matt, 159n3
富勒、马特、159n3

Furtherfield, 154
进一步菲尔德，154

Gandy, Matthew, 194n28
甘迪、马修、194n28

Gaonkar, Dilip Parameshwar, and Elizabeth A. Povinelli, 166n60
Gaonkar、Dilip Parameshwar 和 Elizabeth A. Povinelli，166n60
garbage imaginary, 155–56
垃圾想象，155- 56

Garbage Project, 16
垃圾项目，16
garbology, 16, 17, 127, 131, 140. See also rubbish theory
服装学，16、17、127、131、140。另见垃圾理论

General Electric, 63
通用电气，63

Gitelman, Lisa, 188n38
Gitelman, Lisa, 188n38
gold, 91, 129, 131, 134, 137
黄金、91、129、131、134、137

Google, 48, 172n53, 177n48
谷歌，48，172n53，177n48

Gould, Stephen Jay, 162n24
斯蒂芬-杰伊-古尔德，162n24
green electronics, 151–54, 198n23
绿色电子产品，151- 54，198n23

Greenpeace, 91, 151, 193n17
绿色和平组织，91，151，193n17

Greenspan, Alan, 55
格林斯潘，艾伦，55

Guattari, Felix, 199n35
瓜塔里、费利克斯、199n35

Haggerty, Patrick, 31
哈格蒂，帕特里克，31 岁

Hansen, Karen Tranberg, 193n21
Hansen, Karen Tranberg, 193n21

Hansen, Mark, 187n14
汉森、马克、187n14

Hanssen, Beatrice, 162n21
Hanssen, Beatrice, 162n21

Haraway, Donna, 1, 8, 12, 20, 45, 50, 57, 70, 164nn45–46, 167
Haraway, Donna, 1, 8, 12, 20, 45, 50, 57, 70, 164nn45- 46, 167
hardware, discarded, vi, 2, 3, 5, 13, 38, 70–71, 74–98, 135, 140, 154
硬件，废弃，vi，2，3，5，13，38，70- 71，74- 98，135，140，154

Harvey, David, 173n63, 174n7
哈维、大卫、173n63、174n7

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Harwood, Graham, and Matsuko Yokokoji, 154
哈伍德、格雷厄姆和横路松子，第 154 页

Hawkins, Gay, 82, 150–51, 194n28
Hawkins, Gay, 82, 150- 51, 194n28

Hayles, N. Katherine, 123, 161n16, 170n36, 172n58, 177n41
Hayles, N. Katherine, 123, 161n16, 170n36, 172n58, 177n41
hazardous waste, vii, 1, 3, 4, 11, 15, 27, 70, 95, 129, 136, 139, 142, 151, 160n9, 183n37, 184n54, 195n47, 197n13. See also pollution
危险废物, vii, 1, 3, 4, 11, 15, 27, 70, 95, 129, 136, 139, 142, 151, 160n9, 183n37, 184n54, 195n47, 197n13. 另见污染。

Hetherington, Kevin, 89, 182n17, 185n72, 186n7
Hetherington, Kevin, 89, 182n17, 185n72, 186n7

Hinte, Ed van, 152
亨特，埃德-范，152

“How Much Information,” 34–36, 66
"多少信息"，34-36，66

IBM, 25, 104
IBM, 25, 104

ICL, 103, 105, 126, 157
国际劳工大会，第 103、105、126、157 号决议
information overload, 4, 11, 14, 32–38
信息超载，4、11、14、32-38
information theory, 10, 29, 32–33, 66, 170n36, 171n42
信息论, 10, 29, 32- 33, 66, 170n36, 171n42

“informed materials,” 85
"知情材料"，85

Intel, 25, 26, 30–31, 39, 48, 84, 117, 169n31, 173n65, 181n10
英特尔、25、26、30- 31、39、48、84、117、169n31、173n65、181n10

International Association of Electronics Recyclers, 133, 160n5, 160n8
国际电子产品回收商协会，133，160n5，160n8

Internet, 35, 61, 67, 114, 122–23, 154, 177n48
互联网，35，61，67，114，122- 23，154，177n48

Internet Archive, 122–23
互联网档案，122- 23

Jeremijenko, Natalie, 199n30
Jeremijenko, Natalie, 199n30

Keenan, Thomas, 188n38
基南、托马斯、188n38

Kelly, Kevin, 59–61, 65, 67
凯利、凯文，59- 61、65、67

Kilby, Jack, 169n24
Kilby, Jack, 169n24

Kittler, Friedrich, 10, 62, 110, 124, 178n59, 187n19, 188n26
Kittler, Friedrich, 10, 62, 110, 124, 178n59, 187n19, 188n26

Knorr-Cetina, Karin, and Urs Bruegger, 177n38
Korr-Cetina、Karin 和 Urs Bruegger，177n38

Koolhaas, Rem, 143
库哈斯、雷姆、143

Krauss, Rosalind, 186n4
克劳斯、罗莎琳德，186n4

Krishna, Gopal, 2
Krishna, Gopal, 2
landfills, 2, 13, 15–16, 88, 89, 90–91, 127, 130–31, 140–42, 151, 154, 194–95n39
垃圾填埋场，2，13，15- 16，88，89，90- 91，127，130- 31，140- 42，151，154，194- 95n39

Lécuyer, Christophe, and David C. Brock, 167n3
Lécuyer, Christophe, and David C. Brock, 167n3

Leonia. See Calvino, Italo
Leonia.见卡尔维诺，伊塔洛

Leslie, Esther, 28, 168n18
Leslie, Esther, 28, 168n18

London, Bernard, 189n42
伦敦，伯纳德，189n42

Long Now Foundation, 140, 189n43
长久基金会，140，189n43

Loon, Joost Van, and Ida Sabelis, 138, 150–51, 193n9, 195n50, 196nn5–6, 197nn11–12
Loon, Joost Van, and Ida Sabelis, 138, 150- 51, 193n9, 195n50, 196nn5- 6, 197nn11- 12

Lucas, Gavin, 97
卢卡斯，加文，97

Lynch, Kevin, 141, 147, 155
林奇、凯文、141、147、155

Lyotard, Jean François, 33–34, 185n72
Lyotard, Jean François, 33- 34, 185n72

Machlup, Fritz, 66–67
弗里茨-马赫卢普，66-67

MacKenzie, Donald, 116–17, 190n57–59
MacKenzie, Donald, 116- 17, 190n57-59

Manzini, Ezio, 84, 87, 182n21
Manzini, Ezio, 84, 87, 182n21

Marx, Karl, 41, 96–97, 173n65, 174n7, 174–75n11, 176n35
马克思，卡尔，41，96-97，173n65，174n7，174- 75n11，176n35
material flows, 26, 79, 94, 175n15, 180n85, 181n6
物质流，26，79，94，175n15，180n85，181n6
materiality, vi, 3–4, 7, 9, 10, 14, 17, 47, 56, 58–59, 79, 88, 117, 131, 132, 139, 150, 151, 153, 165n51, 167n3, 177nn40–41
实质性，vi, 3- 4, 7, 9, 10, 14, 17, 47, 56, 58- 59, 79, 88, 117, 131, 132, 139, 150, 151, 153, 165n51, 167n3, 177nn40- 41

McLuhan, Marshall, 10, 65, 159n3
马歇尔-麦克卢汉，10，65，159n3
media archaeology, 164n41
媒体考古，164n41
media studies, 9–10, 17, 171n50
媒体研究，9- 10，17，171n50

Memex, 37, 108–9
Memex, 37, 108- 9
memory, electronic, 101, 105, 107–13, 119, 121, 125, 187n8
存储器，电子，101，105，107- 13，119，121，125，187n8
metals, vi, 3, 28, 87, 91, 121, 137
金属》vi、3、28、87、91、121、137
microchips, v, vi, 1, 3, 5, 7–8, 12, 20–32, 38–39, 41, 48, 51, 53, 58, 62, 78, 80–81, 86–87, 107, 117, 134–35, 152, 168n12, 169n25
微型芯片，五，六，1，3，5，7- 8，12，20- 32，38- 39，41，48，51，53，58，62，78，80- 81，86- 87，107，117，134- 35，152，168n12，169n25

Microsoft, 48, 109
微软、48、109
mining, vi, 165n59, 196n10
采矿，vi，165n59，196n10

Miyazaki, Hirokazu, 165n51
Miyazaki, Hirokazu, 165n51
mobility, 88–89, 93, 95
流动性，88-89，93，95

Modern Packaging Journal, 85
现代包装杂志》第 85 期

Molotch, Harvey, 111, 151, 181n10, 194n28
Molotch、Harvey、111、151、181n10、194n28
monitors. See screens
显示器。参见屏幕

Moore, Gordon, 30–31, 117, 169nn29–30
摩尔、戈登、30-31、117、169nn29- 30

Moore's Law, 27, 30, 116–17, 121, 152, 169n29, 173n65
摩尔定律, 27, 30, 116- 17, 121, 152, 169n29, 173n65

Moser, Walter, 17, 185n70, 196n7
Moser, Walter, 17, 185n70, 196n7

Mulder, Arjen, 188n26
Mulder, Arjen, 188n26

Museum of E-Failure, 122
电子失败博物馆，122
museums, 101, 104, 107, 116, 122, 125, 186n1, 186n7
博物馆, 101, 104, 107, 116, 122, 125, 186n1, 186n7

MyLifeBits, 109–10, 120, 188n24, 190n69
MyLifeBits, 109- 10, 120, 188n24, 190n69

NASDAQ, 13, 14, 46–56, 59, 61–63, 68, 154, 173n2, 177n48
NASDAQ, 13, 14, 46- 56, 59, 61- 63, 68, 154, 173n2, 177n48

NASDAQ MarketSite, 46, 52–55, 70
纳斯达克市场网站，46、52- 55、70

“natural history” methodology, vii, 5–13, 17, 65, 106, 118, 149–50, 153, 161n19, 162n24, 162–63nn27–28
"自然史 "方法，vii, 5- 13, 17, 65, 106, 118, 149- 50, 153, 161n19, 162n24, 162- 63nn27- 28

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nature, 1, 7, 8–9, 149, 150, 155, 162n21, 163n28, 163n34, 163n36, 194n28, 200n40
自然，1，7，8-9，149，150，155，162n21，163n28，163n34，163n36，194n28，200n40

Nelson, Ted, 101
特德-纳尔逊 101 岁

Netscape, 39
网景公司，39
networks, electronic, 59–62, 64–67, 112, 164n45, 178nn52–53
网络，电子，59- 62，64- 67，112，164n45，178nn52- 53

Neville, Brian, and Johanne Villeneuve, 192n3
Neville、Brian 和 Johanne Villeneuve，192n3

“new economy,” defined, 174nn4–5
"新经济 "的定义，174N4- 5

“new media,” 114, 188n38
"新媒体"，114，188n38

New York Stock Exchange, 45, 48, 52, 63–64
纽约证券交易所，45、48、52、63- 64

Noyce, Robert, 30–31, 169n24
罗伯特-诺伊斯，30- 31，169n24

O'Brien, Martin, 185n71, 195n44
马丁-奥布莱恩，185n71，195n44
obsolescence, vii, 2, 4, 7, 10, 15, 17, 78, 82–84, 97, 113–18, 121, 149, 152, 182n15, 186n4, 188n39, 189n42, 189nn44–45
过时，vii, 2, 4, 7, 10, 15, 17, 78, 82- 84, 97, 113- 18, 121, 149, 152, 182n15, 186n4, 188n39, 189n42, 189nn44- 45
offshoring, 29, 40, 168n14, 169n23, 180n86, 185n61
离岸外包, 29, 40, 168n14, 169n23, 180n86, 185n61
open source software, 154
开放源码软件，154

Oppenheim, Dennis, 45
奥本海姆、丹尼斯、45

Osborne, Peter, 196n56
奥斯本、彼得、196n56
packaging, 77, 80–82, 84–88, 93, 182n24
包装、77、80- 82、84- 88、93、182n24

Packard, Vance, 77, 82, 92, 97–98, 114, 188n39
Packard、Vance，77、82、92、97-98、114、188n39

Parks, Lisa, 70
帕克斯、丽莎，70 岁

Pellow, David Naguib, and Lisa Sun-Hee Park, 168n10
Pellow, David Naguib, and Lisa Sun-Hee Park, 168n10
performativity, 4, 47–51, 54, 58–59, 63, 69, 84, 161n12, 174n9, 174n11, 175n22, 176n23, 176n35, 177n40
表演性，4，47- 51，54，58- 59，63，69，84，161n12，174n9，174n11，175n22，176n23，176n35，177n40

Peters, John Durham, 170n36
彼得斯，约翰-达勒姆，170n36

Pfeiffer, K. Ludwig, 177n40
Pfeiffer, K. Ludwig, 177n40

Phillips, Bill, 179n74
菲利普斯，比尔，179n74

Pierce, John Robinson, 171n42
皮尔斯、约翰-鲁滨逊，171n42
plastics, 3, 13, 14, 15, 24, 28, 77, 80–81, 84–88, 93, 94, 121, 151
塑料、3、13、14、15、24、28、77、80-81、84-88、93、94、121、151
pollution, v, 1–2, 3, 15, 20, 24, 25, 28, 32, 39, 40, 87, 95, 96, 141, 142
污染, v, 1- 2, 3, 15, 20, 24, 25, 28, 32, 39, 40, 87, 95, 96, 141, 142
postmodernism, 171n44, 175n11
后现代主义，171n44，175n11

Proboscis, 199n30
长鼻，199n30
progress, concepts of, 6–7, 9, 12, 104–6, 121, 162n26, 196n56, 197n11
进步，概念，6-7，9，12，104-6，121，162n26，196n56，197n11

Pryke, Michael, and John Allen, 175n12
迈克尔-普莱克和约翰-艾伦，175n12

Puckett, Jim, 195n47
Puckett, Jim, 195n47

Rabinow, Paul, 188n38
拉比诺、保罗、188n38

Raley, Rita, 50, 178n53
Raley, Rita, 50, 178n53

Rathje, William, 16, 155, 182n24
Rathje, William, 16, 155, 182n24

Raytheon, 25
雷神公司，25
recycling, viii, 2–3, 15, 16, 41, 61, 69–70, 77, 87, 89–97, 100, 129, 132–42, 150–51, 183n36, 184nn49–50, 185n70, 194n28, 194–95nn38–39
再循环，viii，2- 3，15，16，41，61，69- 70，77，87，89- 97，100，129，132- 42，150- 51，183n36，184nn49- 50，185n70，194n28，194- 95nn38- 39
rematerialization, 70, 87, 132, 165n52
非物质化，70，87，132，165n52
repair, 82, 133, 193n12
修理、82、133、193n12
resonance, defined, 164n46
共振，定义，164n46

Reyes, Paul, 180n80
雷耶斯、保罗、180n80

Rogers, Heather, 92–93
罗杰斯、希瑟，92-93

RoHS, 160n8, 184n52, 198n22
RoHS, 160n8, 184n52, 198n22

RSA WEEE Man, 76, 80
RSA WEEE Man, 76, 80
rubbish theory, 16–17, 49, 68, 133. See also garbology
垃圾理论，16-17，49，68，133。另见服装学

Rudwick, Martin, 164n36
鲁德威克、马丁、164n36

Rugemer, Werner, 168n17
Rugemer, Werner, 168n17
salvaging, 70, 87, 95, 129–37, 139–40, 143, 183n36, 192–93nn7–8, 193n21
抢救，70，87，95，129- 37，139- 40，143，183n36，192- 93nn7- 8，193n21

Sans Soleil, 188n25
Sans Soleil, 188n25

Scanlan, John, 183n39, 195n52
斯坎兰、约翰、183n39、195n52
scatter, 8, 151, 163n31
散射，8，151，163n31

Schiller, Don, 60, 178n51
席勒，唐，60，178n51

Schröter, Jens, 123, 191n78–79
Schröter, Jens, 123, 191n78-79
screens, 5, 13, 14, 42, 45–48, 52–59, 62, 68, 70, 73, 78, 177n38
屏幕、5、13、14、42、45-48、52-59、62、68、70、73、78、177n38
sedimentation, defined, 161n17
沉积，定义，161n17

Sekula, Alan, 93–94
塞库拉、艾伦，93-94

Serres, Michel, 17, 45, 47, 65, 84, 147, 179n69, 185n72, 189n45
Serres, Michel, 17, 45, 47, 65, 84, 147, 179n69, 185n72, 189n45

Shanks, Michael, 131; with David Platt and William L. Rathje, 155
Shanks, Michael, 131; with David Platt and William L. Rathje, 155

Shannon, Claude, and Warren Weaver, 32–33, 167n2
香农、克劳德和沃伦-韦弗，32-33，167n2

Shiller, Robert, 55, 176n34
席勒，罗伯特，55，176n34
shipping, 90–94, 129, 135, 183n47, 184n54, 185n61, 185n64
航运，90-94，129，135，183n47，184n54，185n61，185n64

Siemens, 25
西门子，25
silicon, 3, 20–21, 24, 26–28, 38, 41–42, 84–85
硅胶、3、20-21、24、26-28、38、41-42、84-85

Silicon Fen, 40
硅芬，40

Silicon Mountain, 40
硅山，40

Silicon Valley, xii, 1–2, 13, 16, 18–20, 25, 27–28, 29, 38–41, 44, 49, 61, 154, 160n9, 167n6, 172–73n62, 173n65
硅谷, xii, 1- 2, 13, 16, 18- 20, 25, 27- 28, 29, 38- 41, 44, 49, 61, 154, 160n9, 167n6, 172- 73n62, 173n65

Simmel, Georg, 172n51, 172n59
Simmel，Georg，172n51，172n59

Slade, Giles, 183n47, 189n42
Slade，Giles，183n47，189n42

Slater, Don, 58; and Andrew Barry, 172n51
斯莱特，唐，58；安德鲁-巴里，172n51

“social death,” 79
"社会死亡"，79

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software, v–vi, 3, 62–63, 154
软件，V-VI，3，62-63，154
solvents, 3, 25
溶剂，3，25
spam, 67–68, 179nn78–79
垃圾邮件，67- 68，179NN78- 79
speed, 25–31, 48–50, 55–58, 64, 69, 81, 105, 114, 176n35, 178n55, 187n10, 189n43
速度，25-31，48-50，55-58，64，69，81，105，114，176n35，178n55，187n10，189n43

St. Mungo's, 154
圣芒戈，154

Steedman, Carolyn, 139
Steedman, Carolyn, 139

Sterling, Bruce, v, 5, 111–12, 113, 115, 199n28
斯特林、布鲁斯、v、5、111- 12、113、115、199n28

Sterne, Jonathan, 188n38
斯特恩、乔纳森、188n38

Stevens, Brooke, 189n42
史蒂文斯、布鲁克、189n42

Stewart, Kathleen, 166n58
斯图尔特、凯瑟琳、166n58

Stiegler, Bernard, 101, 175n22, 188n33
Stiegler, Bernard, 101, 175n22, 188n33
storage, electronic. See archives, electronic; memory, electronic
存储，电子。见电子档案；电子存储器

Strasser, Susan, 183n43
Strasser, Susan, 183n43

Strathern, Marilyn, 142
Strathern, Marilyn, 142

Straw, Will, 104, 166n64, 189n48
斯特劳、威尔、104、166n64、189n48

Superfund sites, 1, 13, 16, 18, 20, 25, 27, 39, 41, 61, 159n1, 167n6, 172nn61–62
超级基金场地，1、13、16、18、20、25、27、39、41、61、159n1、167n6、172nn61- 62
sustainable computing, 151–54, 198nn23–26, 199nn32–33
可持续计算，151- 54，198nn23- 26，199nn32- 33

Taussig, Michael, 136–37
陶西格、迈克尔、136- 37
temporality, 6–7, 10, 49–51, 57, 81, 93, 101–25, 130–31, 138–39, 155–56, 195n50, 197n11
时间性，6- 7，10，49- 51，57，81，93，101- 25，130- 31，138- 39，155- 56，195n50，197n11

Texas Instruments, 31, 84
德州仪器公司，31，84
things, 8, 47–49, 58–59, 68, 78–79, 83, 96–98, 106, 111, 127, 131, 136, 139, 142–43, 147–49, 153, 155, 165n58, 166n60, 177n40, 179n70, 185n72, 192n6. See also commodities
另见商品。

Thompson, Michael, 16–17, 68, 133, 174n6
汤普森，迈克尔，16-17，68，133，174n6

Thrift, Nigel, 56, 176n25
Thrift, Nigel, 56, 176n25

“throwaway society,” 80, 82–84
"丢弃社会"，80，82-84

Toffler, Alvin, 88, 114–15, 118, 190n62
托夫勒、阿尔文、88、114- 15、118、190n62

Tomlinson, Bill, 198n23
汤姆林森、比尔、198n23

Toxics Link, 134, 193n17
毒物链接，134，193n17
toxic waste. See hazardous waste; pollution
有毒废物。见危险废物；污染

Turing machine, 63
图灵机，63

2007–8 financial crash, 50, 68, 194n29
2007-8 年金融风暴，50，68，194n29
users, 10, 62, 70, 78, 109, 165n47; using up, 74, 78–79, 96–98, 165n47
用户, 10, 62, 70, 78, 109, 165n47; 使用, 74, 78- 79, 96- 98, 165n47
value, 2, 16–17, 47–51, 56–59, 65–69, 89–91, 95–96, 133–36, 174n6, 179n70, 185n70, 195n44
价值，2，16- 17，47- 51，56- 59，65- 69，89- 91，95- 96，133- 36，174n6，179n70，185n70，195n44

Variable Media Network, 191n80
可变媒体网络，191n80
virtuality, vi, 4, 54, 57, 61, 68, 69, 86, 175n20
虚拟性, vi, 4, 54, 57, 61, 68, 69, 86, 175n20
waste, 2–4, 14, 16–17, 28–32, 47, 49, 51, 61, 67, 68–70, 77, 79, 82, 89, 96, 107, 119, 124–25, 129, 132, 138, 143, 147–50, 155, 183–84n47, 192n3, 194n28, 196n7, 197n13
废物，2- 4，14，16- 17，28- 32，47，49，51，61，67，68- 70，77，79，82，89，96，107，119，124- 25，129，132，138，143，147- 50，155，183- 84n47，192n3，194n28，196n7，197n13
waste export, 15, 69–70, 78, 91–94, 129, 134–36, 139, 151, 154, 180n86, 184n54
废物出口，15，69- 70，78，91- 94，129，134- 36，139，151，154，180n86，184n54

Watkins, Evan, 115
埃文-沃特金斯 115

Weaver, Warren, 171n42
韦弗，沃伦，171n42

Web 2.0, 114, 152
Web 2.0，114，152

WEEE, 160n8, 184n52, 198n22
WEEE, 160n8, 184n52, 198n22

Wham-O, 190n62
Wham-O, 190n62

Wiener, Norbert, 170n36
Wiener, Norbert, 170n36

Willis, Anne-Marie, 180n84
威利斯、安妮-玛丽、180n84

Wired, 59
有线》，59

WISC, 101–2, 104–5
WISC, 101- 2, 104- 5

World Resources Institute, 79, 180n85, 181n6
世界资源研究所，79，180n85，181n6

Yahoo!, 39
雅虎，39

Zaloom, Caitlin, 57
Zaloom, Caitlin, 57 岁

Zehle, Soenke, 154, 199–200n36
Zehle, Soenke, 154, 199- 200n36

Zero Dollar Laptop, 154
零美元笔记本电脑，154
zero waste, 149–50
零废弃物，149- 50

Zielinksi, Siegfried, 9–10
齐林克西、齐格弗里德、9-10

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